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India-US trade deal framework: Why the numbers involved tell a different story than the political noise

For the past few days, the interim India–US trade framework outlined in a joint statement has been portrayed as everything from a strategic ‘surrender’ to an economic sellout by the Opposition. Critics argue that India has been forced to commit to buying $500 billion worth of American goods, that Indian industry has been ‘exposed’ to risks, and that the government secretly bartered away leverage under duress.

Even in Parliament, Rahul Gandhi and other opposition parties cried about how India’s interests have been ‘sold out’. In the midst of political fury and prime-time drama, the framework has been reduced to slogans rather than figures. However, when the rhetoric is removed and the facts are analysed, these statements disintegrate rapidly.

A detailed assessment by SBI Research, grounded in tariffs, trade flows, sectoral impacts and macroeconomic consequences, paints a considerably more realistic picture of what India gained, what it gave up, and why the balance is decisively in India’s favour. The SBI research report tells a different story from the one being shouted by television or social media platforms.

What was actually agreed upon in the joint statement

Despite the claims, there is no full-fledged India-US trade agreement in place as of yet. What exists instead is an interim trade framework outlined in a joint statement, a limited understanding reached during ongoing trade talks, ahead of negotiations on a larger and more detailed bilateral trade agreement. Its scope is limited, specific, and clearly defined. At the centre of the interim trade framework is a reciprocal US tax of 18% on Indian goods, a significant reduction from the 50% tariff regime that had severely harmed export competitiveness. This reset places India among the lowest-tariffed Asian exporters to the United States, restoring parity with, and in some circumstances outperforming, regional counterparts.

The often-repeated assertion that India has committed to purchasing $500 billion worth of American goods is false. The joint statement contains the phrase “India intends to purchase” over a five-year period, which indicates business aspiration rather than a legally enforceable commitment. The interim framework contains no penalties, binding timelines, or procurement mandates.

Moreover, with a trade deal in place, bilateral trade is going to increase manyfold. The increase in purchases of US goods is going to be a natural outcome of increased bilateral trade, because exports are going to increase too.

Why the 18% tariff is a strategic win

The significance of the 18 per cent reciprocal tariff lies not in the number itself, but in where India stands in comparison to its competitors. Under the revised interim trade framework, India’s tariff rate is lower than or comparable to the major Asian exporters such as Vietnam (20%), Bangladesh (19%), and Indonesia (19%). In a market as price-sensitive as the United States, this tight band is important. Even a one or two percentage-point difference can determine sourcing contracts in textiles, electronics, footwear, and engineering goods. More notably, the revised tariff restores export competitiveness, which had been artificially depressed during the previous 50% system. Tariffs distorted relative prices, not inefficiency or cost overruns, causing Indian exporters to lose market share. The reset corrects the distortion and returns Indian goods to a level market footing.

Finally, the 18% conclusion indicates that India avoided being assigned to a punitive tariff category intended for politically or strategically marginal partners. Instead, it bargained its way into the mainstream trading bracket, maintaining bargaining power for future discussions while immediately enhancing export viability.

Export upside: Where India gains real money

If the debate is to move beyond rhetoric, it must move toward arithmetic. The real question is simple: where does the money flow?

Core export sectors

The tariff reset directly benefits sectors that already anchor India’s export basket to the United States. Electronics and electrical machinery account for nearly half of India’s exports in that category to the US. Pharmaceuticals, particularly generics, derive over a third of their global export revenue from the American market. Textiles and apparel, including both knitted and non-knitted segments, send roughly 30–45 per cent of their output to the US. Gems and jewellery, chemicals, engineering goods and seafood similarly maintain deep exposure to US demand. Under the earlier 50 per cent tariff regime, these sectors were operating under artificial price suppression. With tariffs reset to 18 per cent under the interim framework, they regain pricing competitiveness without requiring structural cost reductions. This is not about discovering new sectors; it is about unlocking suppressed capacity in sectors that already exist at scale.

The demand–supply gap

The larger opportunity is in size. The United States imports over $3 trillion worth of goods each year. India now supplies only about 3% of that market. The disparity between US demand and Indian supply in major areas is in the trillions. According to the SBI research report, Indian exports of the top 15 product categories alone could expand by nearly $97 billion annually under the revised tariff regime; including the broader export basket, the potential comfortably crosses $100 billion per year. Even partial realisation of this upside would significantly alter India’s external trade profile. This is not speculative optimism, but it is arithmetic based on existing demand patterns.

Trade surplus expansion

India’s trade surplus with the US stood at roughly $40.9 billion in FY25 and about $26 billion in FY26 (April–December). If the current interim trade framework progresses toward a broader bilateral agreement, it suggests that the surplus could exceed $90 billion annually if export expansion materialises alongside increased imports. In other words, even after accounting for higher imports from the US, the balance tilts decisively toward India. The surplus does not shrink, but it expands.

Farmers & Agri exports: The quiet winner

Trade arguments frequently assume that farmers will suffer collateral damage. The data suggests otherwise. India already has an agricultural trade surplus of almost $1.3 billion with the US. Under the revised tariff framework, over 75% of India’s agricultural exports to the US will be subject to zero reciprocal tariffs. Rice, in which India accounts for nearly a fifth of US imports, stands to benefit from improved pricing positioning. Tariff reductions support the export of spices, tea, and coffee by strengthening plantations. The fisheries sector, which had previously been under pressure from rising tariffs, has regained competitive access to a valuable market. Rather than undermining rural export chains, it boosts them by providing greater access to a premium consumption market. For agricultural exporters, scalability in the US market means bigger margins and greater resilience.

What India conceded and what it hasn’t

India agreed to reduce or eliminate tariffs on selected US industrial and agricultural products within the scope of interim trade framework. This includes categories such as energy imports, certain agricultural  commodities like almonds and soybean oil, and industrial goods, including aircraft and advanced machinery. Increased imports from the US, particularly in energy, aviation and technology, are expected over time.

These are calculated trade-offs designed to balance negotiations and secure tariff relief on the export side. There is no binding obligation to purchase $500 billion worth of American goods. The language reflects intent, not enforceable procurement mandates. There is no blanket acceptance of free cross-border data flows. 

Why the Bangladesh comparison is overhyped

The comparison with Bangladesh’s trade arrangement has generated more anxiety than evidence. India faces an 18 per cent tariff, while Bangladesh faces a 19 per cent tariff. The difference is marginal. Bangladesh does receive conditional zero-tariff access for certain textile categories, but this is tied to sourcing US cotton and man-made fibres inputs that are generally costlier than regional alternatives. Moreover, India’s textile exporters have secured zero-duty access to the European Union under a separate arrangement, opening a market far larger than the incremental US textile differential. The competitive equation remains broadly intact. Alarmism does not alter cost structures.

Macro impact: GDP, Forex, Credit Flow

At the macro level, the projections are measurable. SBI Research estimates that the net impact of export expansion under the interim trade framework could add roughly 1.1% to GDP. Reduced import duties on select US goods may yield approximately $3 billion in annual foreign-exchange savings. Export growth also has strong spillover effects. Historical correlation suggests that a 1% increase in exports leads to roughly a 1.28 per cent increase in export credit. As export volumes rise, credit flows to manufacturing sectors tend to strengthen, reinforcing job creation and industrial capacity. In this case, trade policy links directly to domestic credit expansion and production momentum.

Conclusion: From noise to numbers 

Without political gimmicks, the interim trade framework presents a simple equation: enhanced tariff parity, increased export potential, expanding trade surplus, and preserved regulatory autonomy. Crucially, this framework does not constitute a signed trade agreement. It reflects the current state of negotiations as articulated in a joint statement, with several elements still subject to further discussion, clarification, and formalisation.

It does not indicate ideological affiliation with Washington. It symbolises the transactional advantage gained through negotiation. The outcome increases surplus, protects sovereignty, and broadens strategic alternatives in a changing global trade scenario. The real test now lies ahead. Much will depend on how negotiations evolve, what additional details emerge, and whether exporters, manufacturers, and policymakers are able to translate provisional tariff relief into a durable market share. In trade, as in economics, outcomes are ultimately measured in numbers, not narratives.

What does BNP’s Tarique Rahman becoming Bangladeshi PM mean for India? Read how ‘lesser evil’ phenomenon may mean improved relations and a more ‘workable’ neighbour

After one and a half years of the interim government led by Chief Advisor Muhammad Yunus, Bangladesh will finally have a democratically elected government. Bangladesh Nationalist Party is set to form the government after a decisive win at the national elections held on 12 February 2026. Former PM Khaled Zia’s son, Tarique Rahma,n will become the prime minister, who returned to Bangladesh just weeks before the election after a long exile in the UK.

With results for 297 out of 299 seats declared, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) has secured a sweeping landslide, clinching a two-thirds majority in the 300-seat Jatiya Sangsad. As per the latest numbers, BNP and its allies are winning over 210 seats, while the main opposition, the Jamaat-e-Islami-led 11-party alliance, is set to manage around 70 seats.

BNP chairman Tarique Rahman, who returned from 17 years in UK exile in December 2025, won both seats he contested (Dhaka-17 and Bogura-6) and is now set to be sworn in as the next Prime Minister, likely as early as this weekend. The BNP has already called for nationwide prayers of gratitude instead of victory celebrations, signalling a return to power after two decades in the opposition.

The election results are important for neighbouring India, as it is closely tied to India’s security. A chorus of scepticism is already rising in India over the results. People are cautioning that India has reasons to worry with BNP in power, given the party’s anti-India history. When Khaleda Zia was the prime minister of Bangladesh, the country had become a safe haven for separatist forces in North-Eastern India, most notably the ULFA. It is alleged that during BNP’s 2001-2006 stint in power, the party turned a blind eye to massive arms hauls destined for India. The party also presided over a coalition that tolerated anti-India rhetoric and violence against minorities.

BNP ruling Bangladesh was a low point in bilateral ties with India, marked by border skirmishes, smuggling, and a tilt toward Pakistan. The ties improved significantly after the Awami League won the elections and Sheikh Hasina became the prime minister. Indian separatist groups were evicted, forcing them to move to Myanmar and other places in the region. Bilateral trade also thrived under the Hasina government.

Therefore, it is correct that BNP forming the Bangladesh government is not very good news for India; however, it is the best outcome of the results from India’s perspective. There were only two possible outcomes of these elections, and the actual outcome is definitely much better.

The Awami League, India’s most reliable partner for over a decade, was banned from the polls. The contest was between just two fronts: the BNP and a Jamaat-e-Islami-led 11-party alliance. The latter is a coalition heavy on Islamists, Jamaat itself, Bangladesh Khelafat Majlis, Khelafat Majlis, Bangladesh Khilafat Andolan, Nizam-e-Islam Party, and student radicals rebranded as the National Citizen Party, among others. Many of the parties in the alliance have Islamic ideologies with goals of establishing an Islamic state run according to Sharia.

Jamaat opposed Bangladesh’s very creation in 1971, aligning with Pakistan’s genocidal campaign. It has long been an advocate of radical ideology, with roots in the vision of Sharia supremacy and a soft spot for Islamabad. The organisation was banned and was not allowed to contest elections, which were revoked after the fall of the Hasina govt.

A Jamaat-led government would have been a strategic nightmare for India. It would have meant a Dhaka tilting hard toward Pakistan and China, spreading terror networks to India through the porous border, escalating attacks on Hindus and other minorities, disputes over water-sharing and other issues, and a general “India Out” hysteria. Under Jamaat, the Bay of Bengal would tilt further into Beijing’s grasp, with Pakistan gaining a proxy entry to the region.

Radical Islam on India’s eastern front, fuelled by the same forces that run Pakistan and destabilised Afghanistan and Myanmar, would export instability straight into West Bengal, Assam, and the entire country.

The BNP, for all its flaws, is different. It is a nationalist party, not theocratic. The party, with its experience in governance, is expected to be pragmatic enough to recognise that Bangladesh’s economy cannot thrive in isolation from India.

In short, BNP’s win may not be positive for India, but Jamaat’s loss is a big positive from the Indian point of view.

Moreover, Tarique Rahman has given some encouraging signals. His “Bangladesh First” policy emphasises equidistance from big powers, but not direct hostility. In recent weeks, he has spoken of “mutual respect” and economic partnerships, a far cry from openly anti-India campaigns during the Yunus-led interim government.

Another important fact is New Delhi’s diplomacy and proactive action, as the government didn’t sit idle during the turmoil in Bangladesh. After Tarique returned from 17 years in UK exile in December 2025, India quickly moved ahead to connect with him. External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar visited Dhaka to offer condolences on Khaleda Zia’s death. The minister met Tarirque during the visit and delivered a personal letter from Prime Minister Modi.

India gave a clear signal, while we have sheltered Sheikh Hasina, we are ready to work with the new govt in Bangladesh. And after it became clear that BNP would win the elections, PM Narendra Modi didn’t delay in congratulating Tarique Rahman and BNP, he didn’t wait for the official results to be out.

Therefore, while BNP’s past makes it an unreliable partner for India, it is the new reality, and the much better outcome, as the alternative was an Islamist bloc that could have dragged Bangladesh into the Pakistan-China axis, escalating anti-India hostilities. Moreover, the National Citizen Party formed by students who threw out the Hasina government didn’t perform well in the elections. It was part of the coalition led the Jamaat, and contested in 30 seats, but won only 6. As NCP is openly anti-India, its dismal performance is positive for India.

Another important point is that Bangladeshi voters have given a clear mandate to the BNP with a massive majority, and the party is not dependent on any coalition partner. A stable BNP govt potentially means better border security with better coordination against smuggling and infiltration.

India-Bangladesh ties can now move ahead, with the resumption of talks on various issues, including Teesta waters, connectivity via the India-Bangladesh-Myanmar-Thailand highway, and bilateral trade. It can also be expected that Dhaka won’t become a full-fledged “string of pearls” outpost of China under the BNP.

However, the relations will still be linked to Sheikh Hasina’s shelter in India. If BNP presses on for her return, she has been sentenced to death by the International Crimes Tribunal of Bangladesh for ‘crimes against humanity’, the relationship will be complicated, and the ball will be in the Indian court. Before the elections, BNP, along with other parties, had urged India to hand her over to Bangladesh.

The new govt will have its plate full after taking the oath, and Sheikh Hasina will not be at the top of the priority list. As the Bangladeshi voters have accepted the referendum for the July Charter, the new government and the parliament will have to implement the charter in first 150 days. This includes the establishment of a new upper house and several other institutional changes that will require substantial changes to the constitution.

‘Caste by birth remains the same even if one changes religion’: How Allahabad HC’s verdict on a case under SC-ST Act can lead to misinterpretations and misuse

On 10th February (Tuesday), the Allahabad High Court declared that caste, which is conferred by birth, does not change in spite of intercaste marriage or religious conversion. Justice Anil Kumar was hearing a criminal case concerning atrocities under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. It concerned a SC woman who married a man outside the community.

Dinesh and eight other individuals had moved a criminal appeal against the order of the Special Judge under the SC/ST Act who had ordered them to stand trial for violations under Sections 323, 506, 452 and 354 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) and Section 3(1)(R) of the SC/ST Act but the plea has been denied.

The woman accused these persons of attacking, abusing and hurling casteist slurs at her during a confrontation. She registered a criminal complaint against them and expressed that three persons including herself were wounded in the instance. The occurrence transpired in the Aligarh district of Uttar Pradesh.

The court noted that both the events detailed in the First Information Report (FIR) and specified in the complaint happened simultaneously on the same day. It emphasised, “The allegation in the complaint is that the informant was assaulted and abused by the appellants. The complainant has also stated that the appellants used casteist slurs during the altercation. Three persons, including the informant, were injured in the incident. Hence, the claim of the appellants that the present complaint was lodged as a counterblast is untenable. Therefore, this criminal appeal lacks merit and is liable to be dismissed.”

The court listens to arguments and pronounces its verdict

The plaintiffs contended that they had been wrongfully implicated and an FIR had been launched against the woman before the current complaint. They maintained that the injury reports are on file confirming that other members of their family had also been hurt.

They further argued that she is “a resident of West Bengal, where she belongs to the SC/ST community. She has now married a person belonging to the Jat community. However, she has concealed this fact and has claimed herself to be a woman belonging to the SC/ST community. Once she married a person belonging to the Jat community, she cannot claim herself to be a woman belonging to the SC/ST community.”

They then highlighted that a woman who marries someone from a different caste loses her original caste. She transforms into a member of her spouse’s caste. Therefore, it is unsustainable and subject to revocation to call them for the purported infractions as well as under the SC/ST Act.

“The existence of a cross-case does not constitute a ground to discard a complaint filed by the opposite party on a rival version. Hence, it cannot be said that the learned trial court has committed any illegality in summoning the appellants for the alleged offences,” the court observed.

Afterwards, it concluded, “So far as the contention that the informant has lost her caste after marrying a person belonging to the Jat community is concerned, the said contention has no force. Though a person may change religion, his or her caste remains the same despite conversion to another religion. Hence, marriage does not change a person’s caste. Therefore, the said contention is unsustainable. Accordingly, the appeal is dismissed.”

The order of special judge, SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act

On 27th July 2022, Special Judge Sanjeev Kumar Singh, presiding over the court of the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act pronounced the verdict following a complaint lodged by Jyotirai Devi. She prayed that defendants, Dinesh, Mahendra, Satish, Lotan, Bharat Bhushan, Tikesh, Ajit, Subhash, Rinku, Rajesh Devi and Manju Devi should be summoned for trial and face punishment.

Jyotirai Devi claimed to be a SC and asserted that they are influential members of the Jat community. The court order read that she had contested the village chief’s election the previous year which led to animosity from the accused. It further reported that she was preparing food in her courtyard when some bricks fell into her space on 6th September 2021.

She objected but Dinesh and Mahendra entered the house brandishing sticks. Bharat Bhushan had a country-made pistol, Tikesh was equipped with an iron pipe, Ajit had a sickle and Subham as well as Rinku were holding bricks and sticks. Rajesh Devi had a brick in his hand and Manju Devi was also armed with a stick.

The complainant and her family members were assaulted and abused by them. The accused wanted to teach her a lesson because she had been quite vocal in the community and was attempting to establish herself as a leader. These individuals pushed her down while making these remarks and Dinesh grabbed her private parts.

Meanwhile, Mahendra, Satish, Rajesh Devi and Manju Devi battered Jyotirai Devi with sticks and bricks. Bharat Bhushan discharged a firearm at her family members with the intent to kill, resulting in them narrowly escaping harm but she endured injuries. On the other hand, Dharamveer and Sitaram from the neighbourhood heard the chaos and landed at the scene to try to help her. However, the accused issued threats to kill her as the two departed.

No action on the police complaint and the court’s decision

Jyotirai Devi attempted to file a report at the police station but it was not accepted. She subsequently submitted an application to the Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) in Aligarh on 21st September 2021. Nevertheless. no action was taken.

The complainant had been examined in oral evidence in accordance with sections 200 and 202 of the Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC). Photocopies of medical examination reports pertaining to her, Vishnu Kumar and Ramesh had been given to the SSP.

An application was previously put forward by the complainant under section 156 (3) CrPC in respect of which a report was summoned from the police station. It highlighted that Dinesh had registered an FIR under sections 147, 323, 308, 504 and 506 of the IPC against her husband Vishnu Kumar and 8 others in the Khair police station of the Aligarh district.

Jyotirai Devi’s statement outlined that the aforementioned medical analysis had also been provided. She stressed that all the opposing parties were responsible for the incident but the witness called by her, Vishnu Kumar who is her husband, did not state that Rajesh Devi Manju Devi were implicated in the crime. Hence, summoning the duo for trial was unwarranted.

However, the order added that a prima facie case had been lodged under sections 323, 506, 452 and 354 of the IPC and Section 3(1)(R) of the SC/ST Act which justified their presence for trial based on the examination of the proof associated with the complaint.

The court instructed Dinesh, Mahendra, Satish, Lotan, Bharat Bhushan, Tikesh, Ajit, Subhash and Rinku to stand trial under sections 323, 506, 452 and 354 of the Indian Penal Code along with section 3(1)(r) of the SC/ST Act and urged the complainant to submit the necessary defence within a week. It added that the accused must attend the hearing scheduled for 18th September 2022.

Lotan Singh’s FIR accuses Vishnu and his companions

On 7th September 2021, an FIR was initiated by Lotan Singh son of Bhagwan Sahay of Mathna hamlet with the officer-in-charge of the Khair Police Station. He conveyed that Vishnu and others had an issue with him because he did not support them through his vote during the election of village head (pradhan). OpIndia has a copy of the official complaint.

He stated, “Shyam Singh son of a moneylender Ramesh, Jugendra Singh son of Ramlal Vishnu and Sitaram, Mahendra Singh, Lal Singh alias Lalu who are sons of Yashveer along with Harikishan (Kalu) and Shyam Singh (Shyam) forcibly entered my residence armed with sticks and bricks and commenced to assault me at around 6:30 pm on 6th September.”

He mentioned that Dinesh son of Girraj and Satish son of Devdutt, rushed to intervene owing to the commotion, however, they were also thrashed by the attackers. “My sons, Bharat and Dinesh, endured a severe beating. They have sustained serious head injuries and I have also suffered wounds,” the complainant charged.

“The level of brutality has exceeded all bounds. I arrived at the police station in a critical state and since I was unable to file a report yesterday, I have come today,” he added, demanding strict action in the matter. The authorities invoked sections 147, 323, 308 and 452 of the IPC.

Judgement could open the door to the Dalit Christian reservation

The decision, although made to address a conflict between two sides, might lead to significant implications for the broader society. Its reference to the maintenance of SC/ST caste status for women even when they marry outside their community and the assertion that religion does not influence caste has the potential to open a Pandora’s box.

This could cause numerous people who have converted to Christianity and even other faiths to seek a stake in the reservations that are intended solely for SC/ST individuals affiliated with Indic religions like Hinduism and others.

Notably, the Supreme Court earlier clarified that an individual loses their caste immediately upon embracing Christianity and expressed, “In any case, upon conversion to Christianity, one loses her caste and cannot be identified by it.” The court further underscored the sensitivities linked to the reservation and the fundamental motive behind the action, pointing out that even entering the fold of Hinduism to gain caste benefits is a deception against the Constitution. It added that reservations are meant to rectify historical injustice and advance social justice.

Additionally, Indian courts have consistently maintained that the reservation is not for those who have left Hinduism and become Christians. Interestingly, the Allahabad High Court last year directed the district magistrates of the state to identify those who have converted yet continue to reap the benefits of SC status, deeming it a “fraud on the Constitution.”

On the other hand, the concept of caste does not exist in Christianity or any other religion. Nonetheless, there is a caste system within the Indian Christian community. Many Christians follow the same even though the Vatican and other religious organisations do not support it. These people adhere to the caste that they or their ancestors were a part of prior to their conversion. This is utilised as a foundation to often demand reservations for them.

However, it seems very outlandish to renounce the Hindu religion while retaining its fundamental aspects when embarking on a new spiritual journey. Furthermore, Christian missionaries have been known to target Hindus from lower castes in an effort to convert them by ensuring that there is “no place for discrimination” in their religion. Nonetheless, if the promise is revealed to be untrue, then they can easily do “ghar wapsi” and become a Hindu.

More importantly, considering them for reservation represents a grave injustice inflicted upon SC/ST Hindus who have not been swayed to abandon their faith in the name of bogus promises and hold a valid right to the reservations.

If the category is expanded to include Christians, it will result in fewer seats in jobs and educational institutions for bona fide members of the SC/ST community, as thousands of new candidates are going to compete for the opportunities reserved for the latter, making it more difficult for the already marginalised sections of the demographic to ascend the economic ladder.

Moreover, the government exclusively seizes donations from Hindu temples and sacred sites under the pretext of taxes. Therefore, reservations serve as a means to elevate the marginalised members of the Hindu community. Universalising reservations will also result in a loss of their real character and the purpose for which they were originally introduced. This situation will also be exploited by the vested interests groups and several will jump ship to switch religious allegiances as per convenience, thus defeating the whole purpose of the laws.

Hence, the remarks in the recent judgment of the Allahabad High Court could introduce several new challenges for a developing India and carry extensive outcomes, particularly in relation to the Hindu SC/ST community.

Health Insurance plans for family explained through recent reforms

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With healthcare costs skyrocketing each year, an unexpected medical emergency can quickly deplete your finances. Health insurance plans for families can effectively protect multiple individuals without the need for separate policies for each family member.

With recent reforms in the insurance sector, many family health insurance plans have become more affordable, transparent, and consumer-friendly, with greater flexibility in several cases. Read on to learn everything about the best health insurance plans, how they have been affected by recent reforms, and the factors to consider when choosing a health insurance plan.

What is a Family Health Insurance Plan?

Family health policy plans are commonly known as family floater plans. They cover multiple family members with a single sum insured. The number of family members who can be insured under a family health plan includes:

  • Self
  • Spouse
  • Dependent Children
  • Parents

This shared family health cover helps families get broader protection at a lower cost than buying separate policies.

What are the recent reforms introduced in Family Health Insurance?

Family health insurance has undergone several policy-level reforms. These reforms are aimed at protecting consumers. Let’s learn how health insurance plans for family are affected by recent reforms:

1. 0% GST on Health Insurance

With the recent GST update, the GST on health insurance policies has been reduced to 0%. Hence, health insurance premiums are much cheaper than before.

2. Standardisation of policy wordings

Insurance companies are now using standardised policy wordings for terms such as waiting periods, exclusions, and room rents. This has made it easier for individuals to compare health insurance plans for their families.

3. Reduced claim rejections for minor errors

Recent guidelines encourage insurance companies to take a more practical approach while assessing claims. Insurers are advised not to reject claims for minor or non-material errors, especially when such errors do not affect the validity of the policy or the claim itself. 

4. Coverage for modern treatments

Many policies now cover advanced treatments, daycare treatments, and digital consultations, which is a big plus point for families with different age groups in the household.

5. Faster claim settlements

Regulatory guidelines have introduced clearer timelines for the processing and settlement of health insurance claims once all required documents are submitted. These timelines are intended to improve efficiency and reduce delays. 

Why family plans make financial sense

In addition to saving time and effort, opting for a single-family plan can help families save money. One premium payment, one renewal date, and one policy are definitely easier to manage and track. Some family health insurance policies also offer cumulative bonuses, in which the sum assured increases each year without a claim. This is definitely a welcome feature since healthcare costs are known to increase over time, especially in older age groups.

Covering parents under a family plan

Many insurance buyers in India look for mediclaim for a family with parents, since caring for elderly parents can make you incur higher healthcare expenses later. Some family floater health insurance policies allow parents to be covered under the same policy. While others recommend that parents be covered separately due to health risks.

The sections regarding senior citizen coverage, pre-existing disease waiting periods, and co-payment clauses are now more transparent. When selecting a family health insurance policy for parents, it’s essential to carefully review these sections before deciding to include them.

How to choose the right Family Health Insurance Plan?

Instead of trying to find “cheap” health insurance policies, families must always aim to get the most value for money. Here are some of the key points to consider while choosing the right health insurance mediclaim policy for the family:

  • Adequate Sum Insured: The sum assured must be adequate to cover the hospital bills of all family members in one year.
  • Reasonable Waiting Periods: The waiting periods for pre-existing conditions must be minimal to ensure future security.
  • Wide Hospital Network: The cashless network of hospitals must be extensive to prevent out-of-pocket expenses.
  • Premium Flexibility: A health insurance plan’s premium calculator helps estimate costs based on age and coverage.

By following the above steps, you can easily narrow down the best health insurance plans for families.

Are there affordable Family Medical Insurance Plans?

Due to increased competition and regulatory reforms, insurance companies are providing affordable health insurance plans for families. Voluntary deductibles, no-claim bonuses, and wellness programs help reduce premium costs over time.

Another important factor is that buying insurance plans for families at the right time is crucial. Young families can enjoy lower premium costs and less restrictive policies. However, affordability should be weighed against coverage adequacy, not just the lowest premium.

Conclusion

Regulatory reforms have made health insurance plans for families more affordable and transparent. Families can enjoy better control over their healthcare needs. However, before you buy a policy, read all insurance-related documents carefully and choose the plan that offers the best value for money. Choosing the best health insurance plan for your family can protect both your health and your long-term finances.

No, Kamruddin, who has been arrested by Delhi Police in a triple-murder case, is not a ‘Tantrik’: Here’s how the media gives a Hindu spin to Muslim-perpetrated crimes

The Delhi Police arrested a Muslim occultist named Kamruddin on 11th February for killing two men and a woman by giving them poisoned laddus as part of a ceremony that promised them a windfall called “Dhanvarsha.” The arrest of Uttar Pradesh’s Firozabad resident came days after three dead bodies were found in a car on the Peeragarhi flyover of Outer Delhi.  The mainstream media outlets widely covered the news; however, they described Kamruddin as a ‘Tantrik’, giving the impression that the perpetrator is a Hindu.

Kamruddin promised ‘Dhanvarsha’, delivered death: Media headlines turned a murderer, Muslim occultist, into a ‘Tantrik’

The action against Kamruddin was taken by the Delhi Police after three people, identified as Laxmi, Randhir (76), (40) and Shiv Naresh (42), were found unconscious inside a white automobile in Peeragarhi, after which cops rushed to the scene and found out that they were dead.

During the investigation, it turned out that one of the victims, Laxmi, was in touch with an occultist. The probe revealed that Kamruddin had communicated with the deceased and had promised them cash benefits through certain ‘rituals’. Kamruddin had an accomplice named Salim, who introduced Laxmi, Randhir and Shiv Naresh to him. The Muslim occultist, or Aleem and his three victims recently met in Ghaziabad’s Loni.

The police said that Kamruddin persuaded the victims to perform a rite for “Dhanvarsha” and directed them to set aside 2 lakhs in cash for the ceremony, along with cold beverages and alcohol. Kamruddin then gave them poisoned sweets and took their cash.

While the criminal and his accomplice are both Muslims, a significant section of the mainstream media used the Hindu identifiers ‘Tantrik’ or ‘self-styled Tantrik’ for Kamruddin. Although the body of these news reports mentions the name of the arrested perpetrator, the headline and main content primarily use the Hindu identifiers, leaving their readers with the impression that the arrested occultist is Hindu.

In this vein, Hindustan Times published a report with the headline: “Tantrik held in Delhi triple murder was linked to similar crimes in UP, Rajasthan.”

An India Today report’s headline reads: Tantrik arrested in Delhi car deaths linked to 5 more murders in UP, Rajasthan.”

Another leading newspaper, Indian Express, wrote the headline: A tantrik who promised to double money — and served ‘poisoned laddoos’: Cracking the Delhi flyover triple murder.”

DNA India published a profile of Kamruddin, mentioning his name in the headline; however, it chose not to use the appropriate term and used the term ‘Tantrik’.Who is Baba Kamruddin, Tantrik held in Delhi triple murder? How did he lure victims with poison ‘laddu’?” the headline reads.

Meanwhile, The Print also used the term ‘Tantrik’ and did not mention Kamruddin’s name in their report’s headline or excerpt. “Delhi cops crack triple murder. ‘Tantrik’ out on bail fed trio poisoned laddoos in name of prasad,” The Print report’s headline reads.

The Hindi media was no different, as they also followed the pattern of using misleading identifiers for the Muslim occultist.

In this vein, Aaj Tak headlined its report as: “पिछले साल डबल मर्डर, इस साल ट्रिपल…, दिल्ली के इस ‘तांत्रिक’ ने पहले भी लोगों को खिलाए हैं जहरीले लड्डू.”

Similarly, Dainik Jagran wrote, “ट्रिपल मर्डर का आरोपी तांत्रिक कौन? बचने के लिए लगाया था शातिर दिमाग; अब पुलिस की जांच में खुली क्राइम कुंडली.”

Muslim faith healers and occultists become ‘Tantriks’ in media headlines: Mainstream media conditioning people into associating occult-related crimes with Hinduism

This is not the first time that mainstream media has used misleading Hindu identifiers for Muslim occultists involved in criminal activities, including financial fraud, rape, and murder.  There have been concerted attempts by many media outlets to not only conceal the names of Muslim perpetrators but also give them a Hindu spin to depict that the crime was committed by Hindus.

Over the years, OpIndia has on many occasions called media outlets for using Hindu identifiers for Muslim Pir or Aamils defrauding people in the name of Sihr (an Islamic term for Black Magic).

Back in 2020, a Moulvi named Aslam Faizi was arrested for raping a woman who was facing family issues, on the pretext of reconciling the woman with her estranged husband. After an FIR was filed in this case, several media outfits like ‘Nayi Dunia’, gave the entire incident a Hindu spin by describing the alleged rapist as “Tantrik”– a practitioner of the “tantra vidya“, who is mainly associated with Hinduism.

In 2019, NDTV attributed the death of a 10-year-old boy because of the rituals performed by a Muslim healer to a “Tantrik”, giving a Hindu slant to the headline.

There have been several times in the past when the media has resorted to such chicanery. As per a Hindu report, a woman had accused a “tantrik” of raping her in Ajmer, after taking her there on the “pretext of offering prayers at a Dargah“.

In one case, The Times of India had carried an article titled, “Tantrik gets 10 years in jail for rape and extortion”. Like the reports mentioned above, the name of the accused was “Warsi”.

Sometimes, the mainstream media also attempts creativity even in describing crime-accused Muslim occultists. In one such case, Dainik Jagran once called a Muslim accused named Aftab, in a harassment case, “Tantrik Sufi Baba” in the headline.

In one case, Hindi News18 in its article carried the headline, “Tantrik arrested for committing misdemeanour with a minor, under the pretext of chasing away ghosts”. In this case, the perpetrator was a Muslim man named Hafiz Sajid.

In May 2025, Dainik Bhaskar calleda Muslim faith healer named Mubarik Mansuri, who trapped and raped 40-50 women under the pretence of exorcisms and ritual healing, a ‘Tantrik’ in its report.

There has been an ongoing attempt to condition people into associating heinous crimes like sexual exploitation and black magic not with the actual perpetrators, but with the Hindu identity that the media implants in their minds. The deliberate habit of concealing or downplaying the Muslim identity of the crime-accused occultists or exorcists is also found in the case of Christian priests, who are often called pūjāris, subtly transferring blame and stigma onto Hindu figures.

Criminal or not, a Muslim Pir/Aleem/occultist cannot be called a Tantrik: Why media’s ‘tantrik’ labelling of Muslim occultists is outrageously problematic

Irrespective of the fact that a self-styled Muslim faith healer, exorcist or occultist is involved in crimes like sexual exploitation or black magic, etc., or not, they cannot, in any context, be described as ‘Tantriks’. The term ‘Tantrik’ cannot be turned into a religion-neutral identifier of occultists across all religions.

A Tantrik is someone who follows the teachings and practices outlined in the Tantras, which are a large body of Hindu scriptures. Some Tantriks belong to the Shaiv tradition, some to Shakt or the one where Goddess Shakti is the main deity, and other such Hindu traditions. While the mainstream media is reducing the term Tantrik to a religion-neutral synonym for criminal occultist, true Tantriks use Tantra Vidya for spiritual liberation through mantra, yantra, Kundalini, and other sacred practices. Contrary to the notion popularised by television dramas, movies, and media propaganda, is a sophisticated esoteric path rooted in Hindu scriptures, and not generic ‘magic’.

In fact, not all Hindu occultists are Tantriks, let alone Muslim occultists being Tantriks. Yet, the media houses indulge in sloppy, misleading and essentially anti-Hindu journalism. By using selective and misleading terminology, ‘Tantrik’ for Muslim or any other non-Hindu mystic, faith healer, occultist or exorcist, especially in crime-related reports, media outlets are deceiving readers by shaping perception.

Most of the time, people may not open and read the complete report. In fact, people usually form impressions from headlines and visuals. “Tantrik arrested for killing three people”, “Another Tantrik arrested for sexually exploiting women”,  and similar headlines, especially in cases where the perpetrator(s) do not belong to Hindu religion, reinforce the stereotype that superstition-driven crime is a ‘Hindu problem’ wherein, both perpetrators and victims are mostly Hindus even as the ‘Jadu-Tona’, ‘Vashikaran’, ‘Jinn-manipulation’, and other such superstition-related crimes happen with Muslims are other non-Hindu communities as well.

In occult-related crimes, where the perpetrator essentially exploits the vulnerabilities of the victims and offers fake religion-based solutions, mentioning the correct religious identity of the accused is even more important. Not everything needs to be ‘secularised’.

Besides ideological biases, the offensive usage of the term ‘Tantrik’ in cases of Muslim occultists like Kamruddin indulging in criminal activities also reflects colloquialism and laziness. This laziness and insensitivity towards Hindu sentiments are not confined to media headlines but are also often found in police FIRs.

Who is Dr Priyanka Tripathi: Meet the IIT Patna professor who misuses Hindu scriptures and uses Shakti to circulate her agenda via research papers

The Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) Patna has come under fire after it was found that its employee, Dr Priyanka Tripathi, distorted Hindu scriptures to advance her appalling agenda. “Since ages, Prakriti has been believed in Hindu mythology to be closely associated with femininity in India, and the present article will elaborate on how it energises lesbian experiences as an alternative source of Shakti (i.e., power) beyond the heteronormative Prakriti and Purusha (literal meaning man) dualism,” the research paper alleged.

The obnoxious statement was written by her and Chhandita Das in the “(En)Queering Prakriti: Decolonial Ecofeminism and Lesbian Subjectivity in Out! Stories from the New Queer India,” and published by the international journal “Feminist Encounters: A Journal of Critical Studies in Culture and Politics.” The authors also claimed, “Shakti in the decolonial context of queer eco-feminism can not only offer resistance to fixed heterosexual categories, but also can shape potential pathways of queer subjectivity and sustainability.”

“It is primarily the shared emphasis on fluidity and interconnectivity among species beyond any binary mechanism, that the decolonial Indian concept Prakriti and queer ecofeminism are deeply related,” the paper added and then declared that “reconstructing lesbian ecofeminism through the decolonial lens of Prakriti and its associated spiritual belief of Shakti can be effective, as it offer possibilities that can eulogise the existence of every woman and her impending relationships on the earth beyond the traditional method of othering.”

It likewise read, “The provocation of these identifications of lesbians in or as Prakriti, in turn, empowers them with Shakti.” The paper was saturated with such flagrant attacks on the core values of Hinduism, a freedom that cannot be exercised with any other religion due to the “Sar Tan Se Juda” backlash.

Moreover, the writers did not miss the chance to assail Hindutva while mocking Hinduism and mentioned, “In such cases, it is often expected that the freedom of individual choice and pre-set social standards have to be forcefully reconciled. This will, in turn, ensure pseudo-familial respectability and the making of heterosexual Indianness under the rising codes of Hindutva (Bharucha, 1995; Juluri, 1999).”

“Their unification, though in death, in the lap of Prakriti, marks the heightened Shakti of lesbianism to reject every compulsory pressure to conform, so that even death is preferable to convention. This construction does draw upon the tragic motif of the doomed lesbian story seen so commonly in western literature of the mid-twentieth century, however, here we are also arguing that for these young women, death is liberation, not just annihilation. The reconfiguration of a queer Prakriti, particularly in the natural spaces in the selected stories, is done very purposely,” asserted Das and Tripathi in repeated violations of the fundamental principles of the Hindu faith.

Who is Priyanka Tripathi

Priyanka Tripathi, who did her PhD (Doctor of Philosophy) from IIT Kharagpur, is an associate professor of English at IIT Patna and earlier served as the head of the Department of Humanities and Social Sciences there. She is also the Fellowship Coordinator for the Journal of International Women’s Studies produced by Bridgewater State University in the United States of America.

“Additionally, she holds the position of Associate Editor for the Journal of Graphic Novels and Comics (Taylor & Francis) and Global South Literary Studies (Taylor & Francis),” conveyed the official website.

It outlined that Tripathi has previously been awarded distinguished fellowships such as Charles Wallace India Trust Visiting Fellowship (2024-25) at the School of History, University of Leeds and IPD (Institute for Peace and Dialogue) Visiting Research Fellowship (2022-23) at Institute for Advanced Studies in the Humanities (IASH), University of Edinburgh.

The website highlighted, “Her monograph with Bloomsbury is titled The Gendered War: Evaluating Feminist Ethnographic Narratives of the 1971 War of Bangladesh (2022). Her forthcoming monograph with the National Book Trust of India is titled Mann Ki Baat & Bharatiya Art, Culture and Heritage. She works in the areas of Medical Humanities, Gender Studies, South Asian Fiction, and Graphic Novels.”

Ridiculing Hinduism under the guise of opposing patriarchy

Tripathi, with her insightful perspective, announced that Hindu men started to venerate the Shivling (the phallus) once they understood their involvement in nurturing life within the traditionally matriarchal Hindu society. Thereafter, she initiated a vitriolic discourse on the Hindu marriage system and the subjugation of women in her piece, “Women and Wounded Self: Exploring Indian Women’s Short Fiction in English.”

She expectedly invoked Hindu mythology and scriptures to prove her twisted narrative of considering women as inferior to men and relegating them to an inferior role of being dominated and subdued. These allegations which included references to feelings of anxiety with the birth of girls in the Vedic period and the treatment of the news as disastrous in the post-Vedic period, were made while engaging in a discussion about the vital subject of domestic violence.

Tripathi similarly appeared to harbour significant animosity towards the “patriarchal” Hindu society as well which she criticised while extolling the exploitative and anti-women kotha culture in “Exploring the Margins of Kotha Culture: Reconstructing a Courtesan’s Life in Neelum Saran Gour’s Requiem in Raga Janki,” which had been co-authored with Das.

The two charged, “Such othering of women is also an innate part of Hindu patriarchal societies which believe that women are unable to address their own issues of which Manusmriti, ancient text completely boasts off stating that a woman belongs to her father in childhood, to her husband in youth and in her old age she belongs to her son only (Ghosh, Manusmriti).”

The paper even declared, “Unlike Indian households where lessons of adjustment are tutored to girls, in kotha women are more familiar with taking their own decisions, reversing the constraints imposed on (Oldenburg 278),” in a startling glorification of the deeply troubled lives of the courtesans.

The IIT professor and her relationship with anti-India “Taylor & Francis”

The aforementioned is just the surface of the monstrous building that is Tripathi’s corrupt ideology and her body of work as she is clearly a habitual offender who revels in the scornful derision of Hinduism, its traditions and customs unafraid of any repercussions. She has profound ties with the United Kingdom’s Taylor & Francis, a company that has regularly disseminated anti-India and Hindu-bashing material which held “Hindu nationalist politics” also known as Hindutva accountable for supposed assaults on the Christian community.

The firm has even undermined Indian democracy as an “electoral autocracy” while admonishing the country regarding human rights asking “for adherence to, and provision of, constitutionally guaranteed rights to prevent the ongoing erosion of Indian democracy,” via another release.

It granted space to similar content which tried to interfere in the internal matters of the nation and demonised the Citizenship Amendment Act as discriminatory. Taylor & Francis’s publication did not approve of India’s sovereign approach to Ukraine and linked its strong connection with Russia to “domestic political theatre.”

Conclusion

The truth of Tripathi’s conduct has now been unveiled, however, the fact remains that she has been engaged in these antics for a long time. More importantly, the most worrying aspect is that prestigious institutions like IIT are populated with elements like her who seek to associate Hinduism with every evil in the world while simultaneously utilising it as a platform to advance their sinister agendas.

The same is apparent with the persons who have contributed to her research papers and work. Hence, this should raise concerns not only for the government but for the entire nation as its future is being shaped by individuals with such a problematic mindset.

SC reserves verdict on appeal against Karnataka HC decision of striking down Karnataka Hindu Endowments Act: Read how the law violated the Constitution

The Supreme Court on Wednesday (11th February) reserved judgment in an appeal filed by the Karnataka government challenging a 2006 Karnataka High Court verdict which struck down the Karnataka Hindu Religious Institutions and Charitable Endowments Act, 1997. A bench of Justice P B Narasimha and Alokh Aradhe was hearing the appeal, which was filed by the Congress-JDU coalition government in Karnataka seeking reversal of the High Court decision and upholding the Act.

The 1967 Act was struck down in its entirety by the Karnataka High Court in September 2006 on the ground that it violated Articles 14 and 26 of the Constitution. The High Court, however, held that its decision to strike down the Act would operate prospectively, and thus protect the actions taken under the Act.

The Karnataka Hindu Religious Institutions and Charitable Endowments Act, 1997, was enacted by the then Congress government in Karnataka with the stated objective of fulfilling “a long-standing public demand to bring about a uniform law to provide for the regulation of all Charitable Endowments and Hindu Religious Institutions in the State.”

The Act replaced a bunch of earlier laws that regulated Hindu religious institutions and charitable endowments across the state. Before the Act was passed, several distinct statutes regulated the Hindu religious institutions and charitable endowments. Charitable Endowments and Hindu Religious Institutions, which were earlier governed by the Religious Endowments Act, 1863, the Charitable Endowments Act, 1890, and the Charitable and Religious Trusts Act, 1920, came to be governed by the 1967 Act.

It also repealed the Bombay Public Trust Act, 1950, the Madras Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments Act, 1951, the Coorg Temple Funds Management Regulation, 1892, the Mysore (Karnataka) Religious and Charitable Institutions Act, 1927, and the Hyderabad Endowment Regulations, 1349F, the Renuka Yellamma Devasthana (Administration) Act, 1974, and the Coorg Temples Fund Management Act, 1956.

The 1967 Act applied to Hindu religious institutions and charitable endowments, but it expressly excluded maths or temples attached thereto and any Hindu religious institution or charitable endowment founded, organised, run or managed by a Hindu religious denomination. Besides, it excluded Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs from the definition of Hindus.

How the case came up before the Supreme Court

Several writ petitions were filed before the Karnataka High Court questioning the constitutional validity of the Act and the notifications issued under it. A Single Bench of the High Court upheld the Act in a judgment dated September 9, 2005. The decision of the Single Bench was challenged before a Division Bench of the High Court. The appellants argued that the exclusion of maths and denomination temples under the Act and the exclusion of Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs from the definition of Hindus under the Act amounted to discrimination under Article 14. They added that the earlier statutes applied to the maths and to institutions of Jains and Sikhs as well, and that the state failed to justify the exclusion under the 1997 Act.

The state government, on the other hand, argued that the 1997 Act was regulatory in nature and that it did not interfere with the observance of any customs, usage, ceremony and practice. It justified the exclusions under the 1997 Act as being based on a reasonable classification. The state government’s contentions were not accepted by the Division Bench of the High Court. In September 2006, the Division Bench held that the exclusion of maths and the denomination of temples lacked justification and defeated the stated objective of uniform legislation. The High Court struck down the entire legislation, and criticised the state government for attemtping to further divide the already fragmented Hindu religion.

Observations of the Karnataka High Court

The Karnataka High Court examined two essential arguments put forward by the appellants with respect to the constitutional validity of the Karnataka Hindu Religious Institutions and Charitable Endowments Act, 1997. The first argument was that the Act discriminated in the matter of applicability, by excluding maths and the Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs and thus violated Article 14 of the Constitution. The second argument was that the Act violated the religious rights guaranteed in terms of Articles 25 and 26 of the Constitution. (118)

With respect to the first argument, the Court explained that Article 14 of the Constitution permitted reasonable classification by the state, provided it satisfied the two tests laid down by the Supreme Court. The two tests were: (i) that the classification must be founded on an intelligible differentia which distinguishes persons or things that are grouped together from others left out of the group, and (ii) that differentiae must have a rational relation to the object sought to be achieved by the statute in question. The court further explained that there must be a nexus between the basis of classification and the object of the Act under consideration.

Exclusion of Maths and religious denomination temples from the application of the 1997 Act

After analysing the Act in the light of Article 14, the High Court observed that even though the statement of objects and reasons of the Act states that it is “uniform law” to govern Hindu religious institutions and charitable endowments, the state has failed to justify the exclusion of maths and religious denomination temples from the purview of the Act. “That being the object, the State ought to have enacted a uniform law in terms of the statement of objects, but in the guise of uniform religion law to the State, the State has chosen to exclude a Math or temple attached thereto for the purpose of applicability of the Act,” the High Court stated.

“Though math may stand slightly different footing from that of a temple administration in terms of religious practice/rituals, etc., but still the basic objective of religion and religious activities is being carried on in Hindu maths also. Temples are controlled, governed and managed by the maths in some cases,” the Court noted, adding that “reasonable classification is permissible, but the State has to satisfy that the classification being reasonable in the case at hand. At the cost of repetition, we would say that a state of religious institutions which were otherwise governed by the earlier local acts now stands totally excluded, and no law governs these maths.”

The High Court said that the 1997 Act failed to fulfil the objective of better management and administration of Hindu religious institutions by excluding the maths and thus violated Article 14 of the Constitution. Furthermore, the Court held that the inapplicability of the Act to a Hindu Religious institution or a charitable Endowment founded, organised, run or managed by a Hindu religious denomination is also hit by Article 14. Citing several precedents, the High Court said that religious denomination temples do not in any way stand on a different footing than the other Hindu temples.

Exclusion of Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs from the definition of ‘Hindus’ under the 1997 Act

The Division Bench of Justices R Gururajan and CR Kumaraswamy criticised the exclusion of Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs from the definition of Hindus under the Act. The court said that such an exclusion directly went against the Constitution, which recognised the Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs as part of the Hindu fold. It pointed out that the personal laws governing Hindus also apply to the Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs. Besides, the court highlighted that the Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs were being governed as Hindus by the earlier local acts replaced by the 1997 Act.

“The Constitution has recognised the Sikh, Jain, Buddhist, forming part of Hindus, and their institutions are also construed to be as Hindu religious institutions. Even the personal laws in terms of Hindu law of succession, Hindu succession Act, Hindu adoption and maintenance, etc., would not exclude Jains, Sikhs and Buddhists, and on the other hand, the Hindu personal laws are equally made applicable to Jains, Sikhs and Buddhists,” the Division Bench said.

“At this stage, we must again reiterate that Jains and Sikhs were also governed by the earlier local acts as Hindus, and now they have been totally excluded while framing a uniform law in terms of the impugned legislation. Learned Single Judge, in our view, has not properly appreciated the impact of Article 14 in the matter of exclusion of Sikhs, Jains, etc., for the purpose of Article 14 of the Constitution,” the Court added.

“In fact, at this stage, we must also notice that there is no request also from Jains, Sikhs, etc., to exclude them on the ground of differences, if at all, as sought to be argued before us. The state cannot justify this exclusion in this manner without any foundation whatsoever. We cannot help but observe that the Hindu religion is already divided by way of castes and subcastes. Now tha State also wants to divide Hindus by excluding Jaing, Sikhs in terms of a Statute,” the Court sternly remarked.

The 1997 Act violates Constitutional provisions

The appellants challenged the provisions relating to the appointment of archakas and servants (Sections 9-16) and the establishment of the Common Pool Fund (Sections 17-19) under the 1997 Act as being in contravention of Articles 25 and 26 of the Constitution. The appellants argued that the 1997 Act puts some restrictions in terms of the service condition of the archakas and servants, thereby affecting their hereditary/religious rights. Regarding the establishment of the Common Pool Fund, the appellants argued that it would interfere with the administration of the temple. They further contended that the appointment of the Minister as Chairman of the Advisory Committee would result in the politicisation of temple affairs.

Under the 1997 Act, the Common Pool Fund was to be created out 5%-10% the gross annual income of the concerned temples and was to be used for Hindu religious activities and charitable purposes. The appellants argued that this would violate the right of Hindus to manage their own religious institutions and would impose an arbitrary financial burden on the temples.

Regarding the provisions related to the appointment of archakas and servants, the High Court held that they were not in violation of Article 25 of the Constitution. However, regarding the Common Pool Fund, the court remarked that a Hindu religious institution cannot be compelled to provide funds to poor institutions of other religions.

Additionally, the court said that taking the fixed amount of money out of the total income of a temple would make it difficult to manage temple expenses. “If 5% is taken from the gross annual turnover, it may be difficult to manage the temple and meet the expenses. Even the administration of the Cammon Fool Fund is in the hands of the Commissioner. Laudable objects are provided in the matter of the administration of gommen pool fund. But a careful reading of certain purposes would show that the said purpose seems to be arbitrary in character,” the High Court said.

“It cannot be forgotten that money is taken out of the Hindu temple. Money is poured by Hindus. It may be a laudable object to provide to a poor institution of other religions. But it cannot be only from the funds of the Hindu temple alone. The State has to provide such assistance as is necessary to such institutions, but there can be no compulsion only from the Hindu temple to provide assistance to such institutions,” the Court added.

“This Court is not for a moment suggesting that poor institutions of other religions are not to be helped, but who is to help is the question and how to help those institutions. After all, devotees of Hindu temples provide kanike or money to that Hindu temple for temple purposes, and it cannot be spent for other non-Hindu causes without any relevance to the Hindus,” the Court remarked.

After examining the impugned provisions of the 1997 Act, the High Court noted that it was not possible to separate the provisions held to be unconstitutional from the rest of the statute and therefore struck down the entire Act. The High Court called out the state government for trying to divide the Hindu religion in the guise of creating a “uniform law”.

“The State has to draw a balance in maintaining temple discipline/temple administration in terms of the Constitution of India. The State, unfortunately, in the case at hand, in the guise of having a uniform law, has chosen to divide the religion itself in terms of our earlier discussion. Since the very Act is held to be discriminatory in this application, it is not possible to sever other parts, and hence the entire Act has to be struck down as unconstitutional, and we do so in the case at hand. We also deem it proper to observe that the intention of the Legislature seems to be a uniform law for all Hindu religious institutions,” the court said, striking down the Act.

10th Budget of Yogi Adityanath: How the BJP rebuilt UP’s education, health, infrastructure and jobs after the misrule of Akhilesh Yadav

Over the past ten years, Uttar Pradesh’s budget story has seen a dramatic shift. A comparison between the 2016-17 budget presented by Akhilesh Yadav and the 2026-27 budget, which is the 10th budget of Yogi Adityanath, shows how the state’s political and economic thinking has shifted.

A budget is not just about numbers. It shows what a government wants to prioritise and how it plans to shape the future. Looking at the figures and schemes from both periods makes it clear that the approach has changed from limited expansion and subsidy-based support to large investments and system-building.

Budget size in 10 years

In 2016-17, the final budget of the Akhilesh Yadav government stood at around ₹3,46,935 crore. At that time, it was called the biggest budget in the state’s history. The government highlighted expressways, laptop distribution and rural schemes as its development model. However, a large part of the spending went into revenue expenditure and planned announcements.

In 2026-27, the Yogi Adityanath government presented a budget of about ₹9.13 lakh crore, nearly two and a half times more than a decade ago. The rise is linked not just to inflation but to big spending on roads, expressways, industrial corridors, energy and major infrastructure projects.

Capital expenditure alone is pegged at ₹2.52 lakh crore, which is around 22% of the total budget. The focus now is on building long-term assets rather than only announcing schemes.

Infrastructure: From rural roads to expressway network

In 2016-17, the Public Works Department (PWD) received ₹14,721 crore. This included ₹1,923 crore for rural road connectivity, ₹1,111 crore under the Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana (PMGSY), and ₹1,180 crore for rural bridges. Projects like the Bijnor-Meerut four-lane road and the Ganga Bridge were highlighted. The emphasis was largely on rural roads and basic connectivity.

In 2026-27, the allocation for PWD has jumped to ₹34,468 crore, while total capital outlay for roads and bridges stands at ₹38,343 crore, about 2.3 times more than in 2016-17.

₹1,050 crore has been set aside for four expressways: Ganga Expressway, Vindhya Expressway, Bundelkhand-Rewa Link Expressway and the Agra-Lucknow Expressway Extension. ₹3,000 crore has been kept for bridge maintenance and ₹200 crore for the Chief Minister’s Village Road Repair Scheme.

The Global Investors Summit is targeting ₹36 lakh crore in MoUs, with infrastructure as the biggest attraction.

Other infrastructure differences are also visible. In 2016-17, the Lucknow Metro was launched, plans for a bullet train were discussed, 40,000 solar streetlights were installed, and rural tanks and canals were constructed. In 2026-27, ₹50 crore has been provided for the Lucknow Metro extension, the bullet train project has seen updates, and ₹25,400 crore has been allocated for urban development, including ₹400 crore for smart cities and ₹800 crore for green roads.

Health: From basic care to medical expansion

In 2016-17, the Medical Health and Family Welfare Department received about ₹8,500 crore, which was around 2.5% of the total budget. ₹100 crore was set aside for mobile medical units in remote areas. Over ₹3,000 crore was allocated for rural health services under the NRHM. ₹500 crore was for repair and equipment in district hospitals, ₹200 crore for reducing infant mortality, and ₹300 crore for a malnutrition-free Uttar Pradesh. The state had 36 medical colleges at that time.

In 2026-27, the health budget has reached ₹37,956 crore, nearly 4.5 times higher and around 6% of the total budget.

₹1,023 crore has been allocated for 14 new medical colleges. ₹315 crore has been set aside for the Lucknow Cancer Institute and ₹130 crore for free treatment of serious diseases. The NRHM allocation has increased to ₹8,641 crore. ₹2,000 crore has been kept for Ayushman Bharat and the Chief Minister’s Jan Arogya Yojana, expected to benefit 49.22 lakh families.

Medical education has expanded sharply. MBBS seats have increased from 4,540 to 12,800, PG seats from 1,221 to 4,995, and medical colleges from 36 to 81, of which 45 are government-run.

Institutional deliveries have gone up from 3.474 million to 4.1 million. Mental health programmes are running in 75 districts, and disease tracking has been digitised through a surveillance portal.

Education and jobs

In 2016-17, education received around ₹28,000 crore, about 8% of the budget. More than ₹12,000 crore went to basic education. ₹5,000 crore was for secondary education, including 100 new Kasturba Gandhi Vidyalayas. ₹2,500 crore was for higher education. Around 1.5 million students received laptops. ₹300 crore was for the Chief Minister’s Meritorious Student Scheme and scholarships for 25 lakh students. ₹100 crore was set aside for Sanskrit schools.

In 2026-27, education’s share has risen to 12.4%, with an allocation of about ₹1.13 lakh crore, nearly four times higher.

57 new Chief Minister Model Composite Schools are being built, each with ₹25 crore for construction and ₹5 crore for equipment. ₹2,000 crore has been allocated for basic education infrastructure, ₹666 crore for Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan, ₹479 crore for government higher secondary school buildings, and ₹454 crore for digital libraries in villages.

₹300 crore has been kept for the PM Shri scheme and ₹10 crore for smart classes in polytechnics. Higher education includes ₹600 crore under the Prime Minister’s Higher Education Mission, a scooty scheme for girls, ₹25 crore each for Sainik Schools in Gorakhpur and Lucknow, and ₹20 crore for Sanskrit scholarships.

On employment, 2016-17 had ₹4,500 crore under MNREGA and a target to train 5 lakh youth. ₹1,000 crore was provided as a loan guarantee for MSMEs.

In 2026-27, the Tech Yuva Samarth Yuva Yojana aims to create 10 lakh jobs. The ₹36 lakh crore MoUs from the Global Investors Summit aim to generate 20 lakh jobs. ₹1,000 crore has been allocated for a startup fund and ₹2,500 crore for skill development, targeting the training of 1 crore youth. IT parks and electronics hubs are being promoted, along with unemployment allowance schemes.

Agriculture: From subsidy support to modern farming

In 2016-17, agriculture got around ₹12,500 crore, about 3.6% of the budget. ₹1,200 crore went for irrigation pump subsidies, ₹800 crore for seeds and fertilisers, ₹2,500 crore for MSP procurement, ₹100 crore for Farmers Accident Insurance, ₹200 crore for rural cow shelters and ₹150 crore for the Chief Minister’s Farmer Accident Welfare Scheme.

In 2026-27, agriculture received nearly ₹1 lakh crore, around 11% of the total budget.

₹2,000 crore has been allocated for PM Kisan Samman Nidhi to benefit 2.5 crore farmers. ₹5,000 crore has been kept for Mukhyamantri Krishak Samriddhi Yojana. ₹3,200 crore is for crop diversification and horticulture. ₹500 crore has been set aside under the Drone Didi Yojana to provide 10,000 drones. ₹1,000 crore is for organic farming clusters in 50 districts.

₹2,500 crore is for cold chains and warehouses. ₹10,000 crore has been earmarked for MSP procurement to benefit 50 lakh wheat and paddy farmers. ₹4,000 crore has been allocated for animal husbandry and ₹800 crore for fisheries. Agricultural investment worth ₹10 lakh crore is being discussed through the Global Investors Summit.

Tourism: From limited promotion to global branding

In 2016-17, tourism received ₹800-1,000 crore, about 0.3% of the budget. ₹307 crore was for development of historical and religious sites. The Lucknow-Agra Expressway was linked to tourism growth. The Kumbh Mela and Sangam region were also developed. Tourist numbers were around 23 crore annually.

₹1,500 crore has been earmarked for Ayodhya and the Ram Temple development. ₹800 crore is for the Kumbh Mela and related infrastructure in Prayagraj. ₹200 crore has been set aside for helicopter tours and cruise tourism. ₹500 crore is for branding in 75 districts under ODOP 2.0. Tourism investment of ₹5 lakh crore has been announced through the Global Investors Summit.

Women: From assistance to wide coverage

In 2016-17, around ₹2,000 crore was allocated for women’s welfare, about 0.6% of the budget. ₹200 crore went to Kanya Vivah Sahayata Yojana. ₹300 crore was for nutrition schemes. ₹400 crore supported self-help groups. Around 10 lakh girls were targeted.

In 2026-27, more than ₹15,000 crore has been allocated for women and girls, about 1.6% of the total budget.

₹700 crore has been set aside for the Chief Minister Kanya Sumangala Yojana, targeting 25 lakh beneficiaries. ₹550 crore is for the Chief Minister’s Mass Marriage Scheme. ₹150 crore is for marriage grants for poor daughters of SC, ST and general categories, and ₹200 crore for backward class daughters.

₹971 crore has been allocated for Anganwadi workers’ honorarium. ₹170 crore is for working women’s hostels in seven cities. Scholarships include ₹968 crore for SC students, ₹900 crore for the general category, ₹365 crore for minorities and ₹2,825 crore for backward classes. Computer training and a free scooty scheme are also included.

A bigger economic vision

The biggest change between the two budgets is scale and ambition. The 2016-17 budget focused more on limited schemes and support. The 2026-27 budget talks about expressways, 81 medical colleges, higher capital spending, a ₹36 lakh crore MoU target, and the idea of building a trillion-dollar economy.

The message from the current budget is that spending is being linked to long-term assets and growth. Whether this shift fully delivers on its promises will depend on implementation, but the numbers clearly show that Uttar Pradesh’s budget thinking has moved from small steps to a much larger economic framework.

Central Vista Project: Qadeemi Masjid omitted from the layout of Krishi Bhawan redevelopment project

In 2024, the Delhi High Court dismissed a plea filed by the Waqf Board seeking protection for six mosques inside the Central Vista area undergoing redevelopment. This decision was made in view of the Central government’s submission in 2021, which stated that there were no plans to affect these structures at that time. However, the construction of one of these mosques is omitted in the new redevelopment plan.

A tender floated on 19th January 2026, by the Central Public Works Department (CPWD) for the redevelopment of Krishi Bhawan and Shastri Bhawan, reportedly makes no mention of the supposedly 100-year-old Qadeemi Masjid. This mosque is located in the open court within the Krishi Bhawan compound.

Also known as the ‘Krishi Bhawan Masjid’, the Qadeemi Masjid is a notified Waqf property reportedly listed in the Delhi administration gazette of 1970.

An Indian Express report says that while the tender does not place Qadeemi Masjid in the list of structures to be removed, the detailed drawings attached to the tender do not show the mosque at its current location in the proposed new building layout.

Operating under the Union Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs (MoHUA), CPWD floated a tender in January this year for the construction of Common Central Secretariat (CCS) buildings 4 and 5, at the site of the Krishi Bhawan and Shashi Bhawan. This project is estimated to cost around Rs 3,006.07 crore and take 24 months.

“The work shall be carried out within a designated land parcel currently housing the buildings of Shastri Bhawan and Krishi Bhawan, located at plot No.120 Dr. Rajendra Prasad Road, New Delhi, after dismantling the existing buildings,” the tender document states, adding that the bid is open till 13th February.

Earlier, a temple and a mosque situated on the premises of the erstwhile official residence of the Vice President at 6, Maulana Azad Road, were removed for the Central Vista redevelopment.

However, the omission of the Qadeemi Masjid in the detailed drawings is being framed by the mainstream media as the mosque’s future being under ‘threat’, suggesting that the mosque will be demolished.

Delhi HC had Waqf Board plea seeking protection of six mosques

Back in 2021, the Delhi Waqf Board filed a petition, through its counsel, Sanjoy Ghose, in the Delhi High Court seeking protection and preservation of the six mosques in the Central Vista area amid the redevelopment.

The six mosques in question included the Qadeemi Masjid, Masjid Zabta Ganj, Jama Masjid (Red Cross Road/Parliament Street), mosques/mazar on Sunehri Bagh Road, and one at the Vice President’s residence. The Delhi Waqf Board called these mosques its ‘heritage properties’.

In its plea, the Delhi Waqf Board has argued that the mosques in question were “more than ordinary mosques, and have a distinction attached to them.” They further claimed that “neither the British Government nor the Government of India have ever created any hindrance in the observance of religious practice” at these ‘preserved’ properties. It was also highlighted in the petition that all these Waqf properties are over 100 years old and have been in continuous use for Islamic purposes.

“It is not the case that the government buildings were built first and thereafter these properties came into existence; to the contrary, these properties were well in existence when the government buildings were constructed around them or in the vicinity,” the plea stated.

During the hearing on 1st December 2021, the Central government, represented by Solicitor General Tushar Mehta, assured the court that the Central Vista Redevelopment Project has not reached “anywhere near” the Waqf Board’s properties in question.

“It (redevelopment project) is a long-term plan. Kindly have it after three weeks. Nothing is happening to these properties. My learned friend (petitioner) can rest assured,” SG Mehta said back then.

While the Waqf Board wanted that SG Mehta’s assurance be taken on record, the single judge bench of Justice Sanjeev Sachdeva denied the request, stating that it has “full faith” in Mehta’s assurance.

In July 2024, the matter regained attention as the Delhi High Court dismissed the Waqf Board’s petition regarding the six mosques located in the Central Vista area.

Justice Purushaindra Kumar Kaurav had noted back then that the overall Central Vista Redevelopment Project was already approved by the Supreme Court. The Delhi High Court, however, granted liberty to the Waqf Board to approach it again “in case the petitioner realises any threat to the properties”.

The court asked the Delhi Waqf Board to withdraw its petition seeking protection and preservation of the six mosques, stating that there was no need to complicate the matter.

“Withdraw this petition. We do not want to complicate. As and when they take any action, you can come,” Justice Kaurav said.

Interestingly, the tenure of the last Waqf Board ended in 2023, and has since not been reconstituted.

Then-AAP MLA Amanatullah Khan’s threats against the demolition of mosques in the Central Vista

It must be recalled that the Central Vista Project had faced criticism and opposition in 2021 from anti-BJP political parties like Congress and Aam Aadmi Party, left liberal cabal, and Islamists alike. Propaganda campaigns were run to portray the project as an absolute waste of money, even as the reality suggested otherwise. Several petitions were filed with the motive of stalling the project, which were eventually dismissed by the courts.

Amidst the political storm and legal challenges, then-MLA from the ruling Aam Aadmi Party, Amanatullah Khan, had gone a step ahead and ‘warned’ Prime Minister Narendra Modi against demolishing mosques within the government premises under the Central Vista project. Until 2023, Amanatullah Khan was also the chief of Delhi’s Sunni Waqf Board.

In a letter to PM Modi, Khan, the AAP MLA from Okhla, voiced concern that people on social media have shared their fears that some mosques were “on the verge of being demolished” as a result of the project. Amanatullah Khan has a record of making anti-Hindu comments and orchestrating violence against Hindus, and threatened that any attempts to demolish the mosques inside the government premises under the Central Vista project, “will not be tolerated”.

“Zabta Ganj mosque at Mansingh Road, the mosque at Vice President’s residence and the mosque at Krishi Bhawan may face damage due to the Central Vista project. I will discuss the issue with PMO and Hardeep S Puri (Union Housing and Urban Affairs minister). No damage to these mosques will be tolerated,” he wrote in an X post.

Speaking to Indian Express, Amanatullah Khan claimed that the Central government gave assurance that the mosques situated in the Central Vista area would not be affected, and thus, it would be wrong if they were to demolish them now.

“The government had said in court that the mosques would not be affected. If they are now going to demolish it, it is wrong,” Khan said.

While there is no official confirmation if the Qadeemi Masjid will be demolished or not, the mainstream media’s framing of the absence of the structure in the tender’s design drawings is such that the Central government is somehow backtracking from its promise. However, the assurance given by the Solicitor General in the Delhi High Court back in 2021 was not a permanent or absolute commitment that the six mosques would never be affected by the Central Vista Redevelopment project. Thus, the Central government did not promise any eternal safeguard to the mosques.

Construction of ‘Babri Masjid’ begins ahead of West Bengal election: Read how this is a ploy by Mamata govt to counter Hindu consolidation, strengthen Muslim vote bank and why Humayun Kabir’s suspension is an eyewash

On 9th November 2019, the Ram Janmabhoomi dispute, which was settled by the Supreme Court, brought closure to the debate regarding the disputed structure. However, the phantoms of Mughal tyrants continue to linger in this country owing to the highly communal political manoeuvres masquerading as ‘secularism’.

Now, the “suspended” All India Trinamool Congress (AITC or TMC) Bharatpur MLA Humayun Kabir, who recently founded Janata Unnayan Party (JUP), has taken it upon himself to promote the politics of division and cater to his Muslim electorate. It seems that the only “janata” he is concerned with primarily are his fellow co-religionists as he seeks to fan the flames of communal discord by erecting a mosque named after Mughal ruler Babar to replicate the demolished contentious building at Ayodhya. The foundation stone of the mosque was laid on 6th December after which he set up the new party.

A new “Babri Masjid” in town

On 11th February (Wednesday), Humayun began building a mosque to resemble the “Babri Masjid” in Beldanga of the Murshidabad district. According to him, the work is going to be concluded in two years and will cost between ₹50 and ₹55 crore. The bricklaying took place in the afternoon and thousands of Muslims joined the construction crew.

“To those who are opposing, I would say step aside. People are free to follow their own religions and build temples, churches or whatever they wish. I will not oppose anyone in the name of Islam. My effort is for Islam to please Allah and perform my devotion, it is not about imposing anything,” he alleged and conveniently ignored that the issue is not the establishment of a mosque but rather his efforts to resurrect a settled religious dispute and provoke communal strife to satisfy his voter base.

However, he soon discarded his placated demeanour and revealed his true infamous self, warning, “There’s no force on earth which can stop the construction of this mosque. By the grace of God, we will finish its construction within two years. It will be built at a cost of 50-55 crore.”

The JUP head then declared that he would temporarily postpone the planned “Babri Yatra,” a 235-kilometre rally from Nadia’s Palashi to Itahar in the Uttar Dinajpur district in light of the current board examinations.

He stated, “I have been informed by Malda police that the Babri Yatra would inconvenience the examinees of Madhyamik exams. I have, hence, decided to postpone that event which was supposed to be held with a convoy of 100 cars. Instead, I will hold a march on foot from Palashi to Beldanga, the site of the under-construction mosque, with 50,000 people.”

Humayun claimed that West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee will lose votes as a result of his suspension over the mosque which is a monument associated with Muslim sentiment. “Mamata Banerjee made Muslims her votebank with false assurances and minorities have understood it. She suspended me as I announced the setting up of the Babri Mosque with people’s support,” he accused in an apparent show of purported disdain.

He added that she will be the former chief minister in 2026. “If I had remained in TMC, they would have benefitted from the construction and got more votes,” he outlined.

Humayun also elucidated the real motivation underlying the move and pointed out, “BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party) has built the Ram Mandir and is getting benefits. It is increasing its vote bank in Bengal by speaking for Sanatanis, but I will not allow that to happen.”

Two sides of the same coin

Humayun, who commenced his political journey with the Indian National Congress, has been infamous for his actions, including threatening the Leader of Opposition, Suvendu Adhikari and declaring intentions to drown Hindus in the Bhagirathi River as they constitute only 30% compared to a 70% Muslim population. Notably, Murshidabad has already witnessed brutal attacks on Hindus by Islamists.

He later voiced that Mamata instructed him to make these communally charged statements to ensure the victory of former cricketer and TMC candidate Yusuf Pathan in the 2024 Lok Sabha election. His alarming anti-Hindu stance and hostile antics had no bearing on his career as he remained an integral part of the party and continued to consolidate the Muslim vote.

If Humayun’s assertions are to be taken seriously, the TMC supremo was behind his controversial comments. More importantly, she has never hesitated to express her favouritism towards Muslims, including the jihadi elements, overlooking the fact that she is the chief minister for the entire state and not just a particular community.

The hunger for Muslim votes is so intense that it has overflowed beyond the borders of Bengal and reached Bangladeshi infiltrators who are not only embraced but also facilitated by her administration. It is evident that these two leaders are aligned in their approach towards Muslim appeasement.

A devious strategy for the upcoming state assembly poll

Humayun and TMC leadership have experienced their own set of confrontations throughout the years, yet their common goal of securing the loyalty of Muslims to remain in power continuously bonded them, despite short-lived separations. Interestingly, he has been previously removed from the party but he always found a way back and has been accepted.

Therefore, he can once again rejoin TMC after effectively consolidating the votes of their preferred demographic, especially in relation to the “Babri” mosque before the assembly election in the state. There is clearly no substantial ideological or serious disagreement between the two sides as demonstrated by their past records. Hence, what is preventing him from returning to the TMC fold after serving his purpose while the drama surrounding his ouster turns out be a complete farce? Their history at the very least suggests the same.

“Who is Humayun Kabir? He is still with the TMC. This is their plan B. TMC is trying to get the Muslim votes from the back door and they will make him deputy chief minister. The region was divided once and that is how West Bengal was formed which is being turned into Bangladesh, they are making the entire environment into mini Pakistan. So against this all the Hindus of the country should unite,” BJP state president Shamik Bhattacharya charged.

The party has seemingly recognised the dubious plot crafted by TMC and Humayun who admitted that the mosque is intended to act as a counter to the unification of Hindus, additionally suggesting a covert conspiracy to enhance their Muslim voter base and trick the people.

Fear of Hindu consolidation

The nation has seen a robust saffron wave following Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s rise to power in 2014 with West Bengal being no exception. The state has experienced an extraordinary revival of Hindu identity in the past few years which is also evident from the fact that the BJP has managed to secure a significant number of seats in both the assembly and general elections.

Predictably, the development has created challenges for both the TMC and Humayun who have traditionally positioned themselves as advocates for the Muslim community. Mamta once infamously articulated her unabashed pandering to Muslims by stating, “Je goru doodh daye, tar lathi khete raji achhi. (I am ready to be kicked by the cow that gives milk).”

However, the Islamists have not only “kicked” the TMC government but also the entire state, particularly the Hindus. Moreover, a series of unfortunate events further escalated the isolation of the largest community, driving them to come together in search of an alternative. This is where the BJP intervened, supporting the victims and demanding justice while openly opposing the TMC. Thus, the Hindus started to find hope in the party which displeased the TMC, leading it to resort to political gimmicks of distancing itself from its notable Muslim face.

TMC government’s biased affection for Muslims fostered Hindu solidarity

The depraved Muslim catering of the TMC was highlighted when it decided to shield its hooligan Sheikh Shahjahan, a seasoned offender, implicated in various cases such as attacks on enforcement directorate officers, land grabbing and subjecting Hindu women to rapes in Sandeshkhali.

Sheikh persisted in oppressing Hindus but his party chose not to penalise him for his heinous offences and, in fact, helped in the growth of his criminal empire. He was eventually exposed and the TMC first took all possible measures to avoid arresting him but was forced to act due to the pressure from the people, the BJP and the judiciary.

Afterwards, it again implemented every tactic to protect him from the law, insisting on his innocence. The government’s endorsement of its leader surpassed all boundaries, compelling the Calcutta High Court to harshly criticise it for protecting him and harassing the locals.

The TMC government has likewise shown a pattern of inaction towards criminal and radical Muslims who have consistently unleashed violence in the name of agitations such as the anti-Citizen Amendment Act and rejection of the Waqf Amendment Act which offered additional opportunities for Muslim mobs to perpetrate attacks on Hindus.

During the violence in Murshidabad last year, the authorities not only behaved like silent spectators but also declined to respond to repeated pleas for assistance from distressed Hindus. Furthermore, a TMC councillor played a key role in the targeted assaults on the marginalised community whose properties were set ablaze, forcing them to flee their homes with their women and children.

As previously explained, the Muslim affinity for Mamata is not confined to the borders of Bengal or India which is repeatedly exemplified by her deceitful objection to the CAA, National Register of Citizens (NRC) and Special Intensive Revision (SIR) initiatives. She not only endorses the presence of these Muslim intruders in the country but is also fighting for their nonexistent and unlawful right to vote which contradicts the tenets of democracy and the Constitution.

On the other hand, she exhibits no sympathy for the minority Hindus of Bangladesh as merely a march against the atrocities committed against them triggered a brutal crackdown from her police administration.

Mamata, who is viewed as a feminist icon by liberals, has often displayed a remarkable indifference towards Hindus, including victims of rape which had been proven by Sandeshkhali and RG Kar Medical College occurrences where the family of the murdered doctor voiced its dissatisfaction with the investigation.

The chief minister is also notorious for her outrageous statements sanitising rape and advising girls to stay indoors to prevent sexual assault. Her administration has similarly portrayed stunning negligence in its inquiry after such instances.

Additionally, the aforementioned instances are only the tip of the iceberg because Mamta and her party’s distorted desire to pacify Muslims at the expense of Hindu lives and dignity has massively contributed to the consolidation of Hindu voters alongside the rise of the BJP as a formidable political entity in the state.

Conclusion

Given the circumstances and the approaching pivotal election in the state, the TMC and Humyana appeared to have joined hands to fortify their Muslim vote bank with the mosque serving as a crucial underpinning. He might have been shown the door because Mamata wanted to preserve her waning “secular” image and mislead the Hindus. However, the two colluded as she was apprehensive that her party could suffer a shocking defeat at the hands of the BJP due to the consolidation of Hindu voters. The current supposed rivalry between the two and the strong statements against each other could be a component of the game plan.