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From restoring schools to reopening temples and shops: How the BJP is reclaiming Bengal from TMC’s ‘Jungle Raj’ after its landslide victory in the state 

In a historic political shift in West Bengal, BJP leader Suvendu Adhikari took oath as the ninth Chief Minister of the state on Saturday, 9th May, becoming the first Chief Minister from the Bharatiya Janata Party in Bengal’s history. The grand oath-taking ceremony was held at Brigade Parade Ground and witnessed massive crowds, political leaders and supporters gathering to mark the beginning of a new political chapter in the state after more than 15 years of Trinamool Congress rule.

The BJP had secured a massive and historic victory in the Assembly elections on 4th May. Out of 293 constituencies, the BJP won 206 seats, while the All India Trinamool Congress (AITC) was reduced to just 81 seats. One of the biggest political shocks came from Bhabanipur, where former Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee lost her seat. Just a decade ago, such a political outcome would have seemed impossible in Bengal.

The BJP’s rise in Bengal has been long and gradual. From having zero seats in 2011 to now forming the government in 2026, the party spent years building its organisation at the grassroots level. BJP leaders and workers repeatedly claimed that the people of Bengal were frustrated with the “jungle raj” of the TMC government. 

Now, just days after coming to power, the BJP has begun the process of reclaiming Bengal, from reopening schools and temples to restoring shops and livelihoods taken over by the TMC govt led by Mamata Banerjee.

Reopening of schools in remote villages

The first signs of this reclamation emerged from the remote villages of the state. One of the first such developments after the change in government came from Jharkhali in South 24 Parganas district, where the Aranyaj School, under illegal occupation of local TMC leaders for nearly two years, was finally reopened. Videos from the village showed children and residents unlocking the gates of the school and celebrating its reopening.

The school had originally been started in 2023 by social worker Amrita Bose Gupta as a free English-medium school for poor children. It also worked on women’s empowerment projects. However, according to the school administration, local TMC-linked groups took over the property in July 2024. Since then, the school building reportedly remained shut, depriving children in the area of education.

According to the FIR filed by Amrita Bose Gupta, the attack on the school in 2024 was brutal. She said that TMC goons led by Bishnupur TMC MLA, Dilip Mondal,  entered the campus early in the morning, cut electricity and CCTV wires, dragged people out of their rooms and assaulted women and elderly family members. She also claimed that her young son was attacked and her mother was beaten unconscious while trying to save him.

While talking to OpIndia, the school administration said that books, computers, solar panels, furniture, hostel items and even women’s sanitary napkin production machines were looted. Cash, food grains, uniforms and other materials were also stolen. Despite FIRs and chargesheets, locals claimed that no strong action was taken during the TMC government because the accused enjoyed political protection.

The atmosphere changed after the BJP’s victory. Videos now show villagers cleaning the school premises, hoisting the national flag and preparing to restart classes. Speaking about the reopening, Amrita Bose Gupta said that for the past month she and her team had been receiving death threats but continued campaigning for political change. She said the BJP victory gave them courage to finally reopen the school.

Another similar incident emerged from the Majhipara locality of North 24 Parganas district. Viral videos showed BJP workers breaking the locks of a school building which locals confirmed that it had been converted into a TMC party office and a centre for illegal activities. BJP workers were seen asking children to return to school and assuring villagers that they no longer needed to fear “TMC goons”.

For many BJP supporters, these reopenings are being projected not just as administrative action, but as a symbolic reclaiming of education spaces that they had become victims of political control.

Restoration of puja at temples

The BJP’s reclamation efforts have also extended to the religious and cultural heart of Bengal. In a viral incident from Rampurhat in Birbhum district, BJP leaders reopened the Bhog room of the Sri Sri Radha Govinda Temple, which locals said had been occupied for years and converted into a TMC party office.

Video shared by Banglar Barta Digital News showed BJP workers breaking open locks and removing chairs and banners linked to TMC activities from the temple premises. According to locals, the Bhog room, where prasad for Lord Jagannath used to be prepared, had stopped functioning as a religious space years ago.

Another major moment came from Asansol, where a Durga temple that had remained closed for years reopened soon after the BJP’s victory became clear. BJP MLA Krishnendu Mukherjee had promised before the elections that if elected, he would ensure the reopening of the temple.

On 4th May, after the BJP secured its landslide victory, Mukherjee personally visited the temple, unlocked the gates and performed puja. The temple, maintained by the Sri Sri Durga Mata Charitable Trust, had reportedly remained closed for years due to disputes and administrative restrictions, except during Durga Puja and Lakshmi Puja.

As soon as the gates reopened, large crowds gathered at the temple. BJP supporters celebrated the moment as a sign of political and cultural change in Bengal. For many locals, the reopening was not just about a temple, but about restoring religious spaces that they felt had been neglected or politically controlled during the TMC government.

Social Justice: Returning livelihoods and dignity 

The TMC’s ‘Jungle Raj’ was not limited to the possession of public buildings; it even struck at the very survival of the common man. Across Bengal, stories are emerging of shops and small businesses that were forcibly snatched from those who refused to toe the party line. The BJP has now begun a process of “Social Justice” by returning these livelihoods to the public. 

One such case came from Purba Bardhaman district, where BJP workers helped reopen the shop of former BJP mandal president Binod Patel. According to local reports, the shop had been shut down by former TMC MLA Khokan Das after Patel refused to join the TMC following the 2021 elections.

After reopening the shop, Patel said that the BJP government would ensure that no one in Bengal suffers such political harassment again. Videos from the area showed BJP supporters celebrating the reopening as a moment of justice.

Another emotional case came from Koyra Kadamgachi station area in North 24 Parganas district. According to viral videos circulating online, a BJP worker’s shop had been forcibly taken over by TMC-linked miscreants during the lockdown period and converted into a liquor shop. The BJP worker later passed away, but after the BJP came to power, party workers returned the shop to his family.

In the video, the late worker’s wife, Rina Barui, explained how local TMC workers occupied the shop and kept delaying its return. She said her family repeatedly requested the return of the property, but were told to first support and vote for the TMC. Even after elections, the shop was not returned.

Rina Barui said, “Once the business started doing well, they set their sights on it.” She thanked BJP leader Sajal Ghosh and party workers for finally restoring the shop to her family. The video has now become symbolic for BJP supporters, who say it reflects the suffering faced by many party workers during the previous government.

These incidents are only the beginning of a larger process of reclaiming Bengal from years of fear, political violence and illegal occupation. The new administration faces a mountain of challenges, from recovering stolen school equipment to ensuring that the culprits who enjoyed political protection for fifteen years are finally brought to book. 

From daily riots under SP rule to zero kidnapping-for-ransom cases: How Yogi govt transformed UP’s law and order landscape

Over the past nine years, the law and order situation in Uttar Pradesh has seen a major transformation. The Yogi Adityanath government’s zero-tolerance policy has made the state riot-free, completely curbing incidents like kidnapping for ransom. The state, which was known as the “riot state” before 2017, has now become an example of peace and security.

On average, 19 riots and 33 kidnappings took place every day under the SP government.

During the SP government, between 2012 and 2017, questions were raised about law and order in the state. According to the NCRB report, on average, approximately 19 riots and 33 kidnappings occurred daily. During this period, more than 25,000 riots occurred, severely damaging the state’s image. Both businessmen and ordinary citizens lived under the threat of extortion.

Yogi government adopted a zero-tolerance policy

After coming to power in 2017, Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath announced a strict “zero tolerance” approach towards crime and criminals. Under its zero-tolerance policy, measures such as proactive policing, the use of the Gangster Act, and the confiscation of mafia properties were implemented. As a result, Uttar Pradesh has not seen a single riot in the last nine years. Certain anti-social elements attempted to incite riots, but the government thwarted those plans by taking timely, strict action.

Before minor incidents escalated into violence, reports were filed under anti-riot laws and unruly elements were put behind bars. Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath has clearly stated on public platforms, “No curfew, no danga, UP mein sab changa.” This policy has established an atmosphere of peace throughout the state.

NCRB report confirms the claims

The NCRB’s 2024 report confirms this change in the state. According to the report, Uttar Pradesh recorded a zero crime rate for kidnapping for ransom. This rate remained zero in 2023 as well. Compared to other states in the country, Uttar Pradesh is in the best position in this regard. As per the data, states like Nagaland recorded a kidnapping-for-ransom crime rate of 0.7, Manipur 0.6, Arunachal Pradesh 0.3 and Meghalaya 0.2, while Uttar Pradesh remained at zero.

There has been no kidnapping for ransom in the state for two years (2023-2024). While businessmen were often abducted and ransomed, such incidents have now completely ceased. The NCRB report clearly states that during the Samajwadi Party (SP) regime, 33 kidnappings were reported daily, but under the Yogi government, this figure has reached zero.

The Yogi government’s record on the crime rate of riots is also noteworthy. According to NCRB data, Uttar Pradesh recorded a riot crime rate of 1.1 in 2024, which is lower than the national average of 2.2. The report mentions that the 1.1 figure in Uttar Pradesh mainly includes cases where attempts to incite violence were quickly controlled, and legal action was taken before situations worsened. This rate was 8.4 in Manipur, 6.4 in Maharashtra, 5.4 in Karnataka, 5.3 in Haryana and 4.7 in Himachal Pradesh.

Yogi government changed the picture of UP

This positive change is the result of the Yogi government’s zero-tolerance policy against crime and criminals, proactive policing, and consistent action against organised crime. By enforcing the Gangster Act, the police have broken the financial backbone of the mafia and seized their assets. The impact of these steps is clearly visible on the ground.

Uttar Pradesh is now not only riot-free but also outperforms the national average in other crime categories. Compared to the time of the Samajwadi Party government, Uttar Pradesh’s image has completely changed. Where riots and kidnappings were common, today a story of peace and development is being written.

The government believes that strict law and order are the foundation of development. These measures, taken under Yogi Adityanath’s leadership, have not only deterred criminals but also increased the sense of security among ordinary citizens. The latest NCRB report bears testimony to this truth.

In this way, the Yogi government has proven that a zero-tolerance policy, combined with the right balance of strictness and sensitivity, can pave the way for a crime-free society. Uttar Pradesh has now become an example for the entire country.

(This article is a translation of the original article published at OpIndia Hindi.)

800-year-old Kakatiya-Era Shiva Temple demolished in Congress-ruled Telangana, case filed after outrage: What the controversy is and why the temple matters historically

A controversy has erupted in Telangana after the Congress government demolished an 800-year-old Shiva temple from the Kakatiya period in Warangal district during land-clearing work for a government school project. Following public outrage and complaints from historians, heritage activists and residents, the Union Ministry of Culture and the Archaeology Department have now registered a case over the incident.

The ancient temple was located in Ashok Nagar village, Khanapur Mandal, Warangal district. According to reports, the structure was brought down on Wednesday, 6th May, while authorities were preparing land for the construction of a proposed Young India Integrated Residential School under the state government’s education initiative. Historians believe the temple dates back to the reign of Kakatiya ruler Ganapatideva and is nearly 800 years old.

The demolition has triggered sharp criticism from different quarters, with many accusing the authorities of ignoring Telangana’s rich cultural heritage in the name of development.

Case registered after a complaint to the National Monuments Authority 

The matter took a serious turn after the noted Telangana rights lawyer, Immaneni Rama Rao, filed a complaint with the National Monuments Authority. Following the complaint, both the Union Ministry of Culture and the Archaeology Department registered a case regarding the demolition of the temple.

The complaint sought legal action under Section 30 of the Telangana Heritage Act against officials who allowed the demolition work without taking mandatory approvals from the Archaeology and Endowments Departments. It also accused the state government of not forming the required Heritage Conservation Committee under the law.

According to the complaint, the ancient structure could have been protected or even relocated instead of being demolished completely. The National Monuments Authority is now expected to examine the entire incident and determine whether rules related to heritage conservation were violated.

At the same time, questions are also being raised about the use of heavy machinery at the site. Activists said that the temple was flattened during levelling work carried out for the school project.

Administration denies deliberate demolition 

As the controversy grew, the Warangal district administration issued a clarification after conducting a joint inspection of the site on Wednesday, 6th May. The inspection involved officials from the Revenue Department, Archaeology Department, Telangana State Education Welfare and Infrastructure Development Corporation, and local revenue authorities.

In its response, the administration denied claims of intentional demolition. Officials said the area was heavily covered with thick bushes and trees, and while clearing the vegetation, “remnants of an old dilapidated structure were noticed on the ground.”

The district administration also claimed that “no dismantling activity was carried out by the executing agency.” Officials further said that the land belonged to the government and was not listed as endowment land.

According to the Archaeology Department officials who joined the inspection, the temple structure was “not notified or recorded in the list of protected monuments or archaeological sites.”

However, the explanation has not convinced many historians and activists, who argue that the temple had long been known locally and should have been protected.

Officials promise restoration of the temple 

Following the backlash, Warangal District Collector Dr Satya Sharada and Narsampet MLA Donthi Madhava Reddy visited the site and assured locals that the temple would be reconstructed.

Collector Satya Sharada described ancient monuments as “rare heritage assets” and said the administration would work with historians and archaeology experts to restore the structure.

She said the temple was not officially listed in Archaeology Department records, but because it was believed to belong to the Kakatiya period, steps would now be taken to preserve and reconstruct it.

MLA Donthi Madhava Reddy also defended the project, saying the land had been selected because of its open space and greenery. According to him, officials clearing the site failed to notice the ancient structure earlier.

He assured residents that the Shiva temple would be rebuilt at the same location, along with the proposed school project. He also said an idol of Goddess Saraswati would be installed at the reconstructed shrine.

Historical importance of the temple

The demolished structure was considered historically very important because it contained a rare seven-line Telugu inscription dated February 1231 AD. The inscription referred to Kakatiya ruler Ganapatideva with titles such as “Maharaja” and “Rajadhirajulu,” meaning king of kings.

Historians said the temple stood within the historic “Kota Katta” mud fort zone, an area associated with ancient defensive structures from the Kakatiya era.

According to heritage experts, the temple had already been documented by the Heritage Department as far back as 1965. The structure occupied less than half an acre inside the larger 20 to 30-acre land identified for the school project.

S Haragopal, convener of Kotha Telangana Charithra Brundam, said the temple had valuable stone inscriptions connected to the Kakatiya dynasty. He claimed the granite pillars and inscriptions are now buried under debris after the demolition.

Some reports also suggested that the sanctum sanctorum was dug up during the process, leading to suspicions that there may have been attempts to search for hidden treasure beneath the structure.

Political row intensifies in Telangana

The incident has become a major political controversy in Telangana. Many opposition leaders and heritage protection groups have been criticising the Congress government in connection with the demolition of this historical structure.

District general secretary of the BJP, Rana Pratap Reddy, condemned the incident and demanded the reconstruction of the temple in its original design. He accused the government of demolishing the structure without getting any clearance from the Archaeology Department.

Former BRS MLA Peddi Sudarshan Reddy also criticised the government on the grounds that they have destroyed the cultural heritage of Telangana in the name of developmental works. He further demanded strict action against the contractor involved in the demolition and questioned whether official approvals had been taken before the structure was razed.

Drugged doctor, secret videos, blackmailing and illegal gambling: Multiple FIRs reveal a long criminal history of Bareilly gym owners Akram and Alam Beg

The Uttar Pradesh Police recently arrested two brothers, Akram Beg and Alam Beg, in connection with the rape and blackmail of a female doctor. The accused ran a gym called ‘Ultimate’, which was attended by around 80 Hindu women, yet it did not have a female trainer.

Alam Beg tricked the female doctor into drinking a sedative-laced pre-workout drink, claiming that it would help her shed weight. After consuming the drink, the doctor fell unconscious, after which the two brothers took her to a private room. They raped her there and recorded her obscene videos on the cameras installed in the room and their mobile phones. The brothers later blackmailed the doctor using the obscene videos and extorted money from her.

The doctor endured their harassment of the Beg brothers for nearly years before she finally mustered the courage to approach the police, which led to their arrest. The accused are seven siblings, all brothers, and many of them have criminal cases pending against them. Let’s take a look at the criminal acts of the siblings.

October 2024: Two brothers misbehaved with a Hindu woman and sent men after her

In October 2024, a woman filed an FIR against the two brothers. According to the FIR, accessed by OpIndia, the Hindu woman said that Akram and his brother Alam behaved indecently with her, verbally abused her, and threatened to kill her. She said that she was subjected to lewd remarks and inappropriate behaviour at the gym on multiple occasions. The victim said that on one occasion, Alam assaulted her and chased her out of the gym. She also accused the two brothers of sending men after her, harassing and threatening to kill her.

March 2024: Alam Baig enters a woman’s house and attempts to rape her

In May 2024, an FIR was filed against Alam Beg and others. In the FIR, a woman from Bareilly accused Alam of entering her home, attempting to rape her, and threatening to kill her. According to the FIR, which is available with OpIndia, the woman said that Alam Beg alias Chhote Miyan, who is her neighbour, had been sexually harassing her for some time. She added that Alam Beg is an alcoholic and had previously behaved indecently with her. The victim stated that she had informed her husband about this.

The incident mentioned in the FIR happened around 11 pm on March 30, 2024, when she was alone in her room. Alam Beg, who was drunk, entered her room with a knife. He allegedly lay down on her bed and forcibly performed obscene acts with her. He forcibly stripped the victim and attempted to rape her.

The victim said that when she protested and raised an alarm, Alam Beg brandished a knife and threatened to kill her. Seeing Alam waving a knife, the victim’s young children began crying and screaming, after which the accused fled the scene.

When the victim’s husband returned home about half an hour after the incident, she told him the entire incident. Her husband then went to the Alam’s house to confront him. Alam’s brother Mukarram alias Mickey, nephew Raza Khan, and Sohail Ahmed also arrived there.

As per the FIR, Alam and his relatives assaulted and abused the victim and her husband. Furthermore, they threatened to kill the entire family and expel them from the neighbourhood. The victim said that the accused are powerful and have influence in the area.

April 2025: Case filed against Alam Beg and his brothers for running a gambling den

In April 2025, a resident of Bareilly’s Baradari police station area accused Alam Beg and his brothers of running a gambling den, entering his home and assaulting him, and threatening to kill him.

According to a copy of the FIR, available with OpIndia, one Naseem Beg submitted a complaint with the Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) alleging that his neighbour, Akmal Beg alias Aua, his brother Alam Beg, Mukarram Beg alias Mikki, and their family members ran a gambling den. The complaint stated that anti-social elements and gamblers regularly gathered in the Gher Jafar Khan, Jhanda Wali Gali, Purana Shehar area.

According to the complaint, a crowd of gamblers and anti-social elements gathered in the area again around 9 pm on April 15, 2025. Naseem Beg called the police. After the police arrived, the gathering was dispersed, but the situation escalated as soon as they left.

Alam Beg, Mukarram Beg alias Mickey, and about 10-12 other gamblers arrived at Naseem Beg’s house and began kicking the gate and threatening him. The complaint states that the accused threatened Naseem, saying, “Today you called the police and stopped the work, now this will happen every day. If you create another obstruction, we will have the entire family killed.”

On the night of April 23, 2025, at around 10:50 p.m., Alam Beg, under the influence of alcohol, along with his cousin Mukarram Beg alias Mikki, and two other accomplices, entered Naseem Beg’s home while Naseem Beg and his wife were present. The accused abused and assaulted them. Alam Beg had a pistol in his hand, which he pointed at Naseem Beg.

Alam Beg threatened to kill Naseem and his wife for complaining to the police to stop his brother, Akmal Beg’s, gambling business. Naseem Beg also stated in his complaint that Mukarram Beg tried to kill him by strangling him.

August 2025: After the case was registered, Alam assaulted his neighbour.

A second FIR was registered against Alam and others on September 8, 2025, relating to the gambling and intimidation case registered in April 2025.

According to a copy of the FIR available with OpIndia, complainant Naseem Beg stated that on August 14, 2025, police officers arrived in his neighbourhood to investigate the gambling case from April 2025. Angered by this, Alam Beg, Uwais, and Ismail entered Naseem’s house the next day, August 15, 2025, at around 12 noon.

After entering Naseem’s house, the accused abused and assaulted him and his wife. Uwais hit Naseem’s head with a sharp weapon, causing his head to bleed.

According to the FIR, the accused then dragged Naseem out of the house, as the entire neighbourhood stood witness to the incident. When Naseem tried to record the acts of the accused on his mobile phone, Alam Baig snatched his mobile phone. The accused took out two SIM cards from the mobile phone.

Naseem Beg said that while leaving, the accused threatened him that if he did not withdraw the case filed earlier, his entire family would be killed.

The FIRs filed against the accused reveal a long, ongoing chain of criminal acts of the accused, involving targeting women, bullying, threats, assault, and creating an atmosphere of fear in the area. The repeated appearance of the same names in complaints filed by different people at different times reveals the long-standing dominance of these jihadists.

The FIR filed by the female doctor alleging rape, blackmail by making obscene videos, and extortion, is the latest in the series of criminal cases filed against the accused. The FIRs against the accused include allegations of indecency with women, attempted rape after trespassing into a home, running a gambling den, threatening with a gun, and assaulting women to withdraw their cases. The fact that about 80 Hindu women visited the ‘Ultimate Gym’ and the absence of any female trainers also raises many questions.

The Police are now faced with the challenge of not just investigating a single case but also finding out whether the criminal acts of the accused were part of a larger network that was systematically targeting women. Currently, the police have arrested Akram Beg and Alam Beg. One can hope that the police will not treat the current case as an isolated incident and will delve deeper into it to expose the network, if any, and bring those involved to book.

(This article is a translation of the original article published at OpIndia Hindi.)

Over 47178 MW of renewable energy production capacity, development of Dholera Special Investment Region and more: How Gujarat is emerging as India’s green energy corridor

Renewable energy is now becoming one of the biggest drivers of economic and industrial change across the world. Countries that once depended heavily on oil and gas are rapidly moving towards clean energy because of rising fuel costs, climate concerns, geopolitical tensions and the need for energy security. India is also moving in the same direction, and among all states, Gujarat has emerged as one of the strongest players in this transition.

Today, Gujarat has become the leading state in India in renewable energy capacity. The state currently has around 47,178 MW of renewable energy capacity. This includes nearly 29,303 MW of solar power, 15,642 MW of wind energy, 2,103 MW of hydro power and 130 MW of bio energy. Gujarat is also leading the country in rooftop solar installations, with more than 6,881 MW capacity already installed.

But Gujarat’s renewable energy push is not just about generating electricity. The state is now building an entire green energy ecosystem where power generation, manufacturing, exports, hydrogen, battery storage, semiconductors and future industries are being connected together. This is why the phrase “from Khavda to Dholera” is now being seen as a symbol of India’s new green energy corridor.

Gujarat saw renewable energy as an economic opportunity early

For many years, India’s energy sector has mainly focused on coal and thermal power plants. Renewable energy was treated as an additional source rather than the main driver of growth. Gujarat, however, was among the first states to view solar and wind energy not only as an environmental need but also as a major economic opportunity.

The state already had several natural advantages. Gujarat has a long coastline, strong wind flow in regions like Kutch and Saurashtra, vast empty land, and high solar radiation for most of the year. At the same time, Gujarat already had a strong industrial base and major ports. Instead of limiting renewable energy to electricity production, the state started linking it with industries, exports and future manufacturing.

That thinking slowly shaped a larger model where solar parks, wind corridors, hybrid renewable projects, transmission networks, green hydrogen plans and industrial cities became part of one connected system.

Khavda: India’s biggest green energy hub rising in the desert

One of the biggest examples of Gujarat’s renewable energy strategy can be seen in the Khavda region of Kutch near the Pakistan border. This area was once mainly known for desert land and a sparse population. Today, it is turning into one of the world’s largest renewable energy hubs.

The Khavda hybrid renewable energy park combines both solar and wind power on a massive scale. The geography of the region has become its biggest strength. Large stretches of unused land, strong sunlight throughout the year and powerful wind currents make the region ideal for renewable energy generation.

Although the project is still expanding, a major part of it has already become operational, and thousands of megawatts of electricity are being generated. Its capacity is expected to rise even further in the coming years. Many reports already describe it as one of the largest renewable energy parks in the world.

The importance of Khavda goes beyond just producing electricity. The region is also becoming a testing ground for India’s future energy strategy. Along with energy generation, a large transmission network is being developed so that electricity from Kutch can reach industrial regions and other states efficiently.

This is where the idea of a “green energy corridor” becomes important. Gujarat is not only producing clean energy, but also building the entire chain from generation to industrial use.

Dholera: Building the industrial economy of the future

If Khavda represents energy production, Dholera represents the future industrial economy powered by that energy.

The Dholera Special Investment Region is being developed as one of India’s most ambitious smart industrial city projects. But it is not just about roads, buildings and urban development. The city is being designed around future industries such as semiconductor manufacturing, electric vehicles, battery storage, green hydrogen and advanced manufacturing.

This is where Gujarat’s approach looks very different from the traditional renewable energy model. The state is not satisfied with only producing green electricity. It wants industries of the future to run on that electricity.

The idea is simple: renewable energy generated in regions like Khavda can eventually power industrial hubs like Dholera. On one side, there are giant solar and wind projects, and on the other side, there are semiconductor plants, EV ecosystems, battery manufacturing units and export-focused industries.

This turns renewable energy into an industrial transformation rather than just an energy transformation.

Government policies played a major role

Natural advantages alone did not make Gujarat a renewable energy leader. Long-term policy planning also played a major role.

The state government focused on making large areas of land available for renewable projects, especially in Kutch. Land acquisition is often one of the biggest challenges for solar and wind projects, but Gujarat managed to use its vast open spaces effectively.

The government also invested heavily in transmission infrastructure so the electricity produced could be connected smoothly to the grid. Gujarat additionally pushed for hybrid renewable projects where both solar and wind power are developed together to improve efficiency and stability.

The state also succeeded in attracting major private investment. Large companies like Adani Group, Tata Group and Reliance Industries are investing heavily in Gujarat’s green energy sector.

Rooftop solar is another area where Gujarat moved quickly. Due to policy support and faster implementation, rooftop solar adoption expanded across the state on a large scale.

Ports and exports add another advantage

Gujarat’s ports and industrial corridors have strengthened its renewable energy plans even further. Because of its strong port network, the state is also positioning itself as a future export hub for green hydrogen, ammonia and other clean energy products.

This gives Gujarat an advantage not only in electricity generation but also in global clean energy trade.

As countries across the world shift towards low-carbon economies, industries running on clean energy are becoming more attractive for global supply chains. Gujarat is trying to place itself at the centre of that future market.

Renewable energy is also about energy security

The renewable energy push is not just about climate goals. It is also closely linked to India’s energy security.

India still imports a large share of its oil and gas requirements. Whenever tensions rise in regions like the Middle East, fuel prices increase and directly impact the Indian economy.

This is why large renewable energy ecosystems like the one being developed in Gujarat are strategically important. If India expands solar, wind and green hydrogen capacity significantly, dependence on imported fuel can gradually reduce over time.

At the same time, global industries are increasingly looking for manufacturing supply chains powered by clean energy. In the coming years, industries may not only compete on cost, but also on how green their energy source is.

More than electricity: Jobs, investment and manufacturing

Renewable energy is often seen only as an environmental issue, but Gujarat’s model shows that it can also become a major source of industrial growth, jobs and investment.

Large-scale solar and wind projects create demand for transmission systems, logistics, manufacturing units, maintenance networks and skilled workers. When those projects are connected with sectors like semiconductors, electric vehicles and battery manufacturing, the economic impact becomes much larger.

This is one of the reasons why Dholera is being seen as a major future industrial zone. If green energy-based manufacturing grows successfully there, Gujarat could further strengthen its position on India’s industrial map.

Is Gujarat becoming India’s first green industrial state?

The developments taking place across Gujarat are now raising an important question: Is the state becoming India’s first major green industrial economy?

The answer appears to be yes. Gujarat is trying to connect renewable energy generation, storage, transmission, industry, exports and urban infrastructure into one integrated system.

Massive renewable projects in Khavda, wind corridors across Kutch and Saurashtra, rooftop solar expansion, green hydrogen plans, smart industrial cities like Dholera, and export infrastructure linked to ports together create a much larger picture.

The state is no longer positioning itself only as an electricity producer. Gujarat is trying to become the centre of India’s future green economy.

Gujarat’s changing role in India’s economy

Over the last two decades, Gujarat has repeatedly aligned itself with India’s changing economic priorities. The state was once mainly known for ports, petrochemicals and manufacturing. Later, it became a major automobile and industrial corridor hub.

Now, Gujarat is moving into another phase, becoming a centre for the future energy economy.

The transformation is visible on the ground. Solar panels spread across the deserts of Kutch, wind turbines along the coastline, expanding transmission networks, green hydrogen projects and smart industrial zones together show how the state is reshaping its economic structure.

The most important part of Gujarat’s strategy is that renewable energy is not being treated as a separate sector. Instead, it is being linked with manufacturing, exports, urban development and future technologies.

The bigger picture ahead

The world is currently going through a major energy transition, and Gujarat is trying to prepare itself for that future much earlier than many others.

Clean energy production in Khavda, industrial expansion in Dholera, green hydrogen projects, EV ecosystems, semiconductor plans and export-focused infrastructure together form a larger vision. It is a vision where energy and industrial growth move side by side.

Gujarat’s current model suggests that if geography, policy support, industrial infrastructure and long-term planning work together, a state can go beyond simply producing electricity and become the centre of a wider economic transformation.

As India’s energy and industrial landscape changes in the coming years, Gujarat appears determined to stay at the front of that shift.

Women dragged, clothes torn, electricity cut: Read how TMC goons illegally occupied a school which provided free education, and how it was freed after BJP won elections- A ground report

The power transformation in West Bengal is not limited to the state’s political corridors; its echo is being heard in remote villages where, for the past many years, the ‘jungle raj’ of the leaders of the ruling party had prevailed. On Wednesday (06 May 2026) morning, an unexpected visual emerged in Jharkhali of South 24 Parganas district, which revived the hope of justice in the state. A local school named Aranyaj School, which was under illegal occupation of the local TMC leaders for almost two years, was finally freed.

For the past month, during the election period, the administrators of Aranyaj School had been receiving continuous death threats from local TMC cadres. However, the school administrators persisted, and the school was freed, despite TMC candidate Neelima winning on the SC-reserved seat from the Sundarbans area, where this school is located.

A video circulating on social media shows locals, including children, unlocking the gate of the school that had been illegally occupied by local TMC leaders since July 2024. As soon as the gate of the school was unlocked, a wave of joy swept through the entire Parbatipur area. Children who had been deprived of education and a bright future for two years had tears of joy in their eyes and innocent smiles on their faces, which had been snatched away on the fateful morning of July 2024.

Speaking to OpIndia, Abhijit Mukherjee from the Aranyaj Group said, “Started by Amrita Bose Gupta in 2023, this free English medium school was a centre for the education of poor children and the empowerment of women. In July 2024, it was snatched away by local TMC leaders. Now, after two years, there is an atmosphere of celebration throughout Parbatipur as the school has been reopened.”

This is not just the liberation of a school building, but the victory of the idea of ​​education and social empowerment, which the TMC goons tried to trample under their feet.

The terrifying morning when humanity was shamed

The picture of that day, as revealed in the FIR filed by Amrita Bose Gupta, manager of Aranyaj School, and her statements, is enough to shock any civilised society. The school, located in Parbatipur, under the jurisdiction of the Jharkhali Coastal Police Station, opened in 2023 with the noble purpose of providing free English-medium education to poor children.

According to Amrita Bose, at around 7:30 a.m. on July 8, 2024, when people present on the school premises were still asleep, dozens of rioters, led by Jharkhali’s deputy headman, Dilip Mandal, attacked. The attackers first cut off the school’s electricity and cut the wires to the CCTV cameras to ensure there was no evidence of their misdeeds.

In her complaint, Amrita, who was present at the school campus, stated that she and her team were dragged out of their sleep. They were subjected to abusive language, and their clothes were torn. Shockingly, the attackers were accompanied by some women, who beat Amrita and her companion, Upasana, and pulled their clothes. When Amrita tried to show a letter regarding the government’s land allotment, the accused, Parimal Mandal, tore up the official document and threw it away.

There was no pity even for the innocent and the elderly.

The brutality reached its peak when Amrita’s 8-year-old son was thrown to the ground and beaten. When her 65-year-old mother tried to save her grandson, the goons pulled down her nightdress. Even in her half-naked state, the elderly woman struggled to save her grandson. TMC workers kept kicking her back until she fell unconscious. Amrita was thrown down the stairs and was left in an unconscious state.

Systematic system of loot, temple of education turned into a ‘warehouse’

The TMC goons not only got the school evacuated, but also ruthlessly looted all the materials accumulated by the Aranyaj Society for Educational and Environmental Development after years of hard work. The inventory of the items looted from the school premises demonstrates that this was not merely a politically-motivated illegal occupation, but a well-planned robbery.

School and hostel property that was looted –

  • Education and Technology: Around 1500 books kept in the school library, an LCD projector set, a public addressing system, two CPU sets, an Asus laptop and important document files were stolen.
  • Energy and Infrastructure: One solar inverter, two solar panels (160W), 8 ceiling fans, 4 table fans, 20 LED lights and 4 heavy-duty halogen lights.
  • Furniture: 12 wooden benches, 40 plastic chairs, 2 wooden tables, and shelves.
  • Hostel Furnishings: 3 wooden beds, 20 blankets, 20 pillows and 5 bedding sets kept for teachers and volunteers.

Robbery of the rights of women and children

The NGO not only ran a school but also operated a sanitary napkin production unit to support women’s self-reliance. The attackers did not even spare the unit’s valuable machinery, which included:

  • 2 HP Pulveriser Machine and Wood Pulp Grinder.
  • 3 UV Radiation Sterilisers (2000 napkin capacity).
  • Ball press machine (weighing 100 kg) and 10 sealing machines.
  • 600 packets of finished sanitary napkins and 200 kg of raw materials like wood pulp.

Items, including 450 school uniforms for children, 150 waterproof bags, 150 sarees, 100 kg of rice, 20 kg of pulses, and even the refrigerator, were stolen from the kitchen. In addition to that, ₹20,000 was stolen from the organisation’s cash box and ₹15,000 from Amrita’s personal bag.

‘Powerful figures’ named in the chargesheet

Serious questions have emerged regarding the conduct of the police in the entire case. Despite the FIR being filed on July 9, 2024, no significant urgency was shown in arresting the accused during the TMC government. The charge sheet filed by Investigating Officer Priyanka Rooj (LSI) is sufficient to expose these criminals.

The main accused against whom the charge sheet was filed-

  • Dilip Mondal (Jharkhali deputy head and mastermind of the attack)
  • Parimal Mondal
  • Dhananjoy Mondal
  • Saroj Chandra Biswas
  • Apurva Roy
  • Vishwajeet Bari
  • Kishore Gayen
  • Samir Mandal

All of them were charged under various serious sections of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), including 329(4) (causing grievous hurt), 115(2), 76, 324(4), 351(3), and 3(5). A charge sheet was filed in the court of the Additional Chief Judicial Magistrate in Alipore, but due to political protection, the accused roamed freely for two years.

The scenario changed with the change of power

With the fall of Mamata Banerjee’s government in the 2026 assembly elections, the administration’s lost credibility has finally returned. Locals say that as soon as the political protection of the culprits was lifted, the morale of these goons was shattered. The school, which endured years of silence and fear, is now resonating with the laughter of children.

A video circulating on social media shows local villagers and NGO workers working together to clean up the school and hoist the tricolour. The video not only shows the liberation of a school but also reflects the release of pent-up anger of the locals, which was suppressed for years.

Amrita Bose Gupta tells OpIndia about the situation of the past month

In an exclusive conversation with OpIndia, Amrita Bose Gupta explained that as the election atmosphere heated up, the illegal activities of TMC goons increased. She said that TMC leader Raja Gazi was behind the illegal activities, including the illegal occupation of the school, of Dilip Mandal and his gang. Amrita added that initially, she was not sure who was giving protection to Dilip Mandal and the gang, but later, she found out that it was Raja Gazi. Currently, the police are searching for him, and he could be arrested at any time. She explained that for the past month, the lives of everyone associated with Aranyaj School have been in constant danger.

Amrita revealed that she and her colleagues had received numerous death threats over the past month. Despite this, they devoted all their efforts to a change of government and campaigned vigorously for the BJP. Amrita attributed the liberation of the school to the BJP’s electoral victory. Even though the TMC candidate won the seat, the change in power in the state gave her and her team the courage to unlock the school.

Amrita Bose Gupta said that her focus is currently on reviving the school. Since the academic year has begun, bringing children will be a challenge, but it will take time to fully establish the school. She added that this school will run with the cooperation of the people, and no party support is needed. We will receive the law and order and justice we need from this new government; that will be enough for us.

BJP acknowledged Amrita’s struggle and tweeted the video

It’s important to note that while the TMC, which has been in power for a long time, and its supporters are hell-bent on ruining the future of young children, the BJP not only acknowledged Amrit Bose Gupta’s struggle but also posted a video of the school’s liberation on its official X handle. Amrita mentioned the moral support she is currently receiving from the BJP.

Hope for justice

The school is free, but Aranyaj now faces a mountain of challenges. Stolen goods, broken machinery, and two years of educational loss, who will compensate? Amrita Bose Gupta has appealed to the administration to not only put the accused behind bars but also ensure the recovery of every penny and item stolen.

Amid the ongoing chaos in the state, the most striking image is that of the children who returned to their school campus after nearly two years. During the period, the rooms where students used to study remained locked, and the walls where children’s dreams were supposed to be written were overshadowed by political conflict. The question now is whether this school will be able to return to its old glory, offering free education to poor children, job training for women, and a beacon of hope for rural society.

Amrita Bose Gupta with children (Photo courtesy: Special Arrangement)

This case also sets a precedent for other areas of Bengal where public welfare institutions and private properties have been seized by political influence. The liberation of Aranyaj School is a message that the arrogance of power is not eternal, and that justice and education ultimately prevail.

Today, every child in Parbatipur is saying, “We have our school back. Now we will study again.” This small victory could prove to be a big step towards the revival of Bengal.

(This article is a translation of the original article published at OpIndia Hindi.)

Modi govt approves Vadinar Ship Repair Facility in Gujarat: Read how it will make India Atmanirbhar in ship repair capacity

Beyond rhetoric, the Modi government has been actively boosting India’s economic growth in self-reliance by giving a much-needed revamp to the domestic shipbuilding and repair industry. In a major boost to India’s ambition of becoming Atmanirbhar in ship repair capacity, the Centre’s Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs (CCEA), headed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, approved the development of the Vadinar Ship Repair Facility in Gujarat on 5th May 2026.

Vadinar Ship Repair Facility: Modi government’s fresh addition to the efforts to boost the expansion of India’s ship repair ecosystem

The project, worth Rs 1,570 crore, will be developed jointly by the Deendayal Port Authority and Cochin Shipyard. Planned as a brownfield project, the Vadinar Ship Repair Facility will feature a 650 metres jetty, two large floating dry docks, workshops and associated marine infrastructure.

A brownfield for manufacturing sites is previously developed property, often a former factory or industrial plant, the reuse or redevelopment of which is complicated due to existing or potential environmental contamination.

What will make the Vadinar Ship Repair Facility an optimal location for repair operations, particularly for large commercial and foreign‑flagged vessels, is its natural deep draft, connectivity to major shipping routes, and proximity to key ports such as Mundra and Kandla.

Sharing an AI-generated informational video on social media, the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting said, “The Union Cabinet has approved the development of a state‑of‑the‑art Ship Repair Facility at Vadinar, Gujarat, marking a major expansion of the national ship repair ecosystem. The project will be jointly implemented by Deendayal Port Authority (DPA) and Cochin Shipyard Limited, with a combined investment of ₹1,570 crore. The initiative will contribute to regional economic growth and support India’s long‑term maritime objectives under Maritime India Vision 2030 and Maritime Amrit Kaal Vision 2047.

Presently, India sends a large share of ship repair work abroad. However, after the Vadinar Ship Repair Facility becomes operational, it will enable high-value repairs domestically and aid in retaining business within India, in addition to generating over 1300 jobs. The project will also spur growth in the maritime cluster of Gujarat and ancillary industries, thus giving a boost to the regional economy.

Regarding the impact this project will have, the Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs (CCEA) said in a statement, “The Vadinar Ship Repair Facility will directly address a critical gap in India’s ship repair infrastructure, as the country currently lacks adequate domestic capacity to repair large vessels exceeding 230 m in length. By enabling repair of vessels up to 300 m, the facility will allow high‑value repairs of large vessels within India. This will significantly reduce dependence on foreign shipyards and curb foreign exchange outflow.”

It further stated that enhanced turnaround times and strengthened repair capability on the western coast will improve the overall competitiveness of Indian ports.

The Vadinar Ship Repair Facility is expected to create sustainable employment, generating approximately 290 direct and around 1,100 indirect jobs across ship repair, logistics, and ancillary industries, while catalysing a broader maritime industrial ecosystem, the government said.

Modi government’s overhaul of India’s shipbuilding and repair sector

In recent years, the Modi government has taken several concrete policy decisions towards expanding India’s shipbuilding and repair ecosystem and curbing reliance on foreign facilities for routine and complex vessel work. OpIndia has reported earlier about the various initiatives launched by the Central government to revive and scale up India’s shipbuilding and repair industry.

India currently ranks 22nd in the global shipbuilding industry; however, it aims to enter the top 10 global rank by 2030 and become one of the top 5 countries by 2047. This ambition is a part of the Modi government’s broader visions, including the Maritime India Vision 2030 and Amrit Kaal Vision 2047, intended to capture a massive share of the global shipbuilding and ship repair markets.

In December 2025, the Ministry of Ports, Shipping & Waterways notified the operational guidelines for two major shipbuilding initiatives, the Shipbuilding Financial Assistance Scheme (SBFAS) and the Shipbuilding Development Scheme (SbDS), with a budget of Rs 44,700 Crore.

The SBFAS has been allocated a budget of Rs 24,736 crore. Under this scheme, the Central government will offer fiscal assistance ranging from 15% to 25% per vessel, depending on the vessel category.

The Modi government also launched the Shipbuilding Development Scheme (SbDS) to strengthen long-term capacity and capability creation. The scheme worth Rs 19,989 crore will cover the development of greenfield shipbuilding clusters, expansion and modernisation of existing brownfield shipyards. In addition, the SbDS provides for the establishment of an India Ship Technology Centre under the Indian Maritime University to support research, design, innovation and skills development.

Moreover, greenfield shipbuilding clusters will be provided 100% capital support for common maritime and internal infrastructure through a 50:50 Centre–State special purpose vehicle. In addition, existing shipyards will be eligible for 25% capital assistance for brownfield expansion of critical infrastructure, including dry docks, ship-lifts, fabrication facilities and automation systems. The SbDS also provides for a Credit Risk Coverage Framework, providing government-backed insurance for pre-shipment, post-shipment and vendor-default risks to improve project bankability and financial resilience.

In February 2025, Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman announced in her speech for the budget 2025-26  that ships above a specified size would be included in the harmonised master list (HML) for infrastructure, making them eligible for financial incentives. This enabled an influx of private investment in the shipbuilding industry and enhanced fleet modernisation.

The Modi government also announced the allocation of a Maritime Development Fund (MDF) with a corpus of Rs 25,000 crore. 

In September last year, it was reported that the Central government is considering investing ₹75,000 crore in the three new shipyards that are expected to be built along its east and west coasts.

In December 2025, the Ministry of Ports, Shipping and Waterways announced that it had approved a comprehensive package of Rs. 69,725 crores featuring a four-pillar approach to strengthen domestic capacity, maritime financing, shipyard development, skilling, and reforms. The government estimated that this move could stimulate the creation of more than 22 lakh direct and indirect jobs.

Clearly, the Modi government has its priorities set right in the face of the many industry challenges. The approval of the Vadinar Ship Repair Facility is the latest in a series of actions taken and showcases the Central government’s focus on supporting practical infrastructure projects alongside policy and financial backing.

As PM Modi is set to visit Somnath to mark 75 years of its restoration, read how Islamic invaders repeatedly destroyed the ancient temple and Nehru opposed its reconstruction

Prime Minister Narendra Modi is set to visit the iconic Somnath Temple in Gujarat on 11th May to mark the 75th anniversary of the restored Hindu temple’s inauguration by President Rajendra Prasad in 1951. PM Modi will participate in various religious, administrative and cultural events in Gir Somnath and Vadodara. Ahead of the visit, the Prime Minister, who hails from Gujarat, penned an opinion piece reflecting on the Somnath Temple as the eternal first Jyotirlinga and a profound symbol of Bharat’s civilisational spirit.

In the op-ed titled, “Somnath and Bharat’s unconquerable spirit!” published on 8th May, PM Modi discussed the civilisational continuity, the Somnath Mandir symbolises, noting that ever since the first Islamic attack a thousand years ago, Somnath has endured many assaults but always risen again with dignity and strength.

“Somnath gives us a civilisational message. The vast sea before it evokes timelessness. The waves tell us…that no matter how fierce the storms are or how turbulent the tides are, one can always rise again with dignity and strength. The waves return to the shore, as though reminding every generation that the spirit of the people can never be subdued for long,” the Prime Minister wrote.

From Lakulisha and Soma Sarman, Chakravarti Maharaja Dharasena IV of Vallabhi, Bhima Deva, Jayapala and Anandapala, Raja Bhoja, Karna Deva and Siddharaja Jayasimha, Bhava Brihaspati, Kumarapala Solanki and the Pashupata Acharyas, Vishaladeva Vaghela and Tripurantaka, Mahipaladeva and Ra Khangar, Punyashlok Ahilyabai Holkar, the Gaekwads of Baroda, to Veer Hamirji Gohil and Veer Vegdaji Bhil, PM Modi acknowledged and hailed the role played by these people in protecting the honour of Somnath Temple.

Prime Minister Modi rightly equates a pradakshina (circumambulation) of Prabhasa or Somnath with one of the entire earth, and celebrates the unbroken continuity of the Sanatan civilisation whose divine flame could never be extinguished, even in the face of consistent Islamic invasions and upheavals.

The Prime Minister also recalled the great contribution of Independent India’s first Home Minister, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, in reviving the dilapidated ruins of the Somnath Temple into a grand and glorious abode of Mahadev.

“In the 1940s, when the spirit of freedom swept across India and the foundations of a new republic were being laid under the leadership of towering figures like Sardar Patel, one thing continued to trouble him deeply…the condition of Somnath. On 13th November 1947, during Diwali time, he stood next to the dilapidated ruins of the temple with sea-water in his hands and said, “On this auspicious day of the (Gujarati) New Year, we have decided that Somnath should be reconstructed. You, people of Saurashtra, should do your best. This is a holy task in which all should participate.” On one clarion call of Sardar Patel, it was not only the people of Gujarat but also the people of the whole of India that responded enthusiastically,” PM Modi’s op-ed reads.

As PM Modi reminisces about the civilisational continuity, blows inflicted and consistent fightbacks by Hindus over the centuries, it is essential to remember how Islamic invaders destroyed the Somnath Temple.

Somnath Temple, the holy abode of Someshwara Mahadev and the many Islamic attacks it faced

The Somnath Mandir is a majestic temple situated near Prabhas Patan of Veraval in Gujarat.  It is one of Lord Shiva’s twelve sacred Jyotirlingas and finds mention in Chapter 13 of the Shiv Purana. Somnath is also described as Triveni Sangam, much like the one in Prayagraj, due to the meeting of the Kapila, Hiran and Saraswati rivers. 

For Muslims, especially the Islamic invaders in the medieval era, destroying the temples and idols of the Kafirs was upheld as their “religious duty”. While many Hindu temples were desecrated and destroyed during the Islamic invasions, Somnath in Gujarat and Jagannath Temple in Puri, Odisha, faced the maximum attacks, with each being invaded 17 and 18 times.

The first attack on the Somnath Temple came in 725 CE from an Arab named Junayd ibn Abd ar-Rahman al-Murri, also known as Al-Junayd during the Umayyad Caliphate. Junayd was appointed the governor of Sindh in 723. He invaded Gujarat and Rajasthan and ravaged, looted and destroyed the Somnath Mandir in 725. 

It was only in 815 CE that Nagabhata II, a Gurjar Pratihar monarch, visited the ruins of the Somnath Temple and rebuilt the temple using red stones.

The Islamic antagonism towards Hindus was perfectly embodied by Mahmud of Ghazni, who led 17 invasions on the Somnath Temple and desecrated the idols. In 1025, he plundered the holy idol of Somnath during his sixteenth expedition to India. “Somnath” is Sanskrit for “moon master.” Mahmud of Ghazni is said to have sworn to wage an annual Jihad against the country of Kafirs. Ghazni overthrew Hindu king Jayapala, defeated his successors Anandpala (in 1008) and Trilochanpala (in 1013).

In 1011, Mahmud of Ghazni attacked Thaneshwar and destroyed idols.  He burned the temples in Mathura during 1018–1019, and the idols were taken to Ghazni. His Jihadi fanaticism also devoured Mathura, Kannauj and the many temples on the way. However, Ghazni’s Somnath invasion became an unforgettable chapter in Bharat’s history, reflecting both the obsession and abhorrence Muslims harbour for Hindus, and the resilience of the Hindu civilisation to rise every time and continue the fight until the ultimate victory, no matter how long it takes.

Despite heavy losses and fierce opposition, the Jihadi army of Mahmud of Ghazni demolished the sacred temple. The defenceless guardians of the Somnath Temple fought bravely till the end. Thousands sacrificed their lives. Mahmud Ghazni fought a battle against the Hindus comprising the temple guards, Brahmins and locals defending the temple; the battle resulted in over 50,000 deaths.

After the slaughter, Mahmud entered the temple’s sanctum sanctorum, dismantled the Shivalinga and stole all the riches, which totalled over 20,000,000 Dirhams. 

The cruel ruler of the Ghaznavid Empire earned the disgraceful moniker ‘Butshikan’ or idol breaker due to his Jihad against Hindu temples.

Historical records state that Ghazni smashed and broke the Lord Somnath idol into four pieces during his 16th invasion of the Somnath Temple. Mahmud of Ghazni entered the temple after defeating the temple’s guardians and saw the magnificent idol of Lord Somnath there. He took his mace and attacked with such vigour that the Lord Somnath idol, which was reportedly five yards long, was shattered into pieces after he became enraged upon seeing the idol.

After the protectors of the Somnath temple were defeated, it is stated in Tariki-e-Alfi, a historical work compiled by a committee formed by Akbar, that Brahmins offered Mahmud of Ghazni an unheard-of amount of wealth in exchange for leaving the ling of Somnath undamaged. Mahmud, in response, said that after he died, he would rather love to be known in the presence of Allah as Butshikan (the destroyer of idols) rather than ButParast (the devotee of idols). He rejected the Brahmins’ offer and demolished the Somnath idol.

The fragments of the Somnath idol were buried inside the Jama Masjid in Ghazni and beneath the entrance to the Sultan’s palace, according to Al-Beruni, an Islamic scholar active during the reign of Mahmud of Ghazni. This was done so that people would step on them while visiting the mosque and the palace and continue to humiliate the idol worshippers.

The Islamic jihadi attacks on the Somnath Temple did not end with Mahmud Ghazni’s campaign. Somnath Mandir endured many more assaults from Islamic barbarians over the centuries. Besides the continued expeditions of Mahmud Ghazni, the attack ordered by the Delhi Sultanate king, Allauddin Khilji, is an important episode in the history of the continuous cycle of destruction and rebuilding of the Somnath Temple.

In 1299, Allauddin Khilji’s Delhi Sultanate army, led by commander Ulugh Khan, heavily damaged the Somnath Temple and looted its riches. The attack came during the Gujarat conquest against the Vaghela king Karna. The Rajput Prince Biram Dev of Jalore led a Hindu army that intercepted and defeated Ulugh Khan and the Delhi Sultanate forces returning with the Shivling from Somnath, and the plundered wealth.

As Allauddin Khilji’s illegitimate daughter Firoza fell in love with Biram Dev, Khilji asked him to convert to Islam. However, the Kshatriya prince blatantly refused. Enraged by this, Khilji deployed his army to Jalore. Biram Dev and his father, Kanhadadev, led the army that fought bravely; however, they were defeated and killed. Khilji’s forces destroyed many temples and ruined the Jalore Fort. The Jihadis, however, could not find the Shivling or the stolen goods from the Somnath Mandir.

Another major attack on the Somnath Temple was by Muzaffar Shah I, often called Zafar Khan, who was the monarch of the Gujarat Sultanate from 1407 to 1411. He was a Khatri or Tank Rajput before conversion to Islam. Zafar Khan went to Somnath in 1395 AD, when he destroyed the temple, constructed a Jumma mosque, spread Islam and set up a thana in the city of Somnath Patan, alias Deva Patan.

Similarly, Mahmud Begada desecrated Somnath in 1451 AD, and the Portuguese Christian fanatics also attacked the Somnath Mandir and took away its riches in 1546 AD.

Despite the continued attacks and destruction, the Somnath Temple was always rebuilt and restored to its glory by the Hindus.

The last destruction of the Somnath Temple transpired in 1665 AD under Mughal tyrant Aurangzeb. As he found that Hindus reconstruct the temples that Muslim Jihadis would destroy, Aurangzeb mandated that any Hindu temples, including the Somnath, that were rebuilt shall be razed. The intention was to prevent Hindus from resuming worship in these temples.

The Somnath Mandir was vandalised by local Muslims of Prabhas and some of Aurangzeb’s troops under his orders. Initially, Hindus outnumbered and drove out Aurangzeb’s forces. However, a larger army returned, and the temple was demolished, and the treasury was plundered.

Islamic invaders destroyed Somnath Temple, Jawaharlal Nehru opposed the temple’s reconstruction: Hatred of the enemies and the treachery of our ‘own’

After centuries of attacks, destruction, and systematic loot of the Somnath Mandir, it was assumed that at least after independence in 1947, the Hindu temple would be restored to its original glory by the government of our own. However, the first Prime Minister of an independent India, Jawaharlal Nehru, made it clear with his stance in this matter that Gora Sahebs were replaced by the Bhoora Sahebs, both indifferent to the plight and sentiments of the common people, particularly Hindus.

From the British Colonial Raj to Congress Raj, the blatant snubbing of Hindu rights continued in both pre- and post-independent India. This blatant disdain for Hindus was reflected in the conduct of Jawaharlal Nehru, who was outspokenly against the reconstruction of the Somnath Temple.

On 13th November 1947, Sardar Patel reached Junagarh to a roaring welcome from the state’s citizens. Patel promised to restore the Somnath Mandir. When he returned to Delhi, a cabinet meeting decided to reconstruct the temple and determine that the state would cover the costs.

However, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, who once said that “Hindus should not harbour anger in their hearts against Muslims even if the latter wanted to destroy them”, said that it is the people who should cover the expenses of temple restoration. This led to the decision being overturned. Gandhi was killed in 1948, and Sardar Patel passed away in 1950.

Kanhaiyalal Maneklal (KM) Munshi, the cabinet minister at the time, became chairman of the trust’s advisory committee, which was tasked with restoring the temple. While Munshi was overseeing the restoration of the Somnath Temple, Jawaharlal Nehru was feeling a disgraceful unease (read heartburn).

In a clear declaration of his stance on the Somnath Mandir revival issue, Nehru told Munshi, “I don’t like your trying to restore Somnath. It is Hindu Revivalism.”

Between 1950 and 1951, Jawaharlal Nehru wrote a series of letters in which he expressed opposition to the reconstruction and consecration of the Somnath Temple. Nehru wrote around 17 letters to various officials, including Cabinet ministers, chief ministers, the President, the Vice President, and even to the Prime Minister of Pakistan, making his deep contempt for the Hindu community’s quest for reclamation of its destroyed temples known. He described the idea of restoring the Somnath Temple as ‘Hindu revivalism’.

Nehru had objected to President Rajendra Prasad’s decision to attend the Somnath Temple consecration ceremony. On 2nd March 1951, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru ‘confessed’ that he was against the idea of President Rajendra Prasad associating himself with the grand opening ceremony of the Somnath Temple. He urged Prasad not to preside over the ceremony.

“…I confess that I do not like the idea of your associating yourself with a spectacular opening of the Somnath temple. This is not merely visiting a temple, which can certainly be done by you or anyone else, but rather participating in a significant function which unfortunately has a number of implications. Personally, I thought that this was no time to lay stress on large-scale building operations at Somnath. This could have been done gradually and perhaps more effectively later. However, this has been done. I feel that it would be better if you did not preside over this function,” Nehru wrote.

PM Nehru, ‘secular’ icon of the Islamo-leftist cabal to this day, had also written a note to the then Secretary-General and Foreign Secretary, in which he said that he did not like the idea of collecting waters of various rivers and twigs from mountains for the Somnath consecration ceremony. He also expressed his disappointment over then-President Rajendra Prasad visiting the Somnath Temple to attend the Pran Pratishtha ceremony.

“I have also written to Mr Munshi about the Somnath temple. It is fantastic that our Embassies should be addressed in this way and asked to collect the waters of distant rivers and twigs from various mountains. I mentioned to the President sometime ago that I did not fancy his visiting the Somnath temple on this occasion. He said he had promised to do so and it was difficult for him to get out of his promise. There is nothing more to be done about it. But I have made it clear both to the President and to Mr Munshi that I do not at all like these activities,” PM Nehru wrote in the note dated 17th April 1951.

Not only this, but PM Nehru also asked the Ministry of External Affairs official to write to Indian embassies abroad not to heed requests to fetch waters from various rivers for the relevant purpose.

PM Nehru was also ‘distressed’ over the association of the Indian and Saurashtra governments with the Somnath Temple consecration ceremony. “I have been much distressed at the association of the Government of India with the ceremony that is taking place at Somnath. I wrote to the Jam Saheb and to the Government of Saurashtra about it. I find now that in fact some Ministries of the Government of India, including our Ministry, had been consulted and in fact they encouraged various steps that were taken. I am afraid we can do nothing further in the matter now. But I think all this association is most unfortunate,” Nehru wrote in a note to MEA Secretary S Dutt on 9th May 1951.

Nehru also wrote a letter to Navanagar Jam Saheb, Maharaja Digvijaysinhji Jadeja, expressing worry over the Islamic nation Pakistan accusing India of not being secular over government involvement in the Somnath Temple consecration. This overwhelming concern over what the Pakistani government would think about India came hardly five years after Pakistan came into existence, after the slaughter of Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists and other Kafir communities.

Not only this, Nehru even declined Navanagar Jam Saheb’s invitation to the Somnath Temple consecration ceremony, calling the event ‘Hindu revivalism’

The letter dated 24th April 1951 reads, “Thank you for your letter of the 22nd April conveying an invitation to the ceremonies at the Somnath temple. I am afraid it is not possible for me to leave Delhi at this critical juncture for any such function. But apart from this, I must be quite frank with you about this ceremony. Indeed I have written to you about it in another connection already. I am troubled by this revivalism and by the fact that our President and some Ministers and you as Rajpramukh are associated with it. I think that this is not in line with the nature of our State and it will have bad consequences both nationally and internationally. As individuals, of course, it is open to anyone to do what he chooses in such matters. But many of us happen to be more than private individuals, and we cannot dissociate ourselves from our public capacities.”

In one of the letters, Nehru told Home Minister C Rajagopalachari that the President should not go to the Somnath consecration ceremony. However, President Prasad rejected Nehru’s suggestion and attended the ceremony at the Somnath Temple.

While Congress carried forward Nehru’s opprobrious legacy of neglecting and suppressing Hindus and their historical grievances as ‘revivalism’ and ‘intimidation’ of minorities, the PM Modi-led BJP government changed the script. The Modi government carried forward Sardar Patel’s legacy. It ensured that, from Somnath to the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya to the Kashi Vishwanath Mandir in Varanasi, Hindu glory is not suppressed to appear ‘secular’ and appease Muslims.

No one killed 75 CRPF personnel? Chhattisgarh HC acquits 10 in 2010 Tadmetla ambush case: Here is how botched investigation, hostile witnesses caused the case to collapse

The Chhattisgarh High Court recently acquitted 10 accused in the 2010 Tadmetla ambush case, in which Naxalites brutally massacred 76 security personnel and looted their weapons. Passing the order of acquittal, a Division Bench of Chief Justice Ramesh Sinha and Justice Ravindra Agrawal expressed disappointment over the lack of reliable evidence, procedural lapses in the investigation, and failure to establish guilt beyond a reasonable doubt.

The decision was passed on an appeal filed by the state government against the trial court’s acquittal of the accused, as per a judgment passed on January 7, 2013. The Division Bench dismissed the appeal of the state government filed under Section 378 of the CrPC, noting that no direct evidence or eyewitness was available in the case. “In the present case, there is no direct evidence/eyewitness available on record. The case of prosecution is based on the ‘circumstantial evidence’, ” the High Court said in its order dated May 5, 2026.

The High Court expressed dismay over the failure of the prosecution in establishing the identities of the accused, who carried out the barbaric attack. “It is deeply painful to note that despite the loss of 75 personnel of the CRPF, including one member of the State Police, in a brutal attack allegedly carried out by Naxalites, the prosecuting agencies have not been able to establish the identity of the real perpetrators of the crime or bring them to justice for such a barbaric act,” the High Court noted.

An excerpt from the judgment

“We are equally distressed to observe that a case of such a serious magnitude, involving mass casualties and grave consequences to national security, has ultimately been dealt with in a manner where no legally admissible and reliable evidence could be produced against the accused persons. As a result, the learned trial Court was constrained to acquit them,” the court added.

An excerpt from the judgment

Lacunae highlighted by the High Court in the prosecution’s case

The High Court highlighted five major lacunae in the case of the prosecution:

Firstly, the High Court said that the prosecution could not furnish any direct evidence or eyewitness testimony linking the accused to the actual commission of the homicidal acts. None of the eyewitnesses identified the accused as the perpetrators of the crime.

Secondly, the confessional statement of the accused recorded under Section 164 Cr.P.C. was not corroborated by any independent evidence.

Thirdly, the explosive material, including pipe bombs, grenades, and rifles, was recovered from the place of the incident and not from the possession of the accused. The Forensic Science Laboratory (FSL) report was not presented before the court, due to which it could not be ascertained that the material recovered from the site was explosive.

Fourthly, the High Court noted that the record did not show a prosecution sanction required under the Arms Act, the Test Identification Parade of the accused was not conducted, and there were discrepancies in witness accounts.

Lastly, the prosecution could not establish the involvement of the accused in planting, handling, or using explosives.

The Advocate General submitted before the High Court that all the witnesses had turned hostile, and they did not identify the accused as the perpetrators of the crime. Besides, the Advocate General failed to provide a satisfactory answer when the court asked the reason for filing the appeal against the trial court judgment, when there was no evidence available to prove the guilt of the accused.

“There is no evidence regarding the prosecution sanction in the case, which is a significant omission. Thus, in the absence of the seizure of prohibited arms and explosive material from the accused, without certification of the seized material as explosive due to the non-production of the FSL report, without evidence of prosecution sanction, and with eyewitnesses not testifying to the involvement of the accused in the crime, it is not established that the accused were found illegally possessing lethal weapons such as guns, in violation of Section 3 of the Arms Act, 1959, or that they used them in the crime,” the High Court observed.

An excerpt from the judgment

Displeased over the manner of investigation of the case, the High Court asserted that the State must ensure high standards of investigation in future cases involving serious crimes to prevent recurrence of procedural lapses and to uphold
public confidence in the criminal justice system.

Background of the case

The ghastly incident happened on the morning of April 6, 2010, when Satyawan Singh, Deputy Commander, 62nd Battalion CRPF, was on Area Domination Patrol from April 4, 2010, to April 7, 2010, along with the company and police force, going towards the hilly forest of Chintalnar. On their way, the forces were ambushed by Naxalites, who opened heavy fire on them in the forest of Tadmetla village in the Sukma district.

75 CRPF personnel and a police man were killed in the barbaric attack, and their weapons were also looted. Before fleeing from the spot, the Naxalites also planted tiffin bombs. A case was lodged at the Chintagufa police station against the 10 accused. Two of the accused, including 19-year-old Barse Lakhma, who was the youngest accused in the case, died during the trial of the case.

‘Empires rose and fell, but Somnath continued to endure in our consciousness’: PM Modi pens a heartfelt note to mark 75 years since inauguration of the restored temple

At the start of 2026, I had gone to Somnath for the Somnath Swabhiman Parv, marking a thousand years since the first attack on the Somnath Temple. Now, I will be back in Somnath on 11th May to mark 75 years since the inauguration of the restored Temple by the then President of India, Dr Rajendra Prasad. In less than half a year, it is a privilege to be attending two important milestones relating to Somnath and its journey from ruin to renewal or what we describe as from Vidhvans to Srijan.

Somnath gives us a civilisational message. The vast sea before it evokes timelessness. The waves tell us…that no matter how fierce the storms are or how turbulent the tides are, one can always rise again with dignity and strength. The waves return to the shore, as though reminding every generation that the spirit of the people can never be subdued for long.

Our ancient scriptures say: प्रभासं च परिक्रम्य पृथिवीक्रमसंभवम्. It means, a Pradakshina of the divine Prabhasa (Somnath) is equal to a Pradakshina of the whole earth itself! While people have come here to pray, they have also experienced the remarkable continuity of a civilisation whose flame could never be extinguished. Empires rose and fell, tides changed, history moved through conquest and upheaval, yet Somnath continued to endure in our consciousness.

It is time to remember the countless greats who stood firm in the face of tyranny. There were Lakulisha and Soma Sarman, who transformed Prabhasa into a great centre of philosophy. Chakravarti Maharaja Dharasena IV of Vallabhi built the Second Temple there centuries ago. Bhima Deva, Jayapala and Anandapala will always be remembered for defending civilisational honour against invasions. It is said that Raja Bhoja too helped with the reconstruction. Karna Deva and Siddharaja Jayasimha played a vital role in restoring Gujarat’s political and cultural strength. Bhava Brihaspati, Kumarapala Solanki and the Pashupata Acharyas rebuilt and sustained the shrine as a great centre of worship and learning. Vishaladeva Vaghela and Tripurantaka protected its intellectual and spiritual traditions. Mahipaladeva and Ra Khangar were instrumental in reviving worship after destruction. Punyashlok Ahilyabai Holkar, whose 300th birth centenary is being marked, ensured the continuity of devotion in the most difficult of times. There were the Gaekwads of Baroda, who safeguarded the rights of pilgrims. And of course, our soil is blessed to have nurtured brave personalities like Veer Hamirji Gohil and Veer Vegdaji Bhil, whose sacrifice and courage have become a part of Somnath’s living memory.

In the 1940s, when the spirit of freedom swept across India and the foundations of a new republic were being laid under the leadership of towering figures like Sardar Patel, one thing continued to trouble him deeply…the condition of Somnath. On 13th November 1947, during Diwali time, he stood next to the dilapidated ruins of the temple with sea-water in his hands and said, “On this auspicious day of the (Gujarati) New Year, we have decided that Somnath should be reconstructed. You, people of Saurashtra, should do your best. This is a holy task in which all should participate.” On one clarion call of Sardar Patel, it was not only the people of Gujarat but also the people of the whole of India that responded enthusiastically.

Unfortunately, fate did not allow Sardar Patel to witness the fulfilment of the dream he had so passionately championed. Before the restored Somnath Temple could open its doors to devotees, he had departed from this world. Yet, his impact continued to be felt over the sacred shores of Prabhas Patan. His vision was championed by Shri KM Munshi, ably supported by the Jamsaheb of Nawanagar. In 1951, when the Temple was complete, it was decided to call the President of India, Dr. Rajendra Prasad, for the ceremony. Overcoming strong objections from the then Prime Minister Pandit Nehru, Dr. Prasad graced the ceremony, thus making it even more special and historic.

My mind also goes back to October 2001, when I had just taken over as Chief Minister. On 31st October 2001, the Jayanti of Sardar Patel, the Gujarat Government had the honour of organising a programme to mark 50 years since the Somnath Temple opened its doors. It also coincided with the 125th birth anniversary celebrations of Sardar Patel. The then Prime Minister Shri Atal Bihari Vajpayee and the then Home Minister Shri LK Advani attended the programme.

During his speech on 11th May 1951, Dr. Rajendra Prasad said that the Somnath Temple proclaims to the world that anything with unparalleled faith and love cannot be destroyed. He expressed hope that this Temple will live in the hearts of people. He also said that the restoration of the Temple was a fulfilment of Sardar Patel’s dream, but taking that spirit forward, it is important that we restore prosperity to the lives of people. These are important and inspiring messages he gave.

This is the path we have been walking for over a decade. I consider it my good fortune that, inspired by the principle of ‘Vikas Bhi, Virasat Bhi’, from Somnath to Kashi, Kamakhya to Kedarnath, Ayodhya to Ujjain, Trimbakeshwar to Srisailam, our team has had the opportunity to equip our spiritual centres with the latest facilities while at the same time preserving their traditional character. This, along with efforts to improve connectivity, ensures more people can visit them. It boosts the local economy, secures livelihoods and deepens the spirit of ‘Ek Bharat, Shreshtha Bharat.’

The struggles and sacrifices of those who laid down their lives to protect Somnath and those who rebuilt it time and again will never be forgotten. Countless individuals from different corners of India contributed to restoring its glory. They saw every part of Bharat as sacred, bound together by a sense of oneness that transcended geography. In a world often marked by divisions, this spirit of unity is more relevant than ever. Somnath will continue to stand tall in all its glory because the sense of unity and shared civilisational consciousness lives on in the hearts of every Indian. As a tribute to this, remembering the extraordinary courage of a thousand years, there will be special Pujas at Somnath for the next thousand days. It is gladdening to see several people donating for these Pujas as well.

I urge my fellow Indians to travel to Somnath in this special time. When you stand on the shores of Somnath, let its ancient echoes speak to you. You will not only be overwhelmed by devotion but will also feel the strong pulse of a civilisational spirit that refuses to fade, that is unbroken and unyielding. You will experience Bharat’s unconquerable spirit and understand why, despite every effort, our culture remained undefeated and you will have the opportunity to behold the vision of eternal triumph. It will surely be unforgettable.

Jai Somnath.

(Narendra Modi is the Prime Minister of India and is also the Chairman of the Shree Somnath Trust)