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Advocate Sanjay Hegde lashes out at West Bengal govt for ‘detect, delete and deport’ policy: Read how illegal immigrants are not just unwelcome guests but a real threat to the country

Aditi
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Advocate Sanjay Hegde lashes out at West Bengal govt for ‘detect, delete and deport’ policy: Read how illegal immigrants are not just unwelcome guests but a real threat to the country

Recently, the newly elected BJP government in West Bengal intensified action against illegal immigrants in the state, directing the state authorities to ‘detect, delete and deport’ those residing in the state illegally. For decades, West Bengal has been reeling under the effects of rising population, crumbling law and order and a rapidly changing demography. The stiff stance of the state government against illegal immigrants has irked the usual suspects, the champions of selective human rights, whose idea of human rights never aligns with national interests.

Senior Advocate Sanjay Hegde recently wrote an article published in the Deccan Herald, lashing out at the West Bengal government for deporting illegal immigrants residing in the state. The article is nothing but a sophisticated rant against the Indian government’s hardened stance against illegal immigrants. The article contains every element of a catchy piece, from sob stories and emotional appeals to legal jargon, except reasonableness and common sense.

An emotional appeal to cover a legal wrong

In the article, Hedge picks out an example of an Indian family allegedly deported to Bangladesh by the Indian authorities on suspicion of being illegal Bangladeshi immigrants. To suggest that the Indian authorities displayed insensitivity in deporting immigrant families who entered and have been living in the country illegally, Hegde carefully picks out this story where the woman, as claimed by him, was pregnant. He writes how, when he approached the Supreme Court, challenging the action of the Indian authorities, the court allowed the pregnant woman to be brought back to India on humanitarian grounds.

The court’s decision to allow relief to an illegal immigrant on humanitarian grounds does not render the action of the authorities invalid. Just because the Supreme Court displayed empathy and sensitivity and permitted a pregnant illegal immigrant to stay in the country while clearly stating that the case should not be used as a precedent, does not strike at the core of the policy for the deportation of illegal immigrants. Courts often grant relief when procedural safeguards were not followed in a particular case. That does not establish that every person removed in the operation was an Indian citizen or that every action taken by authorities was unlawful.

The courts in India have time and again reiterated that illegal immigrants have no right to stay in India, noting that it causes a grave threat to the internal and external security of the country. Many of the illegal immigrants living in India have been found involved in serious criminal activities such as robberies, drug smuggling, and human trafficking. India, being a sovereign country, has every right to decide who enters its borders, who stays, and who should be deported in accordance with the law of the land. While Hegde tries to argue against the policy of deportation of illegal immigrants by highlighting legalities, he misses the broader logic underlying the policy, which is that no illegal immigrant can claim a right to remain on Indian territory.

Besides, it is a basic principle of law that ‘He who comes into equity must come with clean hands’. The legal principle implies that one cannot be allowed to benefit from one’s own wrong. The principle prevents people from exploiting the law to benefit from their wrongdoings or to achieve illegal ends. The illegal immigrants who manage to enter the borders of India by whatever means cannot later claim a right to continue to reside in the country just because they had lived in the country illegally for decades, or because their children were born here. Illegal presence on Indian territory cannot be a ground to claim citizenship or the right to stay in the country.

Burden on the country’s already strained resources

Hegde criticised West Bengal CM Suvendu Adhikari’s decision that women who were removed from the state’s electoral roll will not receive benefits under the Annapurna Yojana unless their appeals are under consideration by, or have been accepted by, the appellate tribunals. The rationale behind the CM’s decision was that the benefits under the scheme should not go to any non-citizen.

It should not be forgotten that illegal immigrants consume the country’s resources in a parasitic manner without making any contribution. They put a burden on the limited resources of the country, which has a sizable population to feed and maintain. It is not far-fetched to state that the resources do not reach the people they are meant for because they get exhausted by a large number of undeserving infiltrators. Their presence on the Indian territory is a continuing injustice to the people of the country, who toil to make the country what it is and do not infiltrate into other, more prosperous countries to feed on their resources.

The West Bengal government has made an exception for women who have appealed against their removal from the electoral rolls. If such women can prove their identities, they will be included within the ambit of the scheme. The caution taken by the state government is not uncalled for. Many reports have revealed how thousands of illegal immigrants have forged Indian identity cards with the help of local politicians and have even cast votes in local elections. In such a scenario, government scrutiny is warranted to make sure that the country’s resources are not squandered on illegal immigrants.

Procedures are important and necessary

Hegde rightly points out that removal from the electoral roll does not mean stripping of citizenship. He also laments how people have to go through lengthy procedures to get their names included in the electoral rolls or to get any other identity documents made. As far as Hedge’s lament regarding complex procedures is concerned, it cannot be stressed enough how procedures are important and necessary in a country with such a vast population.

The government cannot just assume that everyone residing in the Indian territory is an Indian citizen. No infiltrator or illegal immigrant living in the country would admit their real identity. There is no other practical way but to put the onus on the citizens of the country to produce evidence of their citizenship whenever they are asked to. This is not some arbitrary government diktat but has legal and statutory backing. Statutes like the Foreigners Act, 1946, the Citizenship Act, 1955 and the Indian Passport Act, 1920 lay down the framework for ascertaining the identities of citizens and non-citizens.

Procedures are not something unique to India; every sovereign country with a functioning democracy has a system in place to ensure people’s identities and regulate the movement of people across its borders. One cannot expect the government to verify the identities of people or conduct a background check every time they want to avail themselves of a facility. That’s where identity cards come in. Citizens go through procedures, get their identity cards made and show them whenever they are asked to so that they don’t have to keep proving their identities again and again. It can’t get simpler than that.

Procedures do not exist without a reason; they serve a purpose. There is a procedure to get a ration card, a birth certificate, a voter ID card, a passport and so on, because for a system to run efficiently, honesty or goodness cannot be assumed on people’s part. They can be complex and tiring, but they are a necessary evil.

A generous neighbour is not a permanent refuge

Be it Bangladeshis or Rohingyas or any other people from our neighbourhood, India cannot be used as a convenient backup for people who failed to make their countries worth living in. The people of India, after enduring decades of colonisation, built not just a functional but thriving democracy with their grit and determination, while most of their neighbours failed to do so. Despite facing hostilities from some neighbouring states, India has always acted like a generous and responsible neighbour and stood by its neighbours through thick and thin. But the country has every right to protect its people and resources from being exploited by non-citizens, and no law can prevent it from doing so.

Anything worth having requires time, effort and vigilance. In a country of billions of people, one cannot expect things to be delivered to oneself without the slightest inconvenience. India is a democracy, and in a democracy, it’s the people who make the system work. It is imperative for any functioning government to keep a watch on the movement of people in and out of the country. Because it is the government that is accountable in case of any mishap. Anything good or valuable needs to be safeguarded with constant vigilance, just like how our security forces safeguard the border without relying on the goodness or honesty of our enemies.

From giving clean chit to Islamists in Delhi riots to guilt-tripping Hindus for Ram Mandir: Meet Hannah Ellis Petersen, The Guardian’s anti-India propagandist spotted at CJP protest

Dibakar Dutta
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From giving clean chit to Islamists in Delhi riots to guilt-tripping Hindus for Ram Mandir: Meet Hannah Ellis Petersen, The Guardian’s anti-India propagandist spotted at CJP protest

On Saturday (6th June), the Cockroach Janta Pary (CJP) held its much-anticipated ‘protest’ at the Jantar Mantar in Delhi. AAP worker turned CJP founder Abhijeet Dipke landed in India from the United States to lead the protests. Several AAP cheerleaders, masquerading as neutral, anti-establishment crusaders, also flocked in large numbers to the protest site in the hopes of getting political mileage. While the congregation of cockroaches was about demanding ‘accountability’ from the government over CBSE and NEET controversy, the politically motivated agenda was crystal clear from the start.

The picture of a woman, however, caught the sight of many protestors. Unlike the brown-skinned protestors, this variant had blonde hair and white skin. Social media user Sameer inquired, “What is a foreigner doing at the protest? Tourist visa doesn’t allow any such activity & @DelhiPolice must immediately take action. Cancel her visa and deport her.”

Soon, the identity of the white woman became evident. She was Hannah Ellis-Petersen, the South Asian correspondent of the British daily, The Guardian.

All you need to know about Hannah Ellis-Petersen

Hannah Ellis-Petersen has a history of downplaying love jihad and falsely associating alleged cases of ‘honour killings’ as consequences of the phenomenon. During the anti-CAA protests in January 2020, she was busy presenting a distorted version of the Citizenship Amendment Act to the readers of The Guardian.

Instead of highlighting how the law seeks to fast-track the citizenship of persecuted religious minorities from Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Pakistan who have been staying illegally in India, the propaganda artist claimed that a women-led protest against the humanitarian law was somehow a counter-narrative of ‘toxic masculinity of Modi’s Hindutva politics.’

Screengrab of the tweets by Hannah Ellis-Petersen

She also attempted to give a clean chit to the Islamists, who ran riots in the National Capital in February 2020, by labelling the anti-Hindu carnage as a ‘clash between Hindus and Muslims.’

Hannah Ellis-Petersen had also lamented how the riots did not affect the US-India ties and instead, the Modi government received praise for upholding religious freedom in the country from the President of the United States.

The ‘journalist’ falsely presented restrictions on the wearing of religious clothing in Karnataka schools as ‘hijab ban’ in South India. She also claimed that the reclamation of disputed structures built on top of Hindu temple was ‘Hindu nationalists rewriting India’s history.’

Screengrab of the tweets by Hannah Ellis-Petersen

Hannah Ellis-Petersen also wrote several provocative pieces for The Guardian where she tried to guilt-trip Hindus for the Ram Janmabhoomi verdict and the Pran Prathistha of the Ram Mandir. She also tried to dilute the significance of the events by referencing the disputed structure that once stood atop the grand Hindu temple.

Moreover, the propaganda artist linked the outbreak of violence in Leicester City of England in 2022 with ‘Hindu nationalism’, despite no evidence for the same.

In reality, the Centre for Democracy, Pluralism and Human Rights (CDPHR) in its fact-finding report pointed out that Islamists weaponised misinformation in Lecister, committed human rights violations against Hindus and attempted ethnic cleansing that resulted in the temporary displacement of Hindu families.

“Institutional Hinduphobia and bias was deduced through the analysis of the reporting of the Leicester unrest by the media houses BBC and the Guardian when compared to the verified police reports, witness accounts and corroborating reports from think tanks,” the report had said.

The propaganda of Hannah Ellis-Petersen is not limited to shaming the Hindu community or downplaying atrocities committed against them by Islamists. She has authored articles, wherein she dehumanised Hindus participating in Kumbh Mela as ‘Covid superspreaders’ despite no evidence to back her claims.

The ‘journalist’ had also given a clean chit to the actual superspreaders of Covid-19 aka the members of the Tablighi Jamaat, who at one time accounted for 30% of all cases of Coronavirus in the country.

Nonetheless, her grim presentation and eventual fearmongering about India’s Covid-19 situation in 2021 drew praise from ‘journalist’ turned ‘document cropper’ N Ram, infamous for peddling disinformation about the Rafael deal.

In March 2024, OpIndia had stonewalled Hannah Ellis-Petersen’s hit-job attempt against Hindu activist Kajal Hindustani. A month later, she co-authored a contentious article (archive) titled ‘Indian government ordered killings in Pakistan, intelligence officials claim.’

At the very onset, it described Pakistani terrorists as ‘individuals’ who were supposedly assassinated by the Indian government. It relied heavily on anonymous sources, particularly from the Pakistani intelligence, to demonise PM Modi as a facilitator of ‘extra-territorial killings.’ In doing so, The Guardian ended up acknowledging him as a defender of India’s security interests from external threats.

Screengrab of the article by The Guardian

Interestingly, Hannah Ellis-Petersen had also turned down the offer of OpIndia’s Editor-in-Chief, Nupur J Sharma, for a livestreamed debate. She was, however, part of a brain-dead documentary, aimed at peddling disinformation about Hindus and India.

PM Modi visits L&T’s Hazira plant: Read why the 700 MW nuclear steam generator is important for Aatmanirbhar Bharat’s energy security

Shriti Sagar
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PM Modi visits L&T’s Hazira plant: Read why the 700 MW nuclear steam generator is important for Aatmanirbhar Bharat’s energy security

On Friday, 5th June, Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Larsen & Toubro’s (L&T) massive manufacturing complex at Hazira in Gujarat, highlighting the growing role of Indian industry in strengthening the country’s defence and strategic manufacturing capabilities. The visit was part of his broader Gujarat tour and marked his first trip to the facility in nearly seven years.

During the visit, the Prime Minister reviewed several indigenous technologies and defence platforms being developed at the Hazira complex. The facility has emerged as one of India’s most important centres for heavy engineering, defence manufacturing and strategic industrial production. Modi spent several hours at the plant and interacted with officials while examining some of the advanced systems being produced there.

PM Modi shares glimpses from Hazira visit

Soon after the visit, the Prime Minister shared photographs and details on X, praising the role played by L&T in advancing India’s self-reliance goals.

“This afternoon, went to the L&T complex at Hazira. Witnessed some of their pioneering innovations across differegunt sectors. The role played by L&T in furthering self-reliance in the defence sector is commendable,” Modi wrote.

Among the photographs shared by the Prime Minister, one image attracted particular attention on social media. It showed him standing beside a giant nuclear steam generator manufactured at the Hazira facility in Gujarat. The photograph sparked widespread discussion because these steam generators are among the most sophisticated pieces of equipment manufactured by Indian industry and are critical for the country’s nuclear energy programme.

What is a 700 MW nuclear steam generator? 

The steam generator seen in one of the photographs shared by the Prime Minister has an important place in India’s nuclear manufacturing journey. L&T had manufactured its first indigenous 700 MW nuclear steam generator at the Hazira facility in 2022.

A nuclear steam generator is essentially a giant heat exchanger used inside nuclear power plants. It plays a critical role in converting the heat produced inside a nuclear reactor into steam, which is then used to generate electricity.

The reactor core produces enormous amounts of heat. That heat is carried by a coolant system to the steam generator. Inside the steam generator, the heat is transferred to water in a separate circuit, converting it into high-pressure steam. This steam then drives large turbines connected to generators that produce electricity.

Without steam generators, the heat generated inside a nuclear reactor cannot be converted efficiently into usable electrical power.

The steam generators being manufactured at Hazira are designed for India’s indigenously developed 700 MW Pressurised Heavy Water Reactors (PHWRs), which form the backbone of the country’s future nuclear expansion plans.

Why is this manufacturing capability important in India?

The ability to manufacture such massive nuclear components inside India is strategically important for several reasons.

  1. It strengthens the government’s vision of Aatmanirbhar Bharat by reducing dependence on foreign suppliers for critical nuclear equipment.
  2. It allows India to accelerate the construction of new nuclear power plants without being constrained by imports or international supply chain disruptions.
  3. Manufacturing these components domestically helps develop advanced engineering expertise and creates thousands of highly skilled jobs.

India has set ambitious goals for expanding its nuclear energy capacity in the coming decades. The government aims to significantly increase nuclear power generation as part of its strategy to meet rising electricity demand while reducing carbon emissions.

The Nuclear Power Corporation of India Limited (NPCIL) is currently building a fleet of indigenously designed 700 MW reactors at multiple locations across the country. Steam generators manufactured by companies such as L&T and BHEL are critical components for these projects.

L&T’s Heavy Engineering division has already dispatched multiple 700 MW steam generators ahead of schedule for NPCIL projects. The company manufactures these components at its advanced facilities in Hazira and Vadodara.

Supporting India’s Nuclear expansion

The steam generator that attracted attention during Modi’s visit is part of a broader effort to support India’s long-term nuclear energy ambitions.

According to NPCIL, the successful manufacturing and dispatch of these components strengthens India’s plan to achieve major growth in nuclear power generation by 2047. Industry experts note that the ability to produce these highly specialised systems domestically places India among a relatively small group of countries with advanced nuclear manufacturing capabilities.

Defence platforms also featured during the visit 

While the steam generator attracted significant attention, it was only one of many strategic technologies reviewed by the Prime Minister.

The Hazira facility is widely known as the largest private-sector manufacturer of tracked armoured vehicles in India. It has played a major role in producing the Indian Army’s K-9 Vajra self-propelled artillery systems.

L&T has already delivered 100 K-9 Vajra artillery guns to the Indian Army. Several of these systems have been deployed in the high-altitude regions of Eastern Ladakh along the Line of Actual Control. The government has also approved the procurement of another 100 units.

The facility also became nationally significant after the rollout of the indigenous Zorawar light tank. Developed in just 19 months, the Zorawar has been specifically designed for high-altitude warfare in the Himalayan region and is currently undergoing trials.

In addition, Hazira is a key centre for L&T’s participation in the Indian Army’s Futuristic Infantry Combat Vehicle (FICV) programme, which aims to replace the ageing BMP-2 fleet.

The Prime Minister’s visit to Hazira highlighted how India’s industrial ecosystem is increasingly supporting both strategic defence requirements and critical energy infrastructure.

From advanced artillery systems and indigenous tanks to sophisticated nuclear steam generators, the facility represents the broader push towards self-reliance in sectors that were once heavily dependent on foreign technology.

Cockroach Janta Party supporters incite violence on social media ahead of protest at Jantar Mantar, pledge to overthrow the government: Here is what OpIndia found

Aditi
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Cockroach Janta Party supporters incite violence on social media ahead of protest at Jantar Mantar, pledge to overthrow the government: Here is what OpIndia found

The controversial Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) is set to protest at the Jantar Mantar in Delhi today (6th June). The CJP founder, Abhijeet Dipke, had urged the party’s supporters to gather in large numbers at the Jantar Mantar to hold a protest against the government.

In a recent press conference, the party’s spokespersons revealed that they deliberately did not seek the permission of the Delhi Police for the protest, as this is the ‘system’ they plan to protest against.

For the past few days, CJP supporters have been trying to create a buzz on social media about the illegal protest. While Dipke, who was associated with the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), and the CJP spokespersons have been claiming that they plan to organise a peaceful protest, the views expressed by the party’s supporters on social media hint at the opposite. The CJP leadership had enough time to take the necessary permission from the Delhi Police to organise the protest. But the fact that they chose to defy the rules meant for upholding law and order exposes the intent of the CJP leaders.

OpIndia came across several comments from CJP supporters on social media, in which they were seen directly and indirectly calling for violence during the protests. Here are some of the comments posted by CJP supporters on social media about the protest:

Calls for bloodshed and violence

In response to a few Reddit posts urging people to join the CJP’s illegal protest, a CJP supporter made a clear call for violence during the protests. “This cursed government will not go down without bloodshed and violence,” the CJP supporter wrote.

Screenshot via Reddit

Another comment from the same Reddit account justified violence during the protests, saying, “People in power are goons and use every available tools, and if these goons are this stupid, then it’s only going to violent movement”.

Screenshot via Reddit

Wishing for a Nepal-like Gen Z protest in India

Another CJP supporter wished for a Nepal-like situation where a recent Gen Z-led violent protest pushed the country into a state of anarchy and overthrew the previous government. “But in Nepal, the youths they have joined the protests without worrying about the police or lathicharge. Even Indian youths should have a stronger belief for the unity,” the CJP supporter wrote, encouraging Indian youngesters to take part in the illegal protest.

Screenshot via Reddit

Nepal is not known for a strong democracy or stable government. Very few of its Prime Ministers have been able to serve their full terms. The country has a history of governments being ousted through revolutions. India, on the other hand, has been a thriving democracy where change in power has always come through elections.

Hoping for “crazy things” to happen during the illegal protests

One of the CJP supporters expressed excitement over the possibility of “crazy things” happening during the protest. “I’m going, and I’ll flood Instagram with stories because crazy things are about to happen for sure,” the CJP supporters wrote. The supporter was sure that something

Screenshot via Reddit

Calling for the overthrow of the Indian judiciary

The intentions of the CJP supporters are limited to overthrowing the democratically elected Indian government, but also the Indian judiciary. “We need to throw out our judiciary too since it’s lost its independence!!” wrote a CJP supporter.

Screenshot via Reddit

Planning for a farmers’ protest-like situation

The CJP supporters want a replication of the months-long farmers’ protests that started in November 2020 and arm-twisted the government into withdrawing the farm laws. A CJP supporter claimed that all the violence and hooliganism that took place during the infamous farmers’ protest was done by elements planted by the central government.

“Not to sound pessimistic but it hundreds gather to protest, they will put few people in the mob to destroy public property and paint the entire protestors as hooligans. Happened with farmers protest and will happen with this as well,” a CJP supporter wrote. The supporter absolved in advance the CJP leaders and supporters for any violence or law and order situation, for which the CJP supporters are only calling, that may arise during the illegal protest.

Screenshot via Reddit

It is clear from the comments of the CJP supporters that the protest is not just a so-called peaceful protest against the government but a vicious plan to create a situation of anarchy in the country through violence. They want to mimic the violent protests in neighbouring Nepal and Bangladesh, which led to the ouster of their respective governments.

The social media campaign and the recent press conference of the CJP spokespersons leave no doubt that they plan to mount the entire protest on the shoulders of the gullible youth of the country. The fact that the CJP leaders did not take permission for organising the protest shows their lack of concern for the law of the country.

It is obvious from the past political associations of the CJP leaders that the protest is not an organic uprising of people unhappy with the current government. Both the protest and the purported public anger are manufactured by people who are not able to replace the current government through a legal and democratic process.

‘BJP swallows its allies’: Old accusation is back after Annamalai’s departure, but It’s the allies who backstabbed BJP first

शिव
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‘BJP swallows its allies’: Old accusation is back after Annamalai’s departure, but It’s the allies who backstabbed BJP first

K. Annamalai, one of the most talked-about faces of the BJP not just in Tamil Nadu but across South India, has left the party. He has announced that he will be launching a new party and will now lead a people’s movement in Tamil Nadu and contest elections. He relaunched his We The Leaders foundation as his new political movement.

After his exit, social media has been buzzing with the claim that the BJP abandons its leaders or allies midway through the journey.

However, we will examine in this article how much truth there is to this. Let’s start with the BJP and Annamalai himself. He could have easily resigned from Tamil Nadu, but that’s not what happened.

The BJP made continuous efforts to keep him in the party. From party president Nitin Nadda to Home Minister Amit Shah, they spoke to him, understood his grievances, and assured him of continued support. But things didn’t work out, and Annamalai had his own reasons too.

It was the BJP that gave Annamalai the opportunity to lead the party in Tamil Nadu and put its full strength behind him. On public platforms, from Prime Minister Narendra Modi to senior BJP leaders, the way they addressed him with such warmth made it clear that they saw him as a future leader. But if this partnership didn’t last long, the BJP alone cannot be held responsible.

The allegation is that the BJP finishes off its allies, gradually weakens them, and eventually takes over their political space. This charge has been repeated so often that many people have almost accepted it as fact. But is the picture really that simple? Did the BJP sideline its allies in every state, or in many cases did it give them leadership, respect, and space even when it held the upper hand politically?

If we understand Indian politics not just through accusations but through examples and the sequence of events, another side becomes clear: a major foundation of the BJP’s coalition politics has been the strategy of taking allies along. This strategy hasn’t always succeeded. There have been differences and broken relationships, but calling it the BJP’s inherent nature to destroy allies looks like an incomplete argument in the face of facts.

Let’s look at Bihar first. The relationship between Nitish Kumar’s JD(U) and the BJP is a long-standing one. Nitish has been the Chief Minister of the state alongside the BJP for a long time. In the 2020 Assembly elections, the BJP won 74 seats while the JD(U) was reduced to 43. The BJP had clearly become the bigger party. Normal political arithmetic would suggest the Chief Minister should have been from the BJP, but that didn’t happen.

Nitish Kumar remained Chief Minister. Despite its strong mandate, the BJP prioritised coalition dharma and kept the ally’s leader in the top post. This was no small political event. Power in Indian politics often runs on numbers, but here the BJP put the coalition above numbers.

Later, in 2022, the JD(U) itself left the NDA and joined the Mahagathbandhan, meaning the initiative to break the relationship did not come from the BJP. Now both parties are together again, and the JD(U)’s political space remains just as strong.

Bihar is not limited to just the JD(U). The BJP has consistently given political space to Jitan Ram Manjhi’s Hindustani Awam Morcha (HAM). Mukesh Sahni’s VIP party was also accommodated in the alliance, and Chirag Paswan’s LJP (Ram Vilas) has remained in the NDA with continued political relevance.

These were parties with limited seats of their own, yet the BJP gave them political relevance. If the goal was only to finish off allies, why would the BJP accept the compulsion of sharing seats and its vote bank with smaller parties?

Maharashtra’s example is equally interesting. The relationship between the BJP and Shiv Sena was not a 5-10 year one but lasted nearly three decades. From the late 1980s, both parties came together and formed an ideological partnership in Maharashtra’s politics.

In the 2019 Assembly elections, they contested together and secured a majority. The BJP won 105 seats and the Shiv Sena 56. But during government formation, there was a dispute over the Chief Minister’s post, and Uddhav Thackeray decided to form the government with Congress and NCP. Here too, the initiative to break the alliance did not come from the BJP.

Yes, later there was a split in Shiv Sena, and the Eknath Shinde faction joined the BJP. Critics may call this the BJP’s strategy, but an equally big fact is that the BJP could have kept the Chief Minister’s post for itself if it wanted, yet it made Shinde the Chief Minister. Even as the biggest force in Maharashtra, putting forward an ally’s face was part of the BJP’s coalition style.

In Punjab, the Shiromani Akali Dal was the BJP’s oldest ally. Their relationship lasted more than two decades. Differences grew over the farm laws, and in 2020 the Akali Dal decided to leave the NDA. It is another matter that the pressure of the farmers’ movement and Punjab politics forced the Akali Dal to take this decision, but the fact is that the announcement to exit the alliance came from the Akali Dal’s side. The BJP did not push out its oldest ally; the ally itself chose a different path.

In Uttar Pradesh, the BJP’s politics also shows a model of keeping allies together. Whether it is Anupriya Patel of Apna Dal (S) or Sanjay Nishad of the Nishad Party, the BJP has not treated these parties merely as election-time necessities.

They were given representation in the ministry, a share in seats, and space in social equations. The BJP has always understood that politics in a huge state like Uttar Pradesh cannot be fought alone; expanding the social base is only possible with allies.

In the Northeast, the BJP’s coalition policy is perhaps most clearly visible. In Nagaland, the BJP contested with the Nationalist Democratic Progressive Party (NDPP) and accepted regional leadership. In Assam, the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) was kept along.

In Meghalaya and Manipur too, a model of shared power with regional parties was adopted. The BJP could have played ‘big brother’ politics based on its national strength, but in the Northeast it chose the path of coordination with local leadership and regional aspirations. This is why the NDA expanded fastest in the Northeast.

Andhra Pradesh is a new example. After 2024, when Chandrababu Naidu’s TDP emerged as an important ally for the NDA, the BJP not only gave them importance but also tried to keep the alliance stable. At the national level, the BJP publicly acknowledged the importance of allies in the majority equation. This is the same politics that signals ‘take everyone along’ instead of ‘go it alone’.

Interestingly, the people who level the most accusations against the BJP are the ones who forget Congress’s coalition politics. History is full of such examples. Recently, in Tamil Nadu too, something similar was seen. Congress had been with the DMK for years, but as soon as the political equations changed, distances grew. Congress stabbed the DMK in the back and joined hands with Vijay’s TVK.

It is also true that coalition politics is not always an equal relationship. The bigger party is naturally more influential. The BJP is no exception. Many allies have become weaker, and the mass base of some parties has been affected by the BJP’s expansion. But the question is whether this was the BJP’s ‘conspiracy’ or the natural outcome of Indian politics.

What is clear is that the BJP has, on many occasions, even when in a position of political advantage, given leadership to allies, stepped aside from the Chief Minister’s post, shared seats, and given space to smaller parties in national politics. Examples like Nitish Kumar in Bihar, Shinde in Maharashtra, Apna Dal and Nishad Party in Uttar Pradesh, and many others do not seem like mere coincidences.

Therefore, when it is said that the BJP ‘swallows’ its allies, one should also ask: if that were the case, why do so many regional parties keep returning to it again and again?

Note: This is an English translation of the original Hindi article published on OpIndia Hindi

As Congress and AAP fight to take credit for developing the ‘education sector’ of Punjab, read how Arvind Kejriwal was accused of passing Sheila Dixit’s work in Delhi as his own

Dhruv Mishra
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As Congress and AAP fight to take credit for developing the ‘education sector’ of Punjab, read how Arvind Kejriwal was accused of passing Sheila Dixit’s work in Delhi as his own

For a few days, social media has been filled with the news of how Punjab achieved the number 1 position in the education sector. But this recent achievement of securing the top position in school education has triggered a political debate over who deserves credit for the success. The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) government has presented the ranking as evidence of its education reforms, with Arvind Kejriwal stating that Punjab rose from 27th place to the top position under the Bhagwant Mann government. However, former Punjab education minister and Congress MLA Pargat Singh has disputed this claim. He argues that Punjab’s improvement had already begun under the previous Congress government and was visible in major education surveys conducted before AAP came to power in 2022. The disagreement reminds me of the old debate that emerged in Delhi years ago, when Congress leaders accused AAP of taking credit for improvements in education that they said were built on reforms and infrastructure created during Sheila Dikshit’s tenure. The Punjab controversy has once again raised the question of who should get credit for long-term educational progress.

 What is AAP claiming?

The controversy started after the Punjab government highlighted its performance in the latest ranking and claimed that the state had emerged as the top performer in school education. Arvind Kejriwal and Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann, with other AAP leaders, credited this achievement to reforms introduced after the party came to power in 2022.

The government pointed to initiatives such as Schools of Eminence, teacher training programmes in countries like Finland and Singapore, teacher and staff recruitment, expansion of smart classrooms, and improvements in school infrastructure. According to AAP, these measures have helped transform Punjab’s government schools and contributed to the state’s rise in education rankings.

Kejriwal also highlighted that Punjab was ranked near the bottom in previous years and has now reached the top, presenting this as evidence of the success of the AAP government’s education model.

Reality Check: Did Punjab’s Rise Begin Before AAP Came To Power?

While AAP has claimed credit for Punjab’s rise in the education sector, the timeline suggests the state’s improvement may have begun before the party came to power in 2022. The AAP government was sworn in in March 2022. But some key surveys or studies have cited the data prior to 2022. It raises the question: Does the AAP government deserve the actual credit, or are they riding on someone else’s work? 

For example, the National Achievement Survey (NAS) 2021, which measures students’ learning levels nationwide, was conducted several months before the AAP formed the government. Punjab did well in the survey, ranking among the better-performing states. Similarly, Congress leaders have cited earlier Performance Grading Index (PGI) reports to claim that the progress in education in the state was already evident before the change of government.

This does not necessarily mean that the current government played no role. Since coming to power, AAP has launched its own initiatives, including Schools of Eminence, teacher training programmes, recruitment drives and infrastructure upgrades. However, education reforms generally take years to produce measurable results, making it difficult to attribute long-term improvements to a single government alone.

Therefore, the timeline suggests that Punjab’s educational rise was already underway before AAP assumed office, even as the current government has continued to introduce its own reforms.

Another important point that is often missed in the political debate is that Punjab has not been declared India’s overall No. 1 state in education. The ranking quoted by the AAP government concerns school education indicators and learning outcomes. It does not measure the entire education sector, which would include higher education, universities, research output, faculty quality, employability and other parameters. So, Punjab may have done well in school education rankings, but to claim that it is India’s No. 1 state in education is entirely wrong. Advertising these claims will spread misinformation, but the reality cannot be hidden for long.

The Delhi Parallel: A Similar Debate Over Educational Credit

Taking credit is the old disease from which AAP has been suffering for a long time.  So, the debate unfolding in Punjab is not entirely new.  A similar argument was made in Delhi after the AAP government began promoting its education model as one of its biggest achievements. Delhi was governed for 15 years by former Chief Minister Sheila Dikshit, before the AAP came to power. During her tenure, the government invested heavily in school infrastructure, built new classrooms, expanded school facilities and increased spending on education. After coming to power, AAP introduced several new initiatives, including teacher training programmes, curriculum reforms and large-scale school modernisation projects.

However, Congress leaders often argued that AAP was taking credit for improvements that were built on foundations laid during the Sheila Dikshit era. According to them, many of the gains showcased by AAP were made possible by investments and reforms undertaken by the previous government.

AAP rejected this criticism, maintaining that it had transformed the education system through its own policies and reforms. The disagreement eventually became a larger political debate over whether educational success should be credited to the government that started the reforms or the one that expanded and publicised them.

Now, with Congress making similar allegations in Punjab, the debate over who deserves credit for long-term educational progress has resurfaced.

Conclusion

Punjab’s recent education ranking has undoubtedly strengthened the AAP government’s claim that its reforms are delivering results. However, the political dispute surrounding the achievement highlights a larger question: who deserves credit for improvements that take years to materialise?

The available timeline suggests that Punjab’s educational progress did not begin overnight after the AAP government took office in 2022. Data from surveys and assessments conducted before the change in government indicate that the state was already showing signs of improvement. At the same time, the current government has introduced several initiatives of its own to further strengthen the education system.

The controversy also mirrors an earlier debate in Delhi, where Congress leaders accused AAP of claiming credit for gains built on foundations laid during the Sheila Dikshit era. Whether one agrees with that comparison or not, both cases underscore that educational reforms are usually the result of efforts spanning multiple governments.

It is also important to note that Punjab’s latest performance pertains primarily to school education indicators and learning outcomes. Therefore, it is wrong to claim that Punjab is now India’s No. 1 state in the entire education sector. Such a claim would require comparisons across higher education institutions, universities, research output, employability, and other educational parameters

 

As Bloomberg retracts its report claiming RBI sold gold worth $12 billion, read how its economist used different pricing data to arrive at the wrong conclusion

Dhruv Mishra
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As Bloomberg retracts its report claiming RBI sold gold worth $12 billion, read how its economist used different pricing data to arrive at the wrong conclusion

On 2nd June, the American News agency Bloomberg claimed that the Reserve Bank of India may have sold nearly $12 billion worth of its gold reserves in the two weeks leading up to 22 May. It was quite a shocking claim. How big a claim it is can be seen in the other condition: in 1991, it was the last time India pledged about 67 tonnes of gold to raise emergency funds and avoid a sovereign default. The Bloomberg report claimed that the central bank of India appeared to be reducing its gold holdings while simultaneously increasing its foreign-currency assets, possibly to shield India’s foreign exchange reserves from the fallout of rising geopolitical tensions in West Asia.

Given these claims, it was clear that opposition parties and left-wing influencers would respond, even seeking scrutiny. It was presented as an emergency and a time of high economic uncertainty. The conflict involving Iran had pushed crude oil prices higher, the rupee had come under pressure, and concerns about capital outflows from emerging markets were growing. Against such a backdrop, a report suggesting that India’s central bank had drawn on its gold reserves to support the economy appeared plausible to many observers. The story was soon amplified by sections of the Indian media and widely circulated on social media, where it was presented as evidence that the RBI had taken an extraordinary step to manage stress in the country. However, within a day, the RBI and the Press Information Bureau both rejected the claim.

The central bank stated that its physical gold stock remained unchanged at 880.52 metric tonnes and described reports of any gold sale as incorrect. Bloomberg later retracted its original story, admitting that the analysis had relied on an erroneous valuation methodology. Let’s examine the claims that Bloomberg made and why they have to retract the story.

Why the Claim Mattered

 At first glance, a report on the RBI’s gold reserves may seem like a technical issue that concerns only the country’s economists, but the reality is far deeper. In reality, the claims were significant because gold plays an important role in India’s financial security. Gold is the key component of India’s foreign exchange reserves, alongside assets such as foreign currencies and government securities. These reserves act as a financial shield for India during economic uncertainty, helping it withstand external shocks and stabilise.

As of April 2026, the RBI held 880.52 metric tonnes of gold, making India one of the world’s largest official gold holders. Because of this, any suggestion that the central bank has reduced its gold holdings is bound to attract attention. The timing of the Bloomberg report also contributed to its impact. The claim surfaced amid rising geopolitical tensions in West Asia, concerns over higher oil prices, and fears of volatility in global financial markets. The report was quickly picked up by leftist media outlets and circulated widely on social media. For many readers, the story portrays India as having sufficient economic pressure to require extraordinary measures from its central bank.

However, as later developments would show, the controversy was not really about whether India had sold gold. It was about whether a change in the value of the gold reserves had been mistaken for a change in the quantity of gold held by the RBI.

Gold Quantity and Gold Value Are Not the Same Thing

Before analysing the report, we need to understand some basic concepts overlooked by many reports. A central bank’s gold holdings and the value of those holdings are not the same thing. Gold holdings refer to the physical amount of gold held by a country’s central bank. Gold reserve value refers to what that gold is worth at current market prices. Basically, the gold holdings can remain the same until we buy or sell the gold, but the gold reserve value changes with the current market prices. The relationship is simple: Gold Reserve Value = Quantity of Gold × Market Price.

Let’s take the example: suppose a central bank owns 100 tonnes of gold. If gold is priced at $100 million per tonne, the reserve is worth $10 billion. If the price falls to $90 million per tonne, the reserve is worth $9 billion. The value has fallen by $1 billion. But the central bank still owns the same 100 tonnes of gold. Nothing has been sold. This difference is crucial as a decline in the reported value of gold reserves does not automatically mean that the quantity of gold held by the central bank has fallen. The change could simply be due to a different gold price being used for valuation.

How Central Banks Value Their Gold Reserves

To examine where the controversy began, it is necessary to understand how central banks value their gold reserves. Gold held by a central bank is not valued using local jewellery rates or retail market prices. Instead, central banks typically rely on internationally recognised benchmarks that provide a uniform, transparent way to assess the value of their gold holdings.

One of the most important benchmarks of the gold market is the price published by the London Bullion Market Association, the leading authority on precious metals, which is widely used by central banks, financial institutions, traders, and governments around the world.

The RBI also follows a prescribed methodology for valuing its gold reserves. According to its reporting practices, the value of gold holdings is linked to internationally recognised benchmark prices rather than day-to-day fluctuations in local gold markets. This ensures consistency in the reporting of India’s foreign exchange reserves. As a result, the value of the RBI’s gold reserves can change even when the amount of gold held remains exactly the same. This is why fluctuations in the reported value of gold reserves are perfectly normal and occur regularly. Such changes often reflect movements in gold prices rather than any decision by the central bank to buy or sell gold.

Understanding this valuation methodology is important because the controversy surrounding Bloomberg’s report ultimately stemmed from the benchmark used to calculate the value of the RBI’s gold reserves. As Bloomberg itself later acknowledged, a different pricing method produced a different conclusion about India’s gold holdings.

Where the Bloomberg analysis went wrong

Having understood how gold reserves are normally valued, it becomes easier to see where Bloomberg Economics ran into trouble.

On June 2, 2026, Bloomberg Economics published an analysis by economist Abhishek Gupta suggesting that the Reserve Bank of India may have sold nearly $12 billion worth of gold reserves in the weeks leading up to May 22. The report was based on a comparison between the reported value of the RBI’s gold reserves and the value Bloomberg’s analysts expected. But when the RBI fact-checked the report. Bloomberg acknowledged that the analysis used the wrong benchmark to value the gold holdings.

The original analysis was published on Bloomberg Economics, a research platform available exclusively to subscribers of Bloomberg Professional Service on the Bloomberg Terminal. It was a Terminal note that appeared on the Terminal screens and was not a publicly available web article. Bloomberg News had published a short excerpt of the report.

In his analysis, Gupta had examined weekly or periodic movements in India’s foreign exchange reserves breakdown, specifically the reported value of gold holdings vs. foreign currency assets. He noted an apparent decline in the rupee/dollar value of RBI’s gold reserves over the two weeks ending May 22, 2026, estimated at around $12 billion, even as foreign currency assets rose by about $7.5 billion.

The economist noted that the recent hike in gold import duties should have boosted the valuation of RBI’s bullion holdings, and broader gold price trends and other factors were also expected to support higher valuations. Therefore, he concluded that the drop in gold’s reported value, coupled with the rise in FX assets, suggested active sales of physical gold to reallocate into more liquid foreign currency reserves amid pressures like capital outflows, rupee weakness, oil prices, and Middle East tensions.⁠

Notably, Bloomberg had added that this was an interpretation of RBI’s publicly available data. However, Gupta made a major mistake in crunching the numbers, and arrived at the wrong conclusion.

According to the retraction posted by Bloomberg News, the Bloomberg Economics report used the same-day domestic gold price while calculating the value of the gold reserves of RBI. However, the RBI uses a completely different methodology. RBI relies on the previous day’s gold price published by the London Bullion Market Association (LBMA), the internally recognised benchmark for bullion valuation. This difference may appear technical, but it had a significant impact on the final conclusion.

More importantly, RBI values its official gold reserves using approximately 90% of the previous day’s LBMA gold price in USD per ounce, converted to INR using the relevant exchange rate.

Because the analysis used a different gold price from the one in the RBI’s reporting methodology, it produced a lower valuation of the reserves. Bloomberg Economics interpreted this gap as evidence that the RBI had reduced its gold holdings. However, once the calculation was repeated using the correct LBMA benchmark, the apparent decline disappeared.

In its retraction, Bloomberg stated that using the previous day’s LBMA price showed that India’s gold holdings had remained unchanged during May. In other words, what appeared to be a reduction in reserves was not the result of gold being sold, but the result of using a different valuation method.

The error was therefore not about the quantity of gold held by the RBI. It was about the price used to calculate the value of that gold. Once the correct benchmark was applied, the report’s central conclusion no longer held.

What the RBI Data Actually Showed

While Bloomberg Economics’ analysis suggested that the RBI may have reduced its gold holdings, the central bank’s own data told a very different story. After the report was published, the Reserve Bank of India clarified that its physical gold stock had remained unchanged. Referring to figures published in its Monthly Bulletin, the RBI stated that it continued to hold 880.52 metric tonnes of gold, the same quantity reported earlier.

The clarification was important because it addressed the central claim underlying the Bloomberg analysis. If the quantity of gold held by the RBI had not changed, then there was no evidence that the central bank had sold any portion of its reserves. The Press Information Bureau (PIB), the government’s fact-check arm, also rejected reports claiming that the RBI had sold gold reserves.

The RBI’s published data, as reported by PIB, stated that the central bank’s gold holdings remained unchanged and that reports suggesting otherwise were based on an incorrect interpretation of reserve figures. The RBI’s Monthly Bulletin further supports this position. While the value of gold reserves can fluctuate due to changes in international gold prices and exchange rates, the quantity of gold held by the central bank is reported separately.

The bulletin showed no reduction in the RBI’s physical gold stock during the period in question. This distinction is crucial. The controversy was driven by an apparent change in the value of the gold reserves, not by any documented change in the amount of gold held by the RBI. Once the official data was examined, the claim that India had sold a portion of its gold reserves found no support in the central bank’s published figures. In other words, the RBI’s records showed that the gold was still there. What had changed was the valuation, not the quantity.

The Retraction That Changed Everything

As criticism of the report increased and the RBI publicly denied selling any gold, Bloomberg eventually withdrew its original analysis. In its retraction, Bloomberg News stated that the report had been based on an incorrect analysis by Bloomberg Economics. It is believed that the original by Bloomberg Economics report is also being retracted, however it could not confirmed as it is not available to non-subscribers.

According to the correction, the analysts had erroneously used the same-day domestic gold price to value the RBI’s gold reserves. When the calculation was redone using the previous day’s London Bullion Market Association (LBMA) price – the benchmark used in the RBI’s methodology the conclusion changed completely. Bloomberg statement in its correction that “Using the previous day’s London Bullion Market Association price shows that gold holdings were unchanged in May,”

This point is crucial. The retraction did not simply revise a number or make a minor adjustment to the analysis. It overturned the story’s central conclusion. A report that initially suggested the RBI had sold nearly $12 billion worth of gold ended with Bloomberg acknowledging that India’s gold holdings had remained unchanged.  Therefore, it was not about an undisclosed gold sale. It was about a calculation that led to a conclusion that the underlying data did not support.

Why the Episode Matters

The Bloomberg episode shows the importance of methodology when interpreting financial data. Central bank reserve accounting follows established practices, and even small changes in valuation methods can produce very different results.

What makes this case notable is that the error did not merely affect the size of the estimate; it changed the direction of the conclusion itself. An apparent decline in gold reserves disappeared once the correct benchmark was applied.

The incident also demonstrates how quickly a narrative can spread once it is published by a globally influential financial outlet. The original claim was widely reported and discussed, while the subsequent correction received far less attention. By the time the retraction appeared, the story had already shaped public discussion around India’s reserve management.

More broadly, the episode serves as a reminder that changes in the reported value of reserves do not necessarily indicate changes in the underlying assets. Understanding the methodology behind the numbers is often as important as the numbers themselves.

The real lesson from the controversy is not about India’s gold reserves. It is about how a valuation assumption, once treated as fact, briefly created a narrative that the underlying data did not support.

The opportunism of Tollywood: How actors turned TMC choti-chatas in Bengali film industry abandoned Mamata Banerjee and her nephew after the 2026 election

Rukma Rathore
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The opportunism of Tollywood: How actors turned TMC choti-chatas in Bengali film industry abandoned Mamata Banerjee and her nephew after the 2026 election

All India Trinamool Congress (AITC or TMC) continues to feel the ripples of its humiliating defeat in the recently concluded West Bengal Assembly Election at the hands of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). TMC is on the verge of a split, as 58 out of its 80 MLAs have already backed expelled lawmaker Ritabrata Banerjee as the leader of the opposition. A strong revolt is also brewing against the authority of former Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s nephew and Diamond Harbour Lok Sabha MP Abhishek Banerjee.

Furthermore, the party has been forced to dissolve all its committees, frontal organisations in the state as the problems continue to intensify without any sign of relief. Meanwhile, the party’s once-loyal support group, which stood by its side since the rise to power appears to have deserted it at the most pivotal moment.

The Bengali film industry, referred to as Tollywood, was pampered by the TMC and shared a very close relationship. A generation of these public personalities, such as actors, producers and directors, became leaders, candidates, spokespersons, campaigners and more for the party. They proudly highlighted this bond and were even captured with top leadership, including Mamata Banerjee. However, the tied has dramatically shifted after the electoral loss as those who used to serve as official or unofficial faces of TMC and endorsed it have chosen to jump out of the sinking ship.

Tollywood’s strong affiliation with TMC

TMC and Tollywood existed in a mutually beneficial relationship for more than a decade. The latter did not merely extend indirect or passive support, but many of its key figures, such as Deepak Adhikari alias Dev, Saayoni Ghosh, Sayantika Banerjee, Kanchan Mullick, Soham Chakraborty, June Malia, Aditi Munshi and Raj Chakraborty formally joined hands with the party as its campaigners, candidates and star symbols. They even reached state assembly and parliament through this route.

Their fame has been inextricably linked to Mamata Banerjee’s political efforts. Hence, with the BJP holding power, this ecosystem is evidently unsettled as its political clout has been diminished. On the other hand, artists who refused to conform and preferred to work independently were regularly marginalised. They accused that Tollywood resembled an extension of the state’s political patronage structure rather than a free industry. These concerns were voiced quietly because of the fear of political retaliation from the TMC.

The nexus between Tollywood and TMC was also enthusiastically promoted by media outlets opposed to the BJP. In a 2021 article, The Scroll reported on how Mamata Banerjee distributed election tickets to various members of Tollywood prior to the assembly poll. The article mentioned that Bengali film director Raj Chakraborty and others were in high spirits after her press conference.

“The film personalities were in a celebratory mood. All of them had joined TMC a week ago. All of them appeared in the candidate list,” it read. The association was so profound and enduring that every time she put together a list of candidates, speculation began about which Tollywood celebrity would receive a nomination. At the time, she nominated 6 Tollywood movie and television stars.

“In the past, actors like Moon Moon Sen, Tapas Pal, Satabdi Roy, Sandhya Roy, Dev, Mimi Chakraborty, Nusrat Jahan, Deboshree Roy, Chiranjeet Chakraborty have contested on a TMC ticket. They were either elected to the Parliament or the state assembly,” the piece informed.

Throughout the years, Mamata Banerjee meticulously chose actors and actresses from both the older and younger generations to win crucial constituencies in the Lok Sabha and assembly elections. These ties are further emphasised by the fact that she had to intervene to resolve a deadlock between directors and technicians in relation to the boycott of director Rahool Mukherjee’s shoots in 2024 after a meeting with three prominent Tollywood names: Prosenjit Chatterjee, Dev and Goutam Ghose.

Moreover, the majority of state-sponsored cultural programs were dominated by Bengali cinema and television performers. She invited them to her party meetings and rallies and took advantage of their celebrity status for her political purposes. They also enjoyed the front-row seats on stage at the annual Martyrs’ Day rally arranged by the TMC in Kolkata on 21st July, making it a star-studded occasion.

Mamata Banerjee also used awards as a means to reward those who aligned with her. Her government bestowed the “Mahanayak Samman” and other accolades to Bengali film and television professionals “for outstanding contributions in the world of cinema” since 2012. It was given to Rachana Banerjee, TMC’s Lok Sabha MP from Hooghly and singer Nachiketa Chakraborty in 2024. Interestingly, Mamata Banerjee made an appearance in the popular Bengali TV series “Didi No 1” ahead of last Lok Sabha election hosted by Rachana.

Likewise, Prosenjit Chatterjee was conferred with a special award in recognition of his contributions to the Bengali film industry over the past forty years and similar honours were handed over to actors Rukmini Moitra, Ambarish Bhattacharya, and Subhasis Mukherjee. Every year, rewards were given to people who showed allegiance to the party.

The symbiosis ruptures after TMC’s removal from power

The mutual predation had an expiry date of 4th May as the fissures erupted disclosing the real nature of the relationship. TMC loyalists from Tollywood who not only remained silent but also reveled in the political violence directed at the opposition, particularly the saffron party, suddenly distanced themselves and sought to appear neutral. They adopted a defensive stance, started to play victim and transformed into champions of freedom and impartiality.

On 2nd May 2021, TMC achieved victory in the assembly election and unleashed unprecedented violence against BJP workers, including women, compelling them to abandon their homes and relocate to Assam for the sake of their safety and dignity. However, actors Parambrata Chatterjee and Swastika Mukherjee took pleasure in the bloodshed. Chatterjee remarked, “Let today be designated as world ‘rogorani’ thrashing day,” to which a gleeful Mukherjee replied, “Let it take happen.”

The tweets generated massive criticism, and a First Information Report (FIR) was registered against the two at the Gariahat Police Station in Kolkata, based on a complaint filed by advocate Joydeep Sen after BJP formed the government in the state.

The complaint asserted that the tweet “appears to abate, encourage, incite and instigate large scale violence at such time when violence against BJP workers had already started to circulate. In fact, around an hour after this tweet, one Abhijit Sarkar of Beleghata was brutally murdered by TMC cadres, in which case the culprits have already been sentenced.”

Afterwards, Chatterjee, a loud BJP detractor, argued that he needed to make compromises for his newborn son which drew further condemnation. “There was joy in working in this industry, but over the years, many of us were forced to compromise. I did it as well, keeping the future of my newborn child in mind. No one should have to face this,” he insisted.

However, people outlined that the child was born in January 2025 and the actor-director’s controversial conduct happened well prior to that.

“The industry should be a place where people can work freely without fear or unnecessary restrictions,” Chatterjee commented. “Many people might not have spoken openly earlier, but conversations around these issues are now becoming more public,” he added about the issues inside the industry.

Saayoni Ghosh, the TMC Lok Sabha MP for Jadavpur, accused of posting derogatory anti-Hindu post on social media in 2015 also argued that she was not the one who made it. “It was not done by me, and I have always maintained that. I publicly apologised in 2021. No one should hurt anyone’s religious sentiments. I am myself a Hindu. It is a 2015 post. I was 22 years old then, and Twitter was new for me,” she stated.

“I did not post it, and I did not even create the cartoon. So, if anyone needs to be investigated, it should be the person who made the cartoon. When this issue was brought to my attention in 2021, seven years later, I immediately ensured that the post was removed. I also apologised publicly,” she emphasised.

The post which was uploaded around Maha Shivratri featured cartoon showing a female character placing a condom over a Shivling. Ghosh received extensive condemnation for it, but she offered the bizarre explanation and claimed innocence in the lead-up to the 2021 state assembly election.

Ghosh also gained notoriety for her pandering to the Muslim community before the recent assembly poll when she sang, “Ekbar chede de nouka majhi jabo Medina (Rower, let the boat move. I will go to Medina). Amar hriday majhe Kaaba, nayane Medina (Kaaba is in my heart, Median is in my eyes),” during an event. However, things are rapidly changing following TMC’s ouster from power.

Likewise, others including TMC’s Ghatal Lok Sabha MP Dev used carefully calibrated words after the election result. He welcomed the fresh BJP government while also advocating for artistic freedom and advising against cultural retaliation and “bans,” reflecting a clear survival strategy rather than a political message.

“I would earnestly request the new government to uphold the spirit of unity and artistic freedom by ensuring that the culture of bans and divisions within the Bengali film industry becomes a thing of the past,” he urged.

Actress Nayana Bandyopadhyay is the only TMC person in Tollywood who managed to succeed in the assembly election. Other glam candidates, including Bratya Basu, Raj Chakraborty, Indranil Sen, Soham Chakraborty, Arpita Ghosh, Sayantika Banerjee, Birbaha Hansda, Aditi Munshi, Lovely Maitra and Shrreya Pande failed.

The great churn

Tollywood consistently demonstrated its aversion to the saffron party. A platform called “No Vote to BJP” was launched against the party before the 2021 assembly election. A collection of artists also released a music video as part of the promotion. Notable Tollywood personalities include Parambrata Chatterjee, Anirban Bhattacharya, Anupam Roy and Riddhi Sen were part of the drive.

Chatterjee similarly declared. “The 2026 election is no ordinary election. This is a fight for Bengali self-respect. Every Bengali should be part of this fight.” However, he conveniently revisited his stand following the poll result. He indicated that he would be happy if the government worked to advance the state’s businesses and industries, particularly Tollywood. He hoped that the government could accomplish all of these goals while taking into account disagreements in political ideologies.

This actor has been one of the shrillest voices against the BJP. So much so that he didn’t open his mouth during the post-poll violence of 2021 when BJP workers were being raped and killed. He is now simply trying to curry favour with the new government,” senior lawyer of Calcutta High Court, Joydeep Sen Chattopadhay pointed out in a conversation with ThePrint.

The majority of Bengali movie stars who supported Mamata Banerjee are publicly distancing themselves from her party. Interestingly, Tollywood unions under TMC’s tight control are rapidly disintegrating, creating fresh dynamics in scripting and production and novel scripts with major “Hindu themes” are being fervently explored.

Additionally, Aroop and Swarup Biswas have come under fire over their suffocating grip on the industry and embodying a culture of political involvement, restrictions, and directives. Actor Papia Adhikary defeated former minister and Tollygunje candidate Aroop who, along with his brother Swarup, monopolised Tollywood. Producers were under pressure over hiring, exhibition and release as dissenters ran the possibility of being expelled.

The Federation of Cine Technicians & Workers of Eastern (FCTWEI), led by Swarup, routinely slapped unwritten directives. A set number of employees were expected to be recruited by producers. Prime slots were to be assigned to projects supported by political figures. Actors like Anirban Bhattacharya and directors like Subrata Sen and Indranil Roychowdhury were “banned” after legally challenging the system.

“We fought this regime since 2016, when no one was willing to speak, Eskay Movies did. Shoots were stalled even in London, bans were imposed, and letters to the then chief minister went unanswered. What happened in Tollywood wasn’t union activism. It was a political stranglehold dressed up as worker protection. Tollygunge has voted for change. Now let Tollywood breathe,” conveyed producer Himanshu Dhanuka, reported The Times of India.

“We have to end the tyranny of the Biswas brothers and their yes-men. People were scared to invest in Bengal because of their arm-twisting. BJP’s cultural wing will ensure that Tollywood’s golden age is revived,” director-producer Pijush Saha submitted. Satadeep Saha, a distributor and exhibitor, stated that he received a notice from the government enquiring as to why he was not showing “Korpur,” which starred former TMC minister Bratya Basu and Kunal Ghosh instead of “Dhurandhar: The Revenge.”

In addition to abolishing the ban culture, it is now demanded that Nandan (government-sponsored film and cultural centre) should be reformed and the larger power structure that, according to many, converted Tollywood into a place of fear rather than artistic freedom be dismantled.

Conclusion

The assembly election results have not only revealed the problematic actions of pro-TMC Tollywood figures against those who remained neutral or were not part of their camp but have also highlighted the opportunistic nature of the umbilical cord that bound them to the party. and easily severed by the BJP’s triumph in Bengal. The conditions have evolved bringing about a stark modification in fidelity as TMC and its top brass, including Mamata Banerjee and Abhishek, have been rapidly deserted by the celebrities who were nurtured and coddled by it for years for political objectives.

Accounting fraud, fake revenue and more: Who is Rajesh Mehta and why is his company Rajesh Exports under the scanner of SEBI

Shraddha Pandey
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Accounting fraud, fake revenue and more: Who is Rajesh Mehta and why is his company Rajesh Exports under the scanner of SEBI

On the 3rd of June 2026, market regulator Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI) issued an interim ex parte order prohibiting Bengaluru-based gems and jewellery firm Rajesh Exports Ltd (REL), its promoter-chairman and managing director Rajesh Mehta, from accessing the securities market.

This essentially means that Rajesh Mehta cannot directly or indirectly buy, sell or deal in REL shares, until further orders.

99% of Rajesh Exports Ltd revenues are fictitious: Why SEBI initiated action against the Rajesh Mehta-led gold exporter

The SEBI has accused Rajesh Mehta and the REL of massive revenue misstatement or misrepresentation totalling nearly Rs 15.15 lakh crore between FY 2020-21 and FY 2024-25.

In simple terms, around 99.8% of REL and subsidiary-attributed revenues of the company’s reported revenue during FY 2020-21 and FY 2024-25 were fake.

“From the aforesaid, it is prima facie evident that while REL’s consolidated financial performance is almost entirely (approx.  97%-99%) dependent on its overseas subsidiaries, particularly Valcambi SA, the company has systematically withheld the financial statements of these entities from the public domain. Furthermore, it has failed to provide the necessary underlying data (party-wise details of vendors, customers, etc.) to the Investigating Authority despite repeated summons,” the 109-page SEBI order reads.

According to SEBI, Rajesh Exports Ltd failed to provide financial statements of its subsidiaries or step-down subsidiaries, including REL Singapore for FY 2023-24 to FY 2024-25, Bab AL Rayan Jewellery LLC for FY 2020-21 to FY 2024-25, GGR for calendar years 2024 as well as standalone financial statements 2020 to 2024, Valcambi USA Inc for calendar years 2020 to 2024, standalone financial statements of ACC Energy for FY  2022-23 to  FY 2024-25.

Further, the SEBI order stated that Rajesh Exports Ltd failed to provide the sales register, purchase register, breakup of customer-wise debtors, breakup of vendor-wise creditors, and list of related parties and transactions, all pertaining to REL’s subsidiaries, for the time period under investigation.

“By failing to provide the above information, despite multiple emails and summons, REL obstructed the investigation and impaired SEBI’s ability to verify the authenticity of consolidated financial statements, thereby violating Section 11(2)(ia) and 11C(3) of the SEBI Act, 1992. Further, by failing to upload the audited financial statements of its subsidiaries/ step-down subsidiaries on its website, REL violated Regulation 46(2)(s) of the LODR Regulations and Section 136(1) of the Companies Act, 2013,” SEBI stated.

What the prima facie findings of the SEBI investigation into Rajesh Exports Ltd revealed

The SEBI analysis of the financial records of Rajesh Exports, Valcambi, and other subsidiaries showed that while REL reported revenue in lakhs of crores on a consolidated level, only a small fraction of it was on a standalone basis.

In 2020-2021, while REL’s consolidated revenue was Rs 2,58,306 crore, the standalone revenue was merely Rs 2,060 crore. While both consolidated and standalone revenue grew between 2020-2021 and 2025-26, the disparity in both figures also continued. In FY 2025-26, REL’s consolidated revenue stood at Rs 7,78,716 crore, and its standalone revenue was Rs 9,189 crores.

REL claimed that this huge difference in consolidated and standalone revenue is because most of their revenue is linked to their foreign-based subsidiaries, including Valcambi SA, which is REL’s core operating entity. The data shows that most of the other REL-linked entities, including GGR, are either holding companies with zero business operations or companies yet to commence operations.

Based on the scrutiny of the financial records of the REL and its subsidiaries, SEBI’s prima facie findings indicate that 97%-99% of REL’s consolidated revenues were attributed to overseas subsidiaries and step-down subsidiaries.

REL allegedly failed to furnish verifiable records supporting such revenues despite repeated summons.

Moreover, SEBI states that REL Singapore and other subsidiaries admittedly had little or no substantive operations.

“Valcambi SA, projected as the principal operating entity, disclosed only negligible standalone revenues in its audited financial statements on account of value addition/ processing charges,” SEBI stated.

“The inflated unaudited revenues disclosed by GGR at the consolidated level is not supported either by audited standalone financial statements or by underlying transactional records or the concept of accounting,” it added.

The market regulator stressed that the issue is not only the unavailability of certain information, but mainly that the revenues disclosed by the REL at the consolidated level appear incapable of independent verification despite repeated regulatory requisitions and opportunities granted over an extended period.

“The failure of REL to furnish transaction-level records, customer details, vendor confirmations, invoices, inventory trails, or other primary evidentiary material, coupled with the negligible standalone revenues disclosed by only the overseas operating entity and the absence of demonstrable substantive operations by others, renders the consolidated revenue figures of REL commercially implausible,” the SEBI order stated.

The SEBI investigation revealed that REL has prima facie misrepresented approximately 15,15,385 crores, representing 99.80% of its revenues, which are attributed to subsidiaries during the period FY 2020-21 to FY 2024-25.

“The aforesaid conduct appears to have prima facie enabled REL to portray an inflated and misleading picture of its operational scale, consolidated financial position and financial health before investors and the securities market,” SEBI stated.

Besides revenue inflation, the SEBI investigation also delved into the alleged non-genuine transactions linked to REL. The gold retailer reported sales of Rs 11,487 crore and purchases of Rs 11,488 crore with Affluence Shares and Stocks Pvt Ltd. This company, however, denied having any client relationship with REL and claimed that it dealt with Rajesh Mehta personally.

Allegedly, company funds were routed to Mehta-linked entities and then to his personal accounts. While mirrored in the company books, some funds were used for personal derivative trading without board approval or proper related-party (RPT) disclosures. Some of this money was later returned.

There are many other red flags highlighted in the SEBI order, including a Rs 10,35 crore investment in African gold mining. In this case, there was an apparent lack of proper documentation, valuation reports, and other data pertaining to customer, vendor, and subsidiary financials.

Notably, the investigation into Rajesh Exports was launched in March 2024, after SEBI received a shareholder complaint, which highlighted unusually large trade receivables outstanding for more than two years. Now, SEBI has issued an order barring Rajesh Exports and its managing director, Rajesh Mehta, from accessing the securities market.

While REL denies all the allegations brought against the company, the SEBI action has severely impacted not only Rajesh Exports but also Life Insurance Corporation (LIC). REL’s shares hit the 5% lower circuit on 4th June, trading at around Rs 104. The REL stock has already lost more than 80% in the last three years.

Meanwhile, LIC, which holds 10.8% stakes in REL, worth Rs 334 crore, witnessed its shares dip. As per reports, the broader investor losses since 2023 are around Rs 12,700 crore, impacting 194,000 shareholders.

From having a classic success story to SEBI at his doorstep: Who is Rajesh Mehta?

Born in Bengaluru on 20th June 1964, Rajesh Jaswanth Rai Mehta, is a self-made businessman from a Jain family, originally from Gujarat’s Morbi. Aspiring to become a doctor, Rajesh Mehta attended the National College; however, he did not complete his higher education. Mehta joined his family business and in 1985, he and along with his brother, Prashant Mehta, started a silver trading company from the money borrowed from their other brother, Bipin.

The Mehta brothers bought jewellery in Chennai and sold profitably in Gujarat and South India. Gradually, Rajesh Mehta built a wholesale jewellery business. Mehta popularised ethnic Indian designs across markets and operated Rajesh Art Jewellers for bartering.

In 1989, Rajesh Mehta established Rajesh Exports in a Bengaluru garage with just 10 workers. Reports say that this was India’s first organised gold jewellery manufacturing unit. Rajesh Export’s operations focused mainly on exports to the UAE, UK, Oman, Kuwait, the US, and Europe.

By 1992, Rajesh Exports recorded a turnover of Rs 20 million, which skyrocketed to Rs 1.2 billion by 1998. Rajesh Exports became India’s largest gold jewellery exporter or wholesaler by 1994.

In 1995, Rajesh Exports’ IPO raised Rs 10 crore. The company soon expanded into a full gold value chain, which comprises refining, manufacturing, and retailing. Rajesh Exports operates the Shubh Jewellers retail chain.

According to REL’s website, the firm processes 35% of the gold produced in the world.

Rajesh Exports stunned market experts when it acquired Switzerland-based Valcambi SA in 2015 in an all-cash $400 million transaction. Valcambi was the world’s largest gold refiner at that time. Valcambi, however, faced separate scrutiny post-acquisition allegation linked to alleged processing of ‘dirty gold’ from Dubai. Valcambi was even reported to have quit the Swiss Gold Association amidst the controversy.

Rajesh Exports was once a company ranked in the Fortune 500. It was touted as one of India’s largest listed firms by revenue, although it now turns out that most of the revenue in recent years was allegedly inflated, fake, to be precise.

From Udyog Shree, Jeweller of the Year (Karnataka government), Outstanding Businessman (China), to being enlisted among Forbes’s India’s richest 2017 list, Rajesh Mehta won many awards throughout his career. Rajesh Exports received government schemes and was among the awardees of Rs 18,100 crore PLI scheme for Advanced Chemistry Cell battery storage in 2022.

While Rajesh Exports came under SEBI scanner in 2024, many analysts and investors have been voicing suspicions about the extraordinarily high revenues, cash balances, and subsidiary opacity. Some even compared the story of Rajesh Exports to the Geetanjali Gems collapse, a major jewellery export scam.

‘First they offer namaz in a temple, then claim it was a mosque’: From Bulandshahr to Bhojshala, examining the Islamist pattern of encroaching Hindu sacred sites and the Left’s defence of it

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‘First they offer namaz in a temple, then claim it was a mosque’: From Bulandshahr to Bhojshala, examining the Islamist pattern of encroaching Hindu sacred sites and the Left’s defence of it

In India, the pattern of some elements within the Muslim community offering namaz at Hindu religious, historical, and cultural sites and then gradually seizing possession of those places is a deeply concerning trend. It always begins in a seemingly very ordinary and insignificant way. Sometimes they step into the temple premises to escape a light drizzle, and sometimes under the pretext of resting from fatigue. Once inside, they quietly perform namaz or ibadat there.

As soon as these acts surface on social media or local Hindus raise objections, a particular section of the country, which we call “liberal Hindus”, immediately begins beating its chest. These liberals loudly lament: “If someone offered namaz and prayed to Allah inside the house of God, what’s the big deal? God is one, after all.”

But history and present-day events scream the truth: this is not innocent worship at all, but a meticulously planned chronology. It is precisely the fallacious arguments of these liberal Hindus that give the greatest strength to such extremist thinking. Soon the matter goes far beyond mere namaz. Within a few years, the entire site gets entangled in disputes like the Kans Fort in Malihabad or the Bhojshala in Dhar. In the end, Hindus are forced to fight decades-long legal battles for their own ancient places.

The greatest irony is that throughout this entire process, the very Hindus who speak of their constitutional and religious rights are the ones showered with abuse. The liberal social fabric never questions those who quietly or forcibly occupied the place.

Bulandshahr: Namaz inside Hanuman Temple

To understand the entire controversy, we must first look at the latest incident in Bulandshahr, Uttar Pradesh. Here, an ancient Hanuman temple complex was brazenly turned into a namaz site through conspiracy. On 31 May, during house construction work, the intention of Muslim mason Asar Mohammad and his companions suddenly changed. As soon as the opportunity arose in the afternoon, they entered straight into the Hanuman temple.

They used the excuse of drizzling rain. They staged a drama of helplessness. Taking full advantage of the situation, Asar Mohammad offered namaz inside the sacred temple premises. His companion Nazar Mohammad stood guard as a security shield throughout this audacious act. This was clearly a stab in the back of Hindu religious tolerance and the aggressive beginning of an attempt to capture a centre of faith.

As soon as the video went viral, seeing the seriousness of the situation, the police administration immediately deployed heavy forces on the spot. The police swiftly acted after sensing the conspiracy. An FIR was registered under serious sections against the main extremists Asar Mohammad, Nazar Mohammad, and the house owner Rajkumar who supported them. The main accused, Asar Mohammad, was promptly challaned and sent behind bars.

The suicidal logic of liberal Hindus: The mindset that supplies oxygen to extremism

Whenever incidents like Bulandshahr occur in any corner of the country, the secular and liberal brigade becomes active on social media. Their arguments are so hollow and self-destructive that they directly numb the cultural consciousness of the majority community. Let us understand the main arguments of these liberals.

“God and Allah are no different”: This is the very first and favourite argument of liberal Hindus. They say that a temple is also the house of God, so if someone remembers their Allah with a sincere heart there, the temple does not become impure. They present it as the most beautiful example of “Ganga-Jamuni tehzeeb” (syncretic culture).

“The excuse of lack of space or compulsion”: In the Bulandshahr case too, the same argument was given — it was raining outside, so the Muslim labourers went inside the temple. Liberals emotionally write, “Is it a crime to give a thirsty person water or two yards of space to a person offering namaz?” They completely frame it as a humanitarian issue and divert attention from the real danger.

Labelling opposing Hindus as “extremists”: Any Hindu who opposes such unauthorised namaz and seeks legal recourse is immediately branded by these liberals as “hateful Chintu”, “communal” or “fanatic”. According to them, it is the people protesting who are spoiling the atmosphere of the country, not those who are violating the sanctity of the temple.

It is precisely because of these suicidal and cowardly arguments that the confidence of the occupying forces grows sky-high. They realise that a large section of Hindu society itself will stand up to defend their encroachment.

Our protest is not baseless: Why Hindu society has now become alert and aggressive

The protest by Hindu society is not based on hatred or unfounded fear. Behind it lies hundreds of years of bitter experience and the continuous deceptions surfacing in the present. Hindu society has now clearly understood that every such “innocent beginning” ends in a massive dispute and the eventual loss of their sacred sites.

When the same kind of deception has been repeated throughout history, it is natural for future generations to become vigilant. Hindus have seen how their straightforwardness and generosity have been shamelessly exploited. Today’s Hindu society knows full well that if they remain silent today over namaz being offered inside the Hanuman temple in Bulandshahr, tomorrow the other side will stake a claim on the sanctum sanctorum itself. This fear is not imaginary; behind it stand dozens of living and simmering examples like Malihabad and Dhar.

Malihabad’s Kans Fort dispute: How three years of “ibadat” snatched the rights of the Pasi community

The most accurate example of this entire strategy is in Malihabad, Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh. The historic “Raj Pasi King Kans Ka Kila” (Kans Fort) is located in the Kansmandi area here. This fort is a symbol of the glorious history of the Pasi community and is an extremely sacred centre of faith for them. But what happened here is eye-opening.

About three years ago, a person named Maulana Jameel Ahmed from Bahraich district came here and started living in one part of this historic fort. In the beginning, he very normally sought permission to clean the fort premises. After that, he quietly began offering namaz there. Local Hindus, showing generosity, did not protest at the time. But gradually, Maulana Jameel turned this historic heritage into a complete centre of Muslim activities.

On 28 March 2026, the dispute fully erupted when an organisation called “Lakhan Army” filed a formal complaint at Malihabad police station. The complaint revealed shocking details. Maulana Jameel Ahmed had illegally occupied King Kans’s fort and started running an illegal madrasa named “Sulemania School” there. Around 20 Hindu children from Nabipnah village were being brought to this madrasa. Under the guise of education, they were being brainwashed and a major centre for religious conversion was being developed. Lakhan Army demanded that the police immediately remove this illegal occupation.

After this, the situation worsened further. On 26 May 2026, tension over the so-called disputed structure at the Kansmandi Kala site became so intense that the administration had to deploy heavy police force. The Pasi community had announced a Sundarkand recitation in the Kans Fort premises on the occasion of Bada Mangal. But the administration, citing law and order, did not permit Hindus to recite Sundarkand. The president of the Pasi community was placed under house arrest, and other supporters were not even allowed near the fort.

Even namaz on Bakrid had to be stopped. The police issued notices to 15 senior leaders of the Pasi community and warned of strict action. Now the situation is such that the very Pasi community to whom the fort belonged is being stopped from going there — and all this happened because of a “innocent namaz” that began just three years ago.

Dhar’s Bhojshala dispute: From the invasions of Khilji and Dilawar to today’s legal battle

A similar historic and painful example is the “Bhojshala” in Dhar district, Madhya Pradesh. Bhojshala was originally a grand and sacred temple of Vagdevi (Goddess Saraswati) built by Raja Bhoj in the 11th century, along with a great Sanskrit university. It is a supremely revered and cultural heritage symbol for followers of Sanatan Dharma.

But cruel Muslim invaders like Alauddin Khilji and Dilawar Khan mercilessly trampled this sacred complex. They made every effort to destroy the temple’s grandeur, but they could not completely erase its Sanatan religious marks. Later, the Muslim side staked its claim on the entire premises and began calling it “Kamal Maulana Masjid”.

This dispute has remained an open wound for Hindus even in modern India. On 21 May 2022, the Madhya Pradesh High Court admitted an important petition filed by “Hindu Front for Justice”. This petition challenged the controversial order issued by the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) on 7 April 2003, under which ASI had permitted Muslims to offer namaz inside this ancient temple complex every Friday.

Hindu organisations strongly opposed it and presented solid historical evidence before the court. Hindus demanded that the original idol of Goddess Saraswati be reinstalled in the Bhojshala premises. They also demanded modern videography of the entire complex and radio-carbon dating of the ancient artefacts and idols found there by the central government so that truth could be separated from falsehood. The Madhya Pradesh High Court eventually ruled that Bhojshala is a Vagdevi temple and granted Hindus the right to worship, but only after a long legal battle.

Sitaram Goel’s historic document: Over 1,800 mosques built by destroying temples

The argument that “Muslim rulers or fanatics never occupied temples” is completely false and anti-historical. In 1990, renowned historian Sitaram Goel, along with scholars like Arun Shourie, Harsh Narain, Jay Dubashi and Ram Swarup, published a highly authentic and research-based book titled Hindu Temples: What Happened To Them.

In its two sections, the complete raw account of the historical atrocities committed by Muslim invaders and rulers was laid bare. Sitaram Goel identified more than 1,800 specific sites, mosques, dargahs and disputed structures across the country that were either built by directly demolishing Hindu, Jain and Buddhist temples or constructed using the debris, pillars and artefacts from those destroyed temples.

In the second part of the book, The Islamic Evidence, irrefutable proof is given by citing contemporary Muslim historians and official Mughal-era documents showing how centres of Hindu faith were erased and Islamic victory symbols were erected in their place. The state-wise list provided in this book is enough to awaken today’s Hindus.

The statistics from Sitaram Goel’s book narrate a bitter story from different states of India. First, Uttar Pradesh: there are 299 such places where temples were damaged. The Gyanvapi mosque in Varanasi is a major example, it was built by demolishing the ancient Vishweshwar temple. The Teele Wali Masjid in Lucknow was previously the Lakshman Teela temple. The Jami Masjid in Meerut was built on a Buddhist vihara. The Ram temple dispute in Ayodhya was also part of this.

Major statements have also emerged on these disputes in Uttar Pradesh. On 31 July 2023, Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath clearly stated that calling Gyanvapi a mosque is wrong; a trishul and Hindu religious symbols still exist inside it. The ASI survey also found a Shivling there. On the other hand, on 6 August 2020, just a day after the Ram temple bhoomi pujan, All India Imam Association president Sajid Rashidi gave a controversial statement. He threatened that the temple would be demolished again and a Babri Masjid built in its place, citing the example of Hagia Sophia in Turkey.

Now let’s talk about the states of South and West India. Karnataka has 192 such places. Its ancient Hindu cities of Bidar and Bijapur were completely turned into Muslim capitals. The Sola Khamba Masjid and Jami Masjid there were entirely built from the debris of Hindu temples. Tamil Nadu has 175 such places. The Nathar Shah Vali Dargah in Tiruchirappalli was built by demolishing a Shiva temple. The sacred Shivling of the temple was used as a base for placing lamps in the dargah.

The same happened in Gujarat and Rajasthan. Gujarat has 170 such places. Ancient temples were destroyed to give Ahmedabad a Muslim character. The Jami Masjid of Ahmed Shah is a direct example. Many mosques in Dwarka and Somnath were also built on temple sites. Rajasthan too has 170 such places. Ajmer was destroyed and the “Adhai Din Ka Jhonpra” and the dargah of Moinuddin Chishti were built there in 1199. The Topkhana Masjid in Jalore uses stones and material from the Parshvanath Jain temple.

The situation in Central India and other states is no different. Madhya Pradesh has 151 such places. The Jami Masjid in Bhopal was built on the site of an ancient Sabha Mandap temple. Maharashtra has 143 places. The famous Mena Hajjam ki Mazar in Mumbai was built by demolishing the Mahalaxmi temple. Andhra Pradesh has 142 places. Its Jami Masjid was built by destroying the Venugopalaswami temple. West Bengal has 102 places where Hindu capitals were destroyed and Muslim cities established.

Even in states with smaller numbers, the same method was followed. Bihar has 77 places where Jain and Hindu temples were turned into mazaars. Haryana also has 77. Hisar was built by Firoz Shah Tughlaq using debris from the temples of the ancient Agroha city. Delhi has 72 such places. The Qutub Minar complex and Quwwatul Islam Masjid were built by demolishing 27 grand Hindu and Jain temples. Odisha has 12 and Punjab has 14 such places where mosques were built on temple sites. Assam, Kerala and Lakshadweep have 2 each. Lakshadweep’s situation is that its population is now almost 100% Muslim. Diu and Himachal Pradesh also have one historic example each where material from ancient temples was used to build mosques or gates.

Bharuch’s Jama Masjid dispute: The truth emerging from the pages of history

Sitaram Goel’s same book records the case of the “Jama Masjid” in Bharuch district, Gujarat. On 7 January 2026, this historic Jama Masjid in Bharuch city once again came into controversy. Saints from the “Akhil Bharatiya Sant Samiti” alleged that despite being under the protection of the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI), illegal construction was being carried out rampantly here and the strict rules of the archaeology department were being openly flouted.

The saints staged a major protest outside the masjid along with these serious allegations. The situation became so tense that the police and district administration had to intervene. The administration sought two months’ time, assuring the saints of appropriate action, after which the saints ended their protest.

After this dharna, the relevant portion of historian Sitaram Goel’s book again came into discussion. It clearly states that the construction of Bharuch’s Jama Masjid in 1321 was done by demolishing extremely ancient Hindu and Jain temples located there. The pillars and columns still standing inside the masjid loudly testify to their Jain and Hindu origins.

Was the intention really only praying? The bitter truth of attacks on idols and temples

Those liberal and secular intellectuals who argue that “Muslims’ intention is only ibadat and they respect Hindu places of worship equally”… must answer for the attacks and desecration of idols that have occurred in various parts of the country in recent years.

Attack by Muslim mob on Pirana temple in Ahmedabad (8 May 2024) — A violent Muslim mob suddenly attacked the historic “Prerna Peeth Nishkalanki Temple” in Pirana, Ahmedabad. Vishva Hindu Parishad released a video of the attack. In the video, hundreds of Muslims wearing latticed caps are seen entering the temple premises armed with wooden sticks and iron rods.

The fanatical mob vandalised the site. Then the Muslim side claimed that a dargah existed there earlier, even though a Hindu temple had always stood there. Rumours were also spread that the temple administration had removed some ancient graves. After this, a mob of local Muslims gathered and unleashed violence. In the attack, many sacred idols of Hindu deities installed in the sanctum sanctorum were smashed.

Kicking the Devi idol with feet in Moradabad (23 September 2023) — A hateful incident occurred in Moradabad, Uttar Pradesh. Suresh Kumar, a resident of the village, was working as a labourer at a new Devi temple under construction on 21 September. In the evening, Saddam, son of Gafur, arrived with two companions Niyazi and Abrar. Saddam started an argument by asking about the temple gate and pipes. When Suresh objected, Saddam began hurling filthy abuses at Hindus.

He then entered the under-construction temple and kicked the sacred Devi idol that was to be installed there with his feet. He threatened, “Pick up this idol and take it to your Hindu neighbourhood, otherwise your fate will be very bad.” Later the police arrested Saddam.

Stone-pelting on Durga temple in Darbhanga, Bihar (23 July 2023) — A dispute arose between two communities in Darbhanga, Bihar, over installing a Muharram flag. A mob of fanatics deliberately planted a religious Muharram flag right in front of an ancient Maa Durga temple. When Hindu devotees present in the temple peacefully protested, some people from the Muslim side began raising religious slogans. Soon, an Islamic fanatic mob began pelting stones targeting the Durga temple. The Maa Durga temple was completely damaged in the stone-pelting and several devotees were injured. The police had to carry out a heavy lathi-charge to bring the situation under control.

Stone-pelting from mosque on Kanwariyas in Bareilly (23 July 2023) — On the same day, in Bareilly district, a group of Kanwariya pilgrims on their sacred Sawan journey was suddenly attacked. According to “Hindu Jagran Manch”, when the Kanwariyas were passing near the Balkhandi Nath temple, stones were pelted at them from inside a large mosque located there. Large stones were thrown from the mosque’s roof, injuring many Kanwariyas badly. The attackers deliberately targeted the Kanwar yatra from inside the mosque.

Vandalism and arson inside temple in Chandni Chowk, Delhi (2 July 2019) — In Delhi’s Chandni Chowk area, late at night, after a minor dispute, a mob of hundreds of Islamic fanatics turned violent. The Islamic mob broke the door of an ancient Hindu temple in Chandni Chowk and entered inside. The fanatics completely destroyed the sacred idols of God installed inside the temple.

The temple curtains and religious materials were set on fire. The thick glass shields installed for the protection of the idols were smashed with bricks. Shoes, slippers and bricks were scattered all over the temple premises. The attackers continuously raised religious slogans of “Nara-e-Takbeer, Allah-hu-Akbar”. When police intervened, the Islamic mob also pelted stones at the policemen.

The conspiracy of occupation hidden under the guise of offering namaz

Looking at all these incidents, one thing becomes clear: offering namaz at Hindus’ sacred places is not a mistake, but part of a well-thought-out conspiracy. If their only intention had been to worship Allah, they would not have occupied Hindu temples. It is obvious that their real aim is to erase the symbols of another religion. They want to stamp their faith on these sacred places. Our country’s liberal Hindus see this as great generosity. But fanatics see it as the weakness and cowardice of Hindus.

History is witness that any society that does not remain vigilant loses its existence. In the Bulandshahr incident, today’s Hindu society is taking immediate action. They want to get an FIR registered with the police and end the matter quickly. Even a slight carelessness today can give birth to a major dispute tomorrow. In past cases, we have seen endless legal battles like those in Malihabad and Bhojshala, in which generations of Hindus kept running to courts to prove their rights on their own land. Therefore, instead of trusting such cases now, it is better to understand their intention immediately and crush the conspiracy.

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