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TMC moves proposal to ‘impeach’ Chief Election Commissioner before West Bengal election: Read a Bengali’s perspective on how Mamata has mastered the art of political drama and public theatrics

With the West Bengal election just around the corner, the Trinamool Congress (TMC) has floated a proposal to remove Gyanesh Kumar as the Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) of the Election Commission of India (ECI).

The Mamata Banerjee-led political party has received support from the likes of Congress, Samajwadi Party and other allies to bring about an impeachment motion against the CEC under Article 324 of the Indian Constitution.

To this effect, TMC has secured the signatures of 120 MPs and 60 MPs on notices meant to be submitted in the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha, respectively.

Two tools in the arsenal of Mamata Banerjee

But why now? And don’t the Opposition parties, including TMC, know that this ‘impeachment motion’ will not yield any favourable result? After all, the antics of removing Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla just failed a day earlier.

And herein lies the electoral strategy of Mamata Banerjee, which centres around political drama and public theatrics. As a Bengali, I have seen this pan out multiple times over the political career of the TMC supremo.

Whenever she felt cornered in her career or experienced a sudden stagnancy in her ambitious pursuits, Mamata knew that a public spectacle would bring back the spotlight on her.

You may recall how she used election conspiracy theory and an ill-managed protest march against the CPIM to gain political clout in July 1993. And ironically, it was about making the voting process transparent.

Nonetheless, street fights, public drama and a disruptive style of protests on populist issues have, after all, been her hallmark.

And these have funnelled her career in the right direction, especially considering how the TMC supremo weaponised the Nandigram and Singur episodes to her advantage.

Mamata was successful in convincing the local Bengalis that the economic development brought about by both these projects was somehow ‘bad’ for them.

And by strategically misleading people on such political issues repeatedly, she was indeed successful in gaining power in West Bengal.

The political reality of 2026

Unlike the elections of the past, Mamata Banerjee is faced with a never-before-seen resistance from the people of West Bengal.

The middle-class Bengalis who once sang her praises for giving out economic handouts each month are increasingly questioning her incompetence.

Raging issues such as unemployment, corruption, rampant appeasement politics, lack of safety and security for the majority Hindu community have put the TMC dispensation on the back foot in West Bengal.

With no comeback in sight, Mamata is relying on her age-old strategy of political drama and public theatrics yet again.

This time, she is playing on the fears and ignorance of common people in the electoral process of the country.

With a well-thought-out plan, TMC is running a campaign to convince Bengalis that the Election Commission is an ‘outsider villain’ eyeing to strip them of their voting rights.

At the same time, a counter strategy is employed to portray Mamata as the ‘Banglar meye’ (the daughter of Bengal) fighting for the indigenous rights against external forces.

The political challenge in the run-up to the 2026 West Bengal Vidhan Sabha election is formidable. Mamata and her party cannot afford to leave anything to chance.

And thus, a systematic and strategic targeting of the Election Commission of India, its CEC Gyanesh Kumar and Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls is underway.

Systematic and strategic targeting of SIR and ECI

As soon as the SIR exercise was announced, Mamata Banerjee announced a ‘protest rally’ on 4th November last year with her nephew Abhishek Banerjee. She vowed to create ‘war rooms’ and asked her party members to do ‘man-to-man marking’ of BLOs.

A few days later, she dubbed the SIR exercise a ‘super emergency’ and even directed the ECI to halt it completely. Mamata alleged that it was done intentionally to keep government officials busy and prevent the smooth functioning of the West Bengal government for 3 months.

She also likened SIR to ‘votebandi’ and reiterated unverified claims, which linked SIR to suicides. “So many people have died, not a single condolence message by the Election Commission. You can send me to jail or cut my throat but don’t cut the name of a single genuine voter,” she alleged.

In November 2025, Mamata Banerjee expressed her ‘love for Bangladesh’ while disputing the fact that the purpose of SIR is to remove Bangladeshi nationals from the electoral rolls of West Bengal. She made a bizarre claim, “If your name gets deleted, the central government should also be deleted.”

The TMC supremo also warned about creating anarchy in the country over the SIR exercise in West Bengal. She threatened, “Elections were held in Bihar. Bihar opposition leaders were ‘bechara’; they couldn’t understand the BJP’s game. We understand their game, and we won’t let their game succeed in Bengal. If they try to touch Bengal, we will shake the entire country…“

A month later, she assured everyone that no one would be deported to Bangladesh. Mamata Banerjee also encouraged violence against the Election Commission. She urged the women of West Bengal to fight ECI officials with ‘kitchen tools.’

The West Bengal CM laid out the strategy, “Mothers and sisters, if your names are struck off, you have the tools, right? The tools you use during cooking. You have strength, right? You won’t let it pass if your names are cut, right? The women will fight in the front, and the men will be behind them.“

In December 2025, Mamata claimed that the SIR exercise was a ‘huge scam’, which was somehow being conducted with the help of artificial intelligence. She also alleged that the people of West Bengal were being ‘tortured’ for SIR.

A month later, the West Bengal CM went on an unhinged tirade against the Election Commission and alleged that the election body would have deleted the name of Rabindranath Tagore from the voter list, had he been alive.

She also spread animosity by claiming that the Election Commission was specially targeting the women voters in West Bengal and deleting their names from the electoral rolls through the SIR exercise.

In the meantime, propaganda media portals (friendly to the TMC dispensation) attributed multiple deaths in the state to the SIR exercise. The unverified claims bore resemblance to tactics employed to create mass hysteria during the 2016 demonetisation exercise.

If this was not enough, motivated political ‘activists’ alleged that the West Bengal SIR would cause the largest disenfranchisement of voters in history. To this effect, multiple petitions challenging the SIR exercise were also filed before the Supreme Court.

How Gyanesh Kumar is becoming the eyesore for the TMC

The Special Intensive Revision of electoral rolls in West Bengal has rattled the TMC ecosystem, starting from the party’s Supreme Leader to the hooligan at the grassroots level.

And the outcome is rather expected. The Election Commission of India deleted a whopping 58,20,899 names from the electoral rolls of the State on account of death, absence, shift, and duplication.

At the same time, a list of 60 lakh ‘doubtful voters’ has been finalised, and their status is now being adjudicated by judicial officers. This certainly creates hurdles for the ruling Mamata government.

In the good old days, Bangladeshi citizens could contest the West Bengal Vidhan Sabha election on a TMC ticket. Bangladeshi nationals, close to the party, could reside and vote in West Bengal. Illegal Bangladeshi nationals even had the opportunity to avail ‘Imam bhata‘ and show allegiance by casting a vote in favour of the government.

In the past, TMC netas have gone on record, promising to help Bangladeshis get voting rights in West Bengal. The SIR has inevitably decimated these nefarious plans of the ruling dispensation.

It doesn’t need a genius to understand why the man at the helm of affairs, Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar, has suddenly become an eyesore for the TMC. And it is not limited to the SIR alone.

Recently, during a press conference, Kumar informed that 100% webcasting will be done at all polling stations in West Bengal. This automatically disrupts the sinister agenda of local TMC goons to capture polling booths or steal ballots.

The Chief Election Commissioner did not mince words when assuring a violence-free election in a State, which is infamous for political killings.

“No violence will be tolerated. There will be mandatory, absolute non-partisan conduct by every polling personnel throughout the entire election process,” he made it crystal clear

This reminds me of a popular Bengali proverb ‘যত দোষ নন্দ ঘোষ’, which roughly translates to ‘All fault lies with Nanda Ghosh.’

Gyanesh Kumar is the sacrificial ‘Nanda Ghosh’ of Bengal whom the TMC loves to blame for derailing the party’s potential election malpractices and putting a stop to its culture of violence and intimidation.

The final gambit

Given the abrupt cessation of possible fraudulent practices, the TMC has launched its offensive against the Election Commission and the Chief Election Commissioner, Gyanesh Kumar.

Weaponising political drama and public theatrics ahead of the West Bengal election, Mamata Banerjee announced a sit-in protest on 6th March at Kolkata’s Esplanade to protest the deletion of illegal voters from the electoral rolls.

During the demonstration, her party members made outrageous remarks in a desperate attempt to guilt-trip the average Bengali voter.

TMC MP Mahua Moitra brazened out, “I am telling everyone that you cannot be a Bengali if you don’t support TMC. Those who don’t support TMC have no right to identify as a Bengali.”

If this was not enough, Mamata Banerjee took the matter into her own hands and delivered a chilling warning –

“We exist, that is why all of you are safe. If we were not here, when a certain community comes together as a group and surrounds you, they would finish you off in one second,” she cautioned.

After putting up the drama for about 114 hours, the TMC supremo called off her ‘dharna’ and proclaimed it a ‘success.’

Having realised that it had no bearing on SIR, she attempted to create a new public spectacle – An attempt to ‘impeach’ CEC Gyanesh Kumar, knowing well that it would be in vain.

Conclusion

As a Bengali, I am habituated to her political antics. There is nothing that can truly surprise me. After all, this has been her playbook all along.

But we must never make the mistake of underestimating Mamata Banerjee. She may get miraculously ‘hurt’ just before the election, as was witnessed during the 2021 Vidhan Sabha and 2024 Lok Sabha polls.

A wheelchair bound TMC supremo may emerge before the public, dogwhitsling with slogans such as ‘Khela Hobe’ and pitting Bengalis against so-called ‘outsiders’. But, we must call out her bluff!

The ‘silent’ majority must pledge to change the political fate of West Bengal and put an end to the reign of political drama and public theatrics in the State, once and for all.

Perplexity launches its ‘always-on AI assistant’ Personal Computer: All you need to know about the persistent digital proxy

Perplexity, known for its AI-powered search engine, has leapt into advanced AI agents with the launch of a new AI system called Personal Computer. The company said in an announcement on 11th March 2026, that Personal Computer operates as an “always-on digital assistant” helping users with tasks like research, writing emails, and creating reports.

“Always-on digital assistant”: How the Perplexity Personal Computer works

The company says that Personal Computer builds directly on Perplexity Computer as it merges cloud-based capabilities with local hardware, for what it describes as a persistent, always-on AI experience.

Contrary to what the name ‘Personal Computer’ might make one think, it is not a traditional PC hardware product; rather, it is an AI Operating System that reimagines the personal computer as more of an autonomous digital worker or an AI employee, a “proxy” of users, requiring their approval. Perplexity’s Personal Computer runs continuously on hardware like a Mac mini, accessing local files, applications, and sessions without requiring the user’s main device to be powered on.

The users can manage it from any device, including a phone or a laptop, through Perplexity’s secure servers. Personal Computer combines Perplexity Computer’s multi-agent workflows with Perplexity’s Comet Assistant for local tasks.

“A traditional operating system takes instructions. An AI operating system takes objectives. Personal Computer gives Perplexity Computer and the Comet Assistant always-on, local access to your machine’s files, apps, and sessions through a continuously running compact desktop. It’s a persistent digital proxy of you. Controllable from any device, anywhere. Every sensitive action requires your approval. Every action is logged. There is a kill switch,” Perplexity said.

Perplexity had opened a waitlist for users interested in getting their hands on the company’s fresh technological advancement. The pricing details regarding the Personal Computer are yet to be announced.

Sharing a demonstration video on X, the official handle of Perplexity wrote, “Announcing Personal Computer. Personal Computer is an always-on, local merge with Perplexity Computer that works for you 24/7. It’s personal, secure, and works across your files, apps, and sessions through a continuously running Mac mini.”

Personal Computer is different from Perplexity Computer launched in February 2026

It is essential to note that the newly announced Personal Computer is separate from Perplexity Computer, which was launched on 25th February 2026.  Perplexity Computer is a cloud-based, general-purpose AI system which unities multiple AI models and tools into one platform, moving beyond simple chatbots. Going beyond the simple tasks of answering questions, Perplexity Computer creates and executes complex workflows.

Personal Computer and ‘always-on AI assistant’ framing is cool, but privacy remains a concern among people

Perplexity’s Personal Computer has perplexed people about privacy. While Perplexity asserts that a Personal Computer is secure and includes user-controlled safeguards, sensitive user data may not be fully safe. The system runs on the user’s hardware; however, it routes several tasks and heavy AI processing via Perplexity’s secure servers, meaning that sensitive user data, including files, sessions, apps, emails, etc., may leave the device for processing. Many opine that, contrary to “personal” computing framing, it is actually “managed” computing with a local endpoint.

Several people are also comparing Perplexity’s Personal Computer with OpenClaw.

Since Personal Computer is designed to function as a persistent digital proxy, it requires ongoing access to a user’s local files, apps, and sessions, creating a high-stakes permission model. Here, one misconfiguration, or any policy change, may expose years of professional or personal or both types of data.

Kharg Island is Iran’s ‘spare heart’: Read why the US and Israel hesitate to strike this tiny island in the Persian Gulf

As tensions between Iran, the United States and Israel continue to rise, a tiny island in the Persian Gulf has quietly become one of the most strategically important places on the planet. Kharg Island, a small coral island only a few kilometres wide, sits roughly 25 kilometres off the coast of Iran’s Bushehr province. Despite its size, it plays a huge role in Iran’s economy and the global energy market.

Nearly 90 % of Iran’s crude oil exports pass through this island. There are oil Pipelines from Iran’s major oil fields, including Ahvaz, Maroun and Gachsaran, that transport crude oil to Kharg Island, where it is stored in massive tanks before being shipped across the world. Because of this, it is said that Kharg Island is the “treasury” of Iran, the place where the lifeline of Iran’s economy flows.

Now, as the conflict involving Iran, the United States, and Israel has entered its second week, Kharg Island has become an important topic in military and political discussions. However, attacking Kharg Island could have consequences that go beyond military implications.

Why Kharg Island matters so much

Kharg Island is more than just an oil port. It is essentially the control centre of Iran’s oil exports and a major pillar of the country’s economy. The island contains huge storage tanks that have the capacity to store as much as 30 million barrels of crude oil. From the island, oil tankers carry crude oil to markets for sale across Asia and other parts of the world.

Even though Iran has faced strict international sanctions for years, the country still earned around $78 billion from crude oil sales in 2024. Most of this money was earned through the crude oil sold from the Kharg Island. This money funds government operations, economic programs and also supports Iran’s military projects, including missile and drone development.

Experts say that if the island’s oil terminals were destroyed, Iran’s ability to export oil would collapse overnight. Without that income, the country would struggle to finance many of its operations, including those linked to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).

Former Pentagon adviser Michael Rubin indicated that attacking the Kharg Island would be similar to cutting off the Iranian government’s financial lifeline.

In recent days, Iran has been reported to have increased crude oil shipments from the Kharg Island to almost 4 million barrels per day. This is believed to be a strategy by Iran to raise as much money as it can for the war.

The Strategic weak point in Iran’s system

Military planners often describe Kharg Island as Iran’s most important and vulnerable point. Because so much of Iran’s oil trade passes through this single location, damaging the island could deal a severe economic blow to the country.

This is why some Israeli leaders believe the island should be targeted. Israeli opposition leader Yair Lapid has openly suggested that destroying Kharg could cause the Iranian regime to weaken quickly because it would lose its primary source of income.

The military strategists have also warned that attacking Kharg Island would carry serious risks. Iran considers the island one of its most critical assets, and any attack on it could trigger a much wider conflict across the Middle East.

A target that the US have avoided for decades

The importance of Kharg Island is no new information. American presidents have been well aware of its importance for decades, but none has dared to attack it directly.

During the Iranian hostage crisis in 1979, American President Jimmy Carter was advised to capture Kharg Island to force the Iranian government to release American hostages. However, Jimmy Carter later declined the idea. His advisors were worried that the move could lead to a huge war in the Persian Gulf region.

In the 1980s, during the Iran-Iraq War, Kharg Island was attacked several times by the Iraqi army under Saddam Hussein’s leadership. Iraq launched air strikes on the island, causing significant damage to its oil terminals. But Iran managed to repair the damage and resume oil exports within days.

This history demonstrated how determined Iran is to keep the island operational, even during wartime.

Later, when Iran placed naval mines in the Strait of Hormuz during the Reagan administration, the United States carried out military strikes on several Iranian naval targets. Again, Kharg Island was not attacked.

Over time, Kharg gained a reputation as a sensitive target that many countries prefer to avoid because the consequences of an attack may get out of control.

Fear of a regional energy war

One of the main reasons Kharg Island has remained untouched so far is the fear of retaliation. Iran has already given the message that if its oil infrastructure is attacked, it would respond by targeting the energy infrastructure of the entire region.

This could include the oil infrastructure of countries like Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and the rest of the Gulf countries. Such attacks could disrupt the energy supplies of the entire world and could continue for several months. Kharg Island is also close to the Strait of Hormuz, which is one of the most important routes in the world.

Almost 20 % of the world’s oil shipments pass through this narrow waterway every day.

If the situation becomes volatile in the region around Kharg Island, the oil supply could be severely disrupted. Economists have already warned that if Kharg Island is severely damaged, the price of oil could increase manifold and could trigger an “energy tsunami.” Even minor military action in the vicinity of Kharg Island could push the entire world economy into instability.

Trump’s difficult strategic choice

For US President Donald Trump, Kharg Island represents both an opportunity and a major political risk.

Trump has always been vocal about his “maximum pressure policy” against Iran. He wants to weaken Iran economically in the hope of changing its foreign policy. Cutting off Iran’s oil revenue by targeting Kharg Island could achieve that goal.

Reports from Axios indicate that officials inside the Trump administration have discussed several options involving Kharg Island. These include launching a commando raid using special forces or even seizing control of the island temporarily.

The idea behind such plans is simple: if Iran loses its oil revenue, it may struggle to finance its military programs and continue its conflict with Israel.

The decision is not a simple one.

Domestic politics and rising fuel prices

The second major concern for Trump is the impact that it could have on the fuel prices of the world.

Experts from the Centre for Strategic and International Studies believe that an attack on Kharg Island could immediately push global oil prices up by at least $10 per barrel. There is also the fear that the prices could increase to as high as $100 per barrel if the war escalates.

For the American public, that would mean higher prices at gas stations across the country. With midterm elections approaching in the United States, rising fuel costs could damage Trump’s political support. The president faces a difficult balancing act. On one side, targeting Kharg Island could weaken Iran significantly. On the other hand, it could cause economic problems.

The Nuclear factor

Another dimension to the situation is added by Iran’s nuclear program.  According to reports, Iran currently possesses around 450 kilograms of uranium enriched to 60 %.

The Trump administration is reportedly studying a broader strategy that could include securing Iran’s nuclear material along with crippling its oil exports. Some discussions reportedly involve a plan known as Operation Epic Fury, aimed at neutralising Iran’s nuclear stockpiles while also limiting its economic power.

Trump has publicly stated that “all options are open,” indicating that Washington has not ruled out any strategy, including a potential move against Kharg Island.

A tiny island with global consequences

Kharg Island remains untouched despite the rising conflict. While Israel has reportedly targeted fuel depots in Tehran and Alborz in recent days, Kharg Island has not been touched..

Many defence officials believe that Israel has deliberately avoided Kharg Island. This is because the US Department of Defence believes that if missiles were launched at Kharg Island, there would be unpredictable consequences.

If missiles were launched at Kharg Island, Iran might believe that it has nothing left to lose. This could result in an attack on oil facilities all over the Middle East.

For now, Kharg Island has become a powerful pressure point, not necessarily an attack target. This is because there are unpredictable consequences that could result from an attack on Kharg Island.

As the conflict continues, world leaders are watching closely. Whether Kharg Island remains a shield that continues to protect Iran’s economy or becomes the spark that triggers conflict remains to be seen.

Death penalty for a rape convict who ripped the vagina of a 5-year-old girl stayed, SC orders his psychological evaluation: Read what the top court said in its verdict

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The Supreme Court on Tuesday (10th March) stayed the death penalty of a man accused of raping and killing a 5-year-old girl in the Shahjahanabad area of Bhopal in Madhya Pradesh.

A bench of Justices Vikram Nath, Sandeep Mehta and N. V. Anjaria allowed the leave to appeal from the Madhya Pradesh High Court, which upheld his conviction and approved the death penalty for him. The court stayed his death penalty till the consideration of his appeal by it.

While staying the death penalty till the consideration of the appeal by it, the top court directed the production of records of the case, the reports of Probation Officers, reports relating to the work performed by the convict, his behaviour inside the jail and a report on his psychological evaluation.

The accused had filed a petition before the Supreme Court requesting leave to appeal against the Madhya Pradesh High Court passed on January 22, 2026. In its judgment, the Division Bench of Justices Vivek Agarwal and Ramkumar Choubey dismissed the criminal appeal filed by the accused and upheld the decision of the trial court, a Special POSCO Court at Bhopal.

The trial court, in its judgment dated March 10, 2025, convicted the accused named Atul Nihale of raping and killing the 5-year-old victim and granted him a death penalty.

Observations of the High Court

Accused enlarged the victim’s vagins using a knife: HC

During the hearing of the appeal filed by the accused against his conviction and sentencing by the Special POCSO Court, the High Court examined all the material and evidence that was considered during the trial of the case. The High Court pointed out the barbaric manner in which the accused sexually exploited and murdered the innocent child. “This Court found that the appellant/accused has committed a heinous crime with a girl aged five years, who was unable to resist, and after gagging her mouth, appellant/accused used a knife meant for culinary tasks, for enlarging the entrance of the vagina, to penetrate,” the High Court noted in its judgment.

The barbarity of the act is dripping down from every ounce of evidence: HC

The High Court highlighted the unimaginable pain that the girl-child must have gone through before succumbing to her injuries, while the accused was violating her. “He caused as many as 10 injuries, including penetration in the pelvic region, a very serious cause of death. Use of a knife inside the vagina to enlarge it for easing penetration in an infant girl is a barbarous act of lusty mind. One can imagine the plight of a deceased girl child when she was sexually penetrated and how, in parts, she would have breathed her last, feeling the excruciating pain in a state of helplessness, ” the High Court stated in its judgment, adding that “this shows that a barbarity of act is dripping down from every ounce of evidence”.

While dismissing his plea, the High Court also took note of the criminal antecedents of the accused, who was previously convicted of an offence punishable under the Indian Penal Code and had five criminal cases pending against him.

The accused was not suffering from any mental disorder at the time of committing the crime: HC

The High examined the medical records of the accused and found that he was not suffering from any kind of mental disorder or illness, which could have affected his capacity to understand his actions. “It is evident from the record that the learned trial Court has examined Dr Rahul Sharma (CW-1) in this regard, who has categorically answered the questions put forth on behalf of the appellant/accused and clarified that during the examination, it appeared that the appellant/ accused was not in the state of bipolar mood disorder,” the High Court noted.

“In fact, it was not proved that the appellant/accused was suffering from any such mental disorder or illness that impaired his capacity to understand his actions. Furthermore, after evaluating the evidence, the trial court correctly observed that the appellant/accused remained in a fit state of mind and was quite able to defend,” the Court added.

Background of the case

The case arose from a complaint filed by the minor victim’s mother on September 24, 2024, at the Shahjahanabad Police Station in Bhopal, Madhya Pradesh, after her daughter went missing. On September 26, 2024, after two days of intensive search operation, the police noticed a foul smell coming from Flat F-2 of Block No.A-1, Bajpai Nagar, Eidgah Hills, Bhopal, which was occupied by the family of the accused.

When the police personnel tried to enter the flat to find out the source of the foul smell, they were resisted by the accused’s mother and sister. The cops forced their way into the house and started conducting a search, during which they found a white plastic tank kept in the bathroom containing the body of a girl-child. Several incriminating articles, including blood-stained clothes and a knife, were also recovered by the police from the flat. A case was registered by the police under the relevant provisions of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita and the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act.

The parents of the victim identified the body of the girl. An autopsy of the body was conducted by a team of three doctors of the Forensic Department of All India Institute of Medical Science (AIIMS), Bhopal, which revealed sexual assault and homicidal death.

The forensic examination of the seized articles confirmed the involvement of the accused in the heinous crime beyond any doubt. Based on the evidence and the testimonies of witnesses, the accused was convicted by the Special POCSO Court under Sections 87,103, 238(a) of the BNS, along with Sections 65(2) of BNS r/w 5(m)/6 of POCSO Act, 64(2)(1) of BNS r/w 5(j)(i)/6 of POCSO Act, 64(2)(m) of BNS r/w 5(1)(6) of POCSO Act, snd 66 of BNS r/w 5(j)(iv)/6 of POCSO Act.

7-10 years of jail for illegal conversions, up to life for mass conversions: Read the provisions of the Anti-Conversion Bill cleared by the Chhattisgarh cabinet

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government in Chhattisgarh has taken a significant step toward introducing a stricter law against religious conversions. On Tuesday, 10th March, the state cabinet approved the draft of a new legislation titled the Chhattisgarh Freedom of Religion Bill, 2026. The proposed law aims to curb religious conversions carried out through force, inducement, fraud, misrepresentation, or undue influence.

The decision was taken during a cabinet meeting held late in the evening. With the cabinet clearing the draft, the government is now expected to introduce the bill in the state assembly, which is currently in session. The proposed law comes at a time when debates around religious conversions have intensified across several states.

Chief Minister Vishnu Deo Sai and Deputy Chief Minister Vijay Sharma had earlier indicated that the state government was planning to bring a stronger anti-conversion law to address growing concerns.

Sharma had previously said that the new law would also include provisions to curb “changai sabhas”, which some groups have accused of being used as platforms for religious conversion.

VHP welcomes the government’s decision

The decision of the Chhattisgarh government was welcomed by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP). On Wednesday, 11th March, the organisation expressed support for the proposed law and said it would help prevent illegal religious conversions in the state.

VHP national spokesperson Vinod Bansal said, “Due to the increasing incidents of religious conversion and ‘love jihad’, governments have decided to enact constitutionally valid laws in their respective state legislatures to prevent such conversions…the number of states (including Chhattisgarh) will now exceed 12, where strict punishment will be given against religious conversion and ‘love jihad’.”.

He added that the proposed legislation would help protect Hindus in the state from illegal activities of “conversion gangs” attempting to convert them and trap them in “love jihad”.

“At the same time, those running conversion gangs involved in love jihad, as well as anti-national elements, will now have to remain cautious. They will have to refrain from such a mindset,” he warned.

What the draft bill proposes

The proposed law is intended to make the process of conversion more transparent instead of restricting a person’s freedom of religion. The government has maintained that the purpose of the proposed law is not to prevent a person from choosing their religion but to ensure that conversion is by free will only.

As per the proposed law, if a person wants to convert their religion by free will, then a formal process has to be followed. The person has to give prior information to the District Magistrate (DM) before converting their religion. The information will be announced publicly.

After announcing the information, people will have a 30-day period to raise objections if they think that the conversion is being done under pressure, by inducement, or by fraudulent means. The objections will be looked into by the authorities before the conversion process is initiated.

The proposed law has also mentioned that “ghar wapsi” or returning to one’s original religion is not conversion.

Another important aspect of the legislation is that it provides a list of definitions of the methods that may be employed for the illegal conversion. These include inducement, coercion, misrepresentation, and misleading information. For the first time, the draft law provides provisions for conversions through digital media.

Strict punishment for illegal conversions

The draft law provides for the imposition of stringent punishment on those found guilty of the offence of illegal religious conversion. The offence will be cognizable and non-bailable.

The punishment provisions include:

  • General illegal religious conversion:
    7 to 10 years of imprisonment and a minimum fine of ₹5 lakh.
  • Conversion of minors, women, or members of SC/ST/OBC communities:
    10 to 20 years of imprisonment and a minimum fine of ₹10 lakh.
  • Mass religious conversion:
    10 years to life imprisonment and a minimum fine of ₹25 lakh.

To ensure effective enforcement, cases under the proposed law will be heard in special courts.

How the new law differs from the existing one

Chhattisgarh already has a law addressing religious conversions. The Chhattisgarh Freedom of Religion Act, 1968, has been in force since the state’s formation in 2000.

According to a report by News18, the government believes that the existing law is outdated and does not fully address the situation. Deputy Chief Minister Vijay Sharma said that social and technological changes have introduced new challenges that need to be fully addressed through stronger legal provisions. 

The new bill seeks to address some of these loopholes in the existing legislation by defining some of the terms used in religious conversions. These include inducement, coercion, mass conversion, and digital conversion.

Why was the law proposed?

The proposed legislation comes in the wake of repeated incidents of forced or induced religious conversions in the state. There have been several instances of religious conversions in the tribal-dominated regions of Bastar and Jashpur districts of the state. There have also been instances of conflicts between the people of the state and the converts on the matter of religious conversions.

One of the most recent incidents that attracted national attention was the arrest of two nuns from Kerala in the state of Chhattisgarh on charges of human trafficking and attempting to convert three tribal women. The case was registered on the complaint of a member of the Bajrang Dal. 

Apart from this case, there have been several FIRs and police complaints registered on the matter of religious conversions in recent months. 

The state government of Chhattisgarh claims that the motive of the proposed law is not to restrict religious freedoms. Instead, it is to prohibit illegal practices that take place through force, inducement, and deception. If the new law is approved in the assembly, it will become one of the more stringent anti-conversion laws in the country.

Supreme Court permits passive euthanasia for a patient for the first time in India: Read about the draft guidelines regarding the procedure and their challenges

On 11th March (Wednesday), the Supreme Court authorised passive euthanasia for 32-year-old Harish Rana, who had been in a vegetative condition since August 2013 after falling from a building in Chandigarh. The decision, which was produced by a bench of Justices JB Pardiwala and KV Viswanathan, allowed this method for the first time in the country.

Which regulations oversee passive euthanasia in India

No law in India tackles passive euthanasia, but the Union Health Ministry published “Draft Guidelines for Withdrawal of Life Support in Terminally Ill Patients” in September 2024, which was founded by specialists from All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS). The stakeholders were asked to provide feedback and recommendations on the draft by 20th October of that year.

The instructions outlined the procedure hospitals must follow to withhold or withdraw treatment. They were based on directives from the Supreme Court in 2023. It outlined 4 parameters for a “considered decision in a patient’s best interests, to stop or discontinue ongoing life support in a terminally ill disease that is no longer likely to benefit the patient or is likely to harm in terms of causing suffering and loss of dignity.”

The criteria included the declaration of brainstem death in line with Transplantation of Human Organs Act, a medical prognosis and expert opinion indicating that the disease is in an advanced stage and cannot be expected to improve with aggressive treatment, recorded informed refusal by the patient or surrogate following an understanding of the prognosis, to maintain life support and adherence to the procedures mandated by the top court.

The doctor must decide whether the individual has a probability of recovering or living a happy life if treatment is continued. Afterwards, a primary medical board must evaluate the situation and come to a decision. The doctor and two experts on the subject with five or more years of experience constitute the panel.

The family must then be informed of the prognosis and asked if they would like any additional therapy. It must explain the sickness, available medical routes, alternate modes of care and the repercussions of both undergoing and not getting treatment. The medical team must reach a consensus and develop a coherent treatment plan.

The doctors and the family must lodge a request to a secondary medical board whenever they conclude that the measures should be terminated. It should consist of two subject matter experts with at least 5 years of expertise and a physician appointed by a district’s chief medical officer (CMO). A decision must be made by the board within 48 hours. While their consent is not necessary, hospitals must notify magistrates prior to ceasing treatment.

The key provisions in the draft

According to the document, a terminal illness is an incurable or irreversible condition that would inevitably result in death in the near future. This also included a severe traumatic brain injury that failed to display any signs of recovery following 72 hours.

The paperwork pointed out that life-sustaining treatments (LST) such as mechanical ventilation, vasopressors, dialysis, surgery, transfusions, parenteral nutrition, or extracorporeal membrane oxygenation are not anticipated to be beneficial for many of the hospice patients in the Intensive Care Unit (ICU).

It read, “In such circumstances, LSTs are non-beneficial and increase avoidable burdens and suffering to patients and therefore, are considered excessive and inappropriate. Additionally, they increase emotional stress and economic hardship to the family and moral distress to professional caregivers.”

The regulations outlined, “Withdrawal of LST in such patients is regarded as a standard of ICU care worldwide and upheld by several jurisdictions. Such decisions have medical, ethical and legal considerations. It may be considered that the above-mentioned also applies at the time of initiating Life support treatments to individuals with.”

They recommended reaching an informed decision not to undertake cardiopulmonary resuscitation in the case of an ensuing cardiac arrest if there is no reasonable chance of survival or substantial recovery. The draft noted that even if LST causes mortality, an adult who is capable of making healthcare choices might refuse it under the legal standards pronounced by the Supreme Court.

These principles emphasised that LST could be lawfully withheld or withdrawn from patients who cannot decide under certain circumstances, based on the fundamental rights to autonomy, privacy and dignity, alongside an Advance Medical Directive (AMD) that satisfies relevant conditions with legal binding.

AMD is a written statement that people with the potential to arrive at decisions prepare, outlining their preferences for medical treatment, or lack thereof, should they lose that capacity.

The reaction from the medical fraternity

The medical community did not approve of the effort, and Dr RV Asokan, the national president of the Indian Medical Association (IMA) contesded that it placed them under pressure and exposed them to legal scrutiny.

He asserted, “Such clinical decisions have always been taken in good faith by doctors. The patient’s relatives are explained and given all information, taken into confidence in a given case and a decision is taken on merit in every single case. Putting it down in sort of guidelines and also alleging that inappropriate decisions have been taken or they have been prolonged is a misunderstanding of the situation.”

“First, the perception and assumption that unnecessary machines are used and lives are prolonged is wrong. It exposes the doctors to legal scrutiny. More so, what is left of a doctor-patient relationship, trying to define it in four corners of black and white documentation, which is legally scrutinised, is nothing but exposing the doctors to further stress,” Asokan argued.

He insisted that some things need to be reserved for family members, patients and doctors, depending on the circumstances and science. He further conveyed that the IMA would review the text and submit its opinions to have the rules revised.

The continuous challenges

Dhvani Mehta expressed that problems have persisted despite the apex court streamlining the procedure in 2023, reported The Indian Express. She is the co-founder of the Vidhi Centre for Legal Policy and one of the attorneys representing Harish Rana’s family. “It is still difficult to find doctors with a sufficient level of expertise and experience in all hospitals. And, when it comes to the secondary medical board, the process requires the CMO to send in the list of nominated doctors,” she added.

Mehta highlighted that very few states, including Goa, Karnataka and Maharashtra, have started the process of compiling this list of physicians who have been nominated for the secondary medical board.

“It is easier to withdraw such life-sustaining measures after thoroughly counselling the family members in a government hospital. Many private hospitals, however, are afraid of litigation,” observed Dr Sushma Bhatnagar, former chief of the palliative care team at AIIMS, New Delhi. She currently works at the Indraprastha Apollo Hospital in the national capital and has established a similar procedure there.

Bhatnagar mentioned, “Patients and their family members understand the pain of prolonging life through such measures. What is required is clear communication that can help them understand that they have done everything. There is a lot of guilt that families face over such a decision.”

However, the process has been made easier by understanding the patient’s intentions through a living will. These enable such persons to prepare a legal document specifying the steps they want or would rather not have executed on them when they are no longer capable of making judgments.

The first living will clinic in a private hospital in northern India was established by Bhatnagar at Indraprastha Apollo Hospital. It gives patients the option to select the particular type of care they prefer, the gender they want to be recognised as and the ability to designate someone other than their family to handle medical choices on their behalf.

Supreme Court urges the centre to frame a law on euthanasia

The Supreme Court encouraged the government to introduce a law regarding the practice of euthanasia and/or the withdrawal of medical treatment because it is pertinent to the right to live with dignity, during the recent hearing. It brought attention to the delay on the critical subject of passive euthanasia despite its “pious hope” for the centre to make such a move 8 years ago.

The court charged that no rules had been formed and there was no protracted discussion on the matter, although two law commission studies and numerous bills were presented by private members in Parliament. It was remarked that the intervention was only meant to serve as a temporary constitutional bridge until Parliament fulfilled its obligation, not to replace legislative wisdom.

The bench stressed, “The prolonged absence of a comprehensive legislation on end-of-life care has compelled this Court, time and again, to step in to fill the vacuum, out of constitutional necessity rather than institutional choice. While the guidelines as laid down in Common Cause (supra) have served as an important interim safeguard to protect the right to live and die with dignity, they were never intended to operate as a permanent substitute for legislation.”

“Therefore, we urge the Union Government to consider enacting a comprehensive legislation on the subject in consonance with the vision of the Constitution Bench in Common Cause 2018 (supra). Such a legislation would provide more clarity, coherence and certainty to these pertinent, practical and emotionally charged issues,” the court announced.

A draft bill titled “Medical Treatment of Terminally-Ill Patients (Protection of Patients and Medical Practitioners Bill)” was released by the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare in 2016. The public had been asked to provide input. However, no steps were taken upon completion of the consultative phase.

The right to die with dignity was acknowledged by the Supreme Court in 2018 as a fundamental right under Article 21 in the ongoing Common Cause petition. It devised thorough norms for the withdrawal and withholding of medical care in the absence of a statutory framework. On the other hand, former justice AK Sikri had voiced hope for the government to pass an appropriate statute at the time.

What is euthanasia

Euthanasia is the intentional taking of a patient’s life to stop their suffering. It has multiple different forms and is classified as voluntary, non-voluntary or involuntary. Active euthanasia is the practice of a doctor prescribing a deadly medication or injection to end the agony of a patient who has a minimal likelihood of survival. It is permitted in the United States, Canada, Australia and several regions of Europe, but not in India.

Passive euthanasia involves enabling a person to die spontaneously by withdrawing life-sustaining medical care. Treatments including cardiopulmonary resuscitation, ventilator support, chemotherapy, radiation, dialysis, or specialist diet could be refused by patients or their families.

Strait of Hormuz crisis: Why India’s energy transition under PM Modi is crucial for energy security

The escalating Iran–US–Israel confrontation has once again exposed the fragility of the global energy system. As tensions rise in West Asia and the Strait of Hormuz becomes the centre of geopolitical confrontation, global oil markets have reacted instantly. Brent crude prices have surged, and LPG costs have begun rising, triggering fresh concerns about supply disruptions.

Nearly one-fifth of the world’s oil trade passes through the Strait of Hormuz, making it one of the most critical energy chokepoints on the planet. For energy-importing nations like India, any instability in the region can rapidly translate into higher fuel prices, inflationary pressure and economic uncertainty.

However, the current crisis is also revealing something important: India is significantly better prepared today than it was a decade ago, largely because of the long-term energy transition strategy pursued under PM Modi since 2014. What critics once dismissed as ambitious climate rhetoric is now emerging as a strategic hedge against geopolitical energy shocks.

From energy dependence to energy resilience

For decades, India’s energy strategy revolved around importing fossil fuels, particularly crude oil from the Middle East. The result was a structural vulnerability where geopolitical tensions thousands of kilometres away could immediately impact India’s economy.

Recognising this risk early, the Modi government began pursuing a multi-layered strategy focused on diversification, renewables, electrification and domestic production. Even today, India continues to rely on imports for crude oil. However, the broader energy ecosystem has undergone a major transformation over the past decade.

Domestic production and infrastructure improvements have already reduced some vulnerabilities. India’s domestic LPG production now meets around 45 per cent of demand, while domestic LNG production covers roughly half of the country’s requirements. Alongside this, major investments in refining, pipelines and storage infrastructure have significantly improved the efficiency and resilience of the energy supply chain.

The dramatic transformation of India’s power sector

The most striking transformation has occurred in India’s power generation capacity. In 2014, India’s total installed power capacity stood at about 249 gigawatts. Renewable energy, excluding large hydro, accounted for only 35.85 gigawatts, while solar power was still in its infancy with a capacity of just 2.82 gigawatts.

Over the next decade, this picture changed dramatically. By January 2026, India’s total installed power capacity had reached 520.5 gigawatts, more than doubling in just over a decade. Even more significant is the shift in the composition of this capacity. Non-fossil sources now account for approximately 271.97 gigawatts, surpassing fossil fuel capacity of 248.5 gigawatts.

Within this non-fossil segment, renewable energy contributes the largest share at about 263.2 gigawatts, while nuclear power accounts for around 8.78 gigawatts. This means that for the first time in India’s history, non-fossil sources account for more than 52 percent of the country’s installed power capacity, allowing India to achieve a key climate commitment five years ahead of schedule.

The pace of expansion continues to accelerate. In the financial year 2025-26 alone, India added more than 50 gigawatts of new power capacity. Out of this, nearly 39,657 megawatts came from renewable sources, marking one of the largest annual renewable expansions in the world.

This rapid growth is already beginning to alter India’s energy dynamics. Coal power plants are witnessing a gradual decline in plant load factors, suggesting the beginning of a structural moderation in coal dependence.

Building domestic manufacturing strength

India’s energy transition is not limited to installing renewable capacity; it is also about building a domestic manufacturing ecosystem to reduce dependence on imports.

To achieve this, the government launched the Production Linked Incentive scheme for high-efficiency solar modules in 2020, later expanding it in 2022 with an outlay of ₹24,000 crore. The objective of the scheme is to build a fully integrated domestic solar manufacturing supply chain and reduce reliance on Chinese imports.

The results have been dramatic. In 2014, India’s solar module manufacturing capacity was around 2.3 gigawatts. By 2026, that capacity has expanded to approximately 144 gigawatts, transforming India into a major global manufacturing hub for solar equipment.

The scheme has also played a crucial role in accelerating renewable installations. In 2025 alone, India added around 35 gigawatts of solar capacity, making it one of the fastest-growing solar markets globally.

Battery manufacturing is also being strengthened through the Production Linked Incentive scheme for Advanced Chemistry Cells, which carries an outlay of ₹18,100 crore. This initiative is aimed at building domestic battery manufacturing capabilities that will support both renewable energy storage and electric mobility.

Under this programme, about 40 gigawatt-hours of battery manufacturing capacity have already been awarded to companies, while 1.4 gigawatt-hours have been commissioned so far.

Rooftop solar: decentralising energy production

One of the most ambitious initiatives in India’s energy transition is the PM Surya Ghar: Muft Bijli Yojana, launched in February 2024.

The scheme aims to install rooftop solar systems across one crore households, effectively transforming ordinary citizens into energy producers. By decentralising electricity generation, the programme reduces pressure on centralised power infrastructure while also lowering household electricity costs.

The response to the scheme has been remarkable. Within two years, more than 55.62 lakh applications have been received, and around 21.43 lakh households have already installed rooftop solar systems. The government has disbursed over ₹14,771 crore in subsidies to support the installations.

This decentralised model represents a fundamental shift in India’s energy architecture, enabling households to generate their own electricity while reducing dependence on coal-based power generation.

Electrifying India’s transportation sector

India’s transportation sector, which has traditionally been a major consumer of petroleum products, is also transforming.

Through the FAME-II scheme and the newer PM E-DRIVE programme, the government has introduced large-scale incentives to promote electric mobility.

So far, about 16.71 lakh electric vehicles have been supported under the FAME-II scheme, including electric two-wheelers, three-wheelers and cars. The programme has also facilitated the deployment of 5,195 electric buses across various Indian cities.

Building on this progress, the PM E-DRIVE scheme aims to support the deployment of nearly 28 lakh additional electric vehicles across the country. The gradual electrification of transportation has the potential to significantly reduce India’s dependence on imported crude oil.

Farmers and villages joining the energy transition

The energy transition is also reaching India’s agricultural sector through the PM-KUSUM scheme.

This programme focuses on solarising agricultural pumps and installing decentralised solar power plants in rural areas. More than 10 gigawatts of grid-connected solar capacity have been sanctioned under the scheme so far.

In addition, around 13 lakh standalone solar pumps have been approved, with nearly 10 lakh already installed. Another 55,000 grid-connected pumps have been solarised.

By replacing diesel pumps with solar alternatives, the scheme reduces fuel consumption in agriculture while also allowing farmers to earn additional income by selling surplus electricity back to the grid.

Hydrogen and nuclear: The next frontier

India’s long-term energy strategy also includes emerging technologies such as green hydrogen and expanded nuclear power.

The National Green Hydrogen Mission, launched in 2023 with a budget outlay of ₹19,744 crore, aims to position India as a global hub for green hydrogen production. Already, production capacity of about 0.86 million tonnes per annum has been awarded to 18 companies.

Green hydrogen is expected to play a crucial role in decarbonising energy-intensive industries such as steel manufacturing, fertilisers and heavy transport.

At the same time, nuclear power capacity in India has grown from 4.78 gigawatts in 2014 to 8.78 gigawatts in 2026, with 24 reactors currently operational.

Legislative reforms under the SHANTI Bill of 2025 have introduced provisions for private sector participation and a new liability framework, with an ambitious long-term target of achieving 100 gigawatts of nuclear power capacity by 2047.

Surat Municipal Corporation’s headquarters renamed as “Tapi Bhavan”: Read how it was declared a waqf property in 2021

The Surat Municipal Corporation’s term, which started in March 2021, has come to an end. Its last meeting occurred on 10th March (Tuesday), where Mayor Daxesh Mavani put forth several key proposals that were later unanimously accepted. One such recommendation involved renaming the headquarters of the corporation. The building, known as “Mughalsarai,” would now be referred to as “Tapi Bhavan.” It is situated in the “Mughalisara” area, which has also been renamed to “Shri Tapipura.”

Notably, suggestions for the renaming had been submitted for almost 7 years. However, Mavani introduced a resolution from the chair, indicating that Surat’s prosperity originated not from the Mughal era, but from an earlier time, attributing its existence to the Tapi River at the latest general meeting. The river also contributed to the growth of industries, leading to the cities along its banks becoming renowned worldwide. Subsequently, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) members promoted the resolution, and it was approved by all. Slogans celebrating Sanatan Dharma were also raised in the house.

On the other hand, the Indian National Congress, which lacks any representatives in the corporation, is staging a protest. Its leader, Aslam Cyclewala, called the decision a “stunt” on social media, arguing that renaming the neighbourhood, historically identified as “Mughalisara” since the period of the Mughals, without engaging residents, was an unwarranted action.

Attempt to seize the building by declaring it a Waqf property

It is important to highlight that in 2021, efforts were made to appropriate the corporation’s headquarters by declaring it as a Waqf property. Nevertheless, the municipal officials brought the issue before the tribunal, which ultimately reversed the directive. In 2016, a request was made to change the name of the structure to “Humayunsarai.” It was submitted by a local, Abdullah Jarullah, who cited section 36 of the Waqf Act in his pursuit to have the building labelled as Waqf Board property.

In 2021, a ruling was partially granted in favour of the applicant, which resulted in its registration as Waqf property. Additionally, the development empowered the Gujarat State Waqf Board to manage the building, instead of it being under the corporation’s control.

The submission alleged that the place was constructed during Shah Jahan’s rule and was part of his daughter Jahanara Begum’s estate. It was erected in 1644 by his trusted associate, Ishaq Beg Yazdi alias Haqiqat Khan, at an expense of ₹33,081. The building was then named “Humayunsarai” and was allocated for Hajj pilgrims, as Surat served as a significant port and saw a considerable influx of pilgrims.

The applicant provided 17 different documents and contended that the four-century-old edifice was utilised for accommodating Hajj pilgrims until 1867. In 1961, the British transformed it into a municipal office, and eventually, it became the primary office of the Surat Municipal Corporation.

Later, the Waqf Board sanctioned the plea and instructed the classification of the office as Waqf property. However, the corporation approached the Waqf Tribunal and contested the move.

The tribunal overturned the order

The tribunal annulled the order in April 2024, deeming it arbitrary, erroneous and unlawful. It highlighted that the order issued by the board to define the building as “Humayunsarai Waqf Property” was illegal, noting that there was no structure by that name in Ward Number 11 of Surat City, and the property listed under City Survey Number 1504 had never been referred to as “Humayunsarai” previously.

The tribunal indicated that an unjust, unauthorised and unilateral effort was made to incorporate the property into government records as “Humayunsarai” without confirming the veracity and legitimacy of the application. The order additionally referenced historical evidence pointing out that the construction of the building was funded by port taxes and revenue, rather than the personal income of Shah Jahan or Ishaq Beg.

Consequently, this did not meet the criteria for self-acquired property by Mughal rulers and cannot be named as a Waqf. A Muslim individual is permitted to waqf his self-acquired property; however, property obtained from state income derived from port taxes and revenue cannot be designated as the same.

After considering all relevant facts and information, the tribunal determined that the order issued by the Gujarat State Waqf Board on 25th November 2021, which registered the property at City Survey Number 1504, Ward Number 11, Surat City, as the “Humayunsarai Waqf property,” was illicit, inconsistent with established judicial principles, incorrect and capricious, and therefore was dismissed in the interest of justice.

Moreover, the tribunal highlighted several procedural shortcomings. For instance, Abdullah had only provided photocopies of documents rather than certified copies, and according to the Evidence Act, photocopies are inadmissible. Nonetheless, the order claimed that the applicant had provided certified copies of the documents.

Moreover, the inscriptions referenced in the application did not indicate a Mutawalli. The applicant had claimed to be the Mutawalli, but the tribunal observed that he had never truly served as the Mutawalli of the building. The board’s decision was eventually reversed in light of all these elements. The Modi government presented and enacted the Waqf Amendment Bill in Parliament last year, also resulting in extensive discussions over the matter.

Kajal Hindustani vs Sadhvi Ritambhara: UGC row sparks debate on Hindu unity. Read why their statements are going viral and why the argument is being discussed

The draconian University Grants Commission (Promotion of Equity in Higher Education Institutions) Regulations of 2026 have enraged the general category Hindu community. While the Supreme Court has put a stay on the outrageous regulations, the anger, debate, and the protests against the BJP-led Central government are not dying down. A fresh controversy has erupted over statements made by a Hindu saint and a key figure in the Ram Janmbhoomi Movement, Sadhvi Ritambhara, and Hindu rights activist Kajal Hindustani over the UGC caste equity guidelines issue and the general category’s protests against it.

The issue has divided a significant section of Hindus into two factions: one, which is opposed to the UGC regulations but does not favour boycotting or completely turning against the Modi government; the other faction views the UGC regulations as divisive and destructive, and believes that the BJP is not immune to criticism and opposition.

Before delving into the details of the Sadhi Ritambhara-Kajal Hindustani controversy over the UGC issue, it is important to recall, in brief, the outrageous aspect of the UGC guidelines 2026 that have triggered uproar among the ‘upper-caste’ Hindus.

The 2026 regulations ruled out the general castes as victims of caste-based violence by restricting the category of victims to SCs, STs, and OBCs. There is no provision for general category students to raise a complaint when subjected to caste-based discrimination. The 2026 regulations not only assume that caste-based discrimination is only directed towards people from the SC, ST, and OBC communities, but, in a way, promote reverse caste-based discrimination by excluding general castes, which form a large section of the academic community, from protection.

BJP MP Sakshi Maharaj’s 90-10 Dalit-Savarna fearmongering statement

The entire controversy finds its roots in a statement given by BJP MP Sakshi Maharaj in February this year, wherein he warned the general category people against protesting or ‘overreacting’ to the draconian UGC equity rules. Highlighting that upper castes are only 10% while SC/ST/OBC together form 90%, Sakshi Maharaj said that if the Dalit Hindu community starts viewing the anti-UGC protests by the Savarna Hindus as a threat or opposition against them, the people from upper castes “may not be able to become MPs or MLAs, etc.

A few weeks later, Hindu rights activist Kajal Hindustani was invited to the Shatabdi Anand Mahotsav event marking the holy centenary year of Swami Vamdev Ji Maharaj in Uttar Pradesh’s Vrindavan.

During her speech at the 3rd day of the event on 1st March 2026, Kajal Hindustani said that during the era of Lord Shri Ram in Tretayug, he never discriminated against any caste, and considered everyone as equals. Even during the Ram Janmabhoomi Movement, all Hindus, regardless of their caste, participated. She added that the Ram Mandir Movement could become a historic success and the rightful abode of Bhagwan Ram could be reclaimed because it was a collective effort devoid of any caste bias. She further emphasised that even during the Mahakumbh held in 2025, there was no caste discrimination and no separate lines for Brahmins or Kshatriya, or Vaishya.

Kajal Hindustani asserted that everyone has made meticulous efforts to end caste divisions; however, a king then brings “black law” (Kaala Kanoon) like the UGC, and divides Brahmins, Kshatriyas, and “Sevaks”. She called it “Adharma”.

“A king (here meant for Prime Minister Narendra Modi) brings in a black law that divides Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Sevaks (SC/. This is unrighteousness,” Kajal said.

She gave the example of warrior prince Arjun’s reluctance to fight against his family members like Bheeshma, and teacher Dron Acharya, even as he knew they sided with Adharma (wrong, injustice), and was schooled by Lord Krishna against tolerating unrighteousness merely because it was committed by his loved ones.

“If we too pass a black law like the UGC and if we remain silent, then we too are unrighteous. Why are we divided into castes? Is any saint dividing us into castes? Brahmins are already being maligned. And then they abuse Brahmins and raise slogans in colleges. Brahmin, your grave will be dug. Why will the grave of a Brahmin be dug? Tilak, Taraaju, aur Talwar, inko maaro jootey char. Why beat us with shoes? And they shout slogans like Brahmins should leave India. Your blood will flow. Why will blood flow? Who is dividing us?” she continued.

Furthermore, Kajal Hindustani criticised the BJP, saying that before elections, the party gives slogans like “Ek hain toh safe hain” and “Bantogey toh katogey” to Hindus, but after elections, it divides Hindus on caste lines through its policies like the UGC equity rules.

“Before the elections, they (BJP) say that if you are united, then you are safe (Ek hain toh safe hain). If you get divided, then you will be slaughtered (bantogey toh katogey), and after the elections, the same thing happens. Leaders say divide Hindus and cut these people. They do not want the Hindu society to remain united and organised. Because they know that Hindu society will unite to fight against the unrighteous. But Hindu society will become stronger only when it is united, then when we leaders do as we please, this Hindu society will speak over us. So don’t let this Hindu society be able to speak. Therefore, divide Hindus into castes,” the Hindu rights activist said.

Kajal Hindustani further expressed her dismay over Sakshi Maharaj’s “90% Dalit 10% Savarna” statement, and said, “I feel sad about when our leaders say this and say it from the land of Uttar Pradesh, and I have come to this land, so I will say it and leave because we too are descendants of Shri Ram. So, we have taught Ramji to speak out against injustice. So, it is sad when a leader from Uttar Pradesh, who himself poses as a saint, says that you, the 10%, will tell the 90% that such UGC laws will keep coming, and you will have to accept them silently. I feel sad because they are trying to divide us.”

However, after Kajal Hindustani concluded her speech, the event’s host immediately said that the event was a platform for raising such issues. On one hand, he said that this was not the platform for raising the issue of UGC guidelines, on the other, he emphasised that if Modi government has made a “mistake”, then it will be rectified through the saints and this platform.

Sakshi Maharaj defended the Modi government without saying a word on the controversial UGC equity regulations

In the same event, Sakshi Maharaj was present, and he defended the BJP government, saying that at a time when there are two factions active, one who want to ‘Christianise’ and the other who want to ‘Islamise’ Bharat, if those Hindus who are upset with the party will not vote for the BJP, then who will they vote for? Rahul Gandhi. IF they will not vote for Yogi Adityanath, who will they vote for, the son (Samajwadi Party leader Akhilesh Yadav) of those who (late Mulayam Singh Yadav) ordered firing on karsevaks.

Sakshi Maharaj said that it is because PM Modi is there that Ayodhya Ram Mandir could be built, because Modi is there that Article 370 could be abrogated, adding that Bhagwa/saffron gets respect because Modi is in power; otherwise, there would be a narrative of ‘saffron terror’.

‘Don’t wash dirty linen in public’: Sadhvi Ritambhara expressed pain over Kajal Hindustani raising the UGC caste guidelines issue

At the same event on 1st March, veteran Hindu rights leader and saint Sadhvi Ritambhara delivered a speech. She was present when Kajal Hindustani addressed the gathering. Building on Sakshi Maharaj’s counter, Sadhvi Ritambhara said that Hindus have this bad habit of finding faults within the community. She stressed that if Hindus start doubting their own (BJP) leadership, then the community is doomed.

She further asserted that ranting over the UGC caste issue is like washing dirty linen in public. She suggested that even if there are complaints and grievances over any policy decisions of the Modi government, they should not be expressed through such platforms publicly.

Sadhvi Ritambhara equated the UGC caste guidelines issue with a pimple, saying that one has to treat the pimple, not kill oneself, to get rid of it. She also argued that there is a narrative war being waged against India by external forces located in Pakistan and the Middle East to divide Hindus. Sadhvi Ritambhara appealed to Hindus with folded hands to not fall for this ploy and refrain from getting divided.

“There are many disturbing things. They don’t feel good. But that doesn’t mean that…if a pimple develops on the body, will you kill the body or treat the pimple? This is my request to the Hindu community to identify this demon called ‘narrative’. There is a war of narrative going on in this country. There are external forces…narratives coming from Pakistan, the Middle East, and others, who want to divide Hindus by exploiting caste. They plant these toxic ideas to weaken Hindu consciousness and undermine Hindu unity…I request the Hindu Samaj to not to let these divisive narratives take root. Do not let caste become a weapon against our own…Rise above petty divisions and stay united as Hindus…” Sadhvi Ritambhara said.

While Sadhvi Ritambhara did not explicitly name Kajal Hindustani, her speech was essentially a rebuttal to Hindustani’s speech. There was no direct exchange of thoughts between the two; however, Sadhvi Ritambhara’s emphasis on Hindu unity in contrast to Kajal Hindustani’s concern over suppression of GCs through UGC rules came across as a direct clash between the two in social media discussions.

Is the UGC caste guidelines issue a mere ‘pimple’? Is the Modi government dividing Hindus on caste lines? Sadhvi Ritambhara or Kajal Hindustani, who is right?

The simple answer to the question whether Sadhvi Ritambhara is right or Kajal Hindustani is that both are right in their own place. Both expressed contrasting opinions, yet their core concern remained Hindu unity.

There have indeed been concerted efforts to divide Hindus on caste lines, as pointed out by Sadhvi Ritambhara. In fact, politics has always thrived on exploiting caste faultlines. However, the metaphor of ‘Funsi’ suggests that the UGC caste equity issue is a ‘minor wound’ and the body, which here implies both the BJP government and Hindu unity, should not be killed.

The anti-Savarna UGC caste guidelines were not brought by the enemies of India sitting in Pakistan or the Middle East; it was brought by the same BJP government that abrogated 370, backed Ram Mandir construction, and pushed for Hindu unity for years. If the party received immense support from Hindus for its good decisions, it would naturally receive backlash for the policies deemed discriminatory or divisive. This is how democracy works. The General Category’s anger over the UGC guidelines is not a fleeting or minor issue resulting from a foreign conspiracy. The issue and the angst over misuse of UGC rules, and reverse discrimination are both genuine and not trivial.

Her core argument, however, that no issue should be allowed to become so big as to be left unresolved, divide Hindu society and eventually lead to the ouster of a relatively pro-Hindu leadership, is valid.

Kajal Hindustani’s rhetoric reflected the genuine anger of the GCs against the Modi government over the UGC caste equity guidelines issue. It was seen how the BJP leaders, including cabinet ministers, turned their damage control mode on after the Supreme Court stayed the UGC regulations, and the GC outrage intensified. If damage control can be done, damage reversal is also not impossible. However, instead of addressing the issue empathically, especially when even many BJP leaders are not in favour of the UGC rules, if Sakshi Maharaj invokes 90%-10% Dalit-Savarna fear to downplay the issue and urge GCs to continue supporting the BJP, then there is a problem. The General Category has lived through the Congress era of suppression and neglect of Hindus; nobody wants it back, but the greater responsibility to ensure that lies on the BJP. BJP is not sacrosanct to criticism.

If the BJP leadership, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, can be praised at the same event, why does it become a problem when Kajal Hindustani raised the issue of UGC caste equity rules with the intention to rally support of the saint community? She has been an open supporter of the BJP; issue-based criticism should not be seen as peddling or falling for any narrative or agenda to divide Hindus.

It has been noticed, however, that many opposed to Sadhvi Ritambhara’s ‘Funsi’ remark are hurling abuses at her. Her analogy might not be appropriate; her intentions were not inappropriate. Sadhvi Ritambhara, who made unforgettable contributions in the Ram Janmabhoomi Movement, has lived the era wherein even appearing proud Hindu was deemed opposed to ‘secularism’ and taking the holy name of Lord Ram was considered ‘communal’ and ‘intimidation’ of ‘minorities. Her words that Bharat has achieved a strong, nationalist, and pro-Hindu leadership after many struggles, bearing insults, reflect the pain and struggle Hindus have endured to witness the present political transition. Having a pro-Hindu political leadership is, thus, essential to ensure that the mission of Hindu unity, and by extension, national security and stability, continues.

Debunked Aryan Invasion Theory, Identified Vedic Saraswati River: Who is Padma Shri Michel Danino, the French-born scholar banned by Supreme Court for chapter on corruption in judiciary

The Supreme Court of India on Wednesday barred three prominent academicians from working on government-funded projects over the Class 8 NCERT book that contained a chapter on corruption on judiciary. On the court’s earlier orders, the NCERT informed the court that the controversial chapter was prepared under the supervision of a visiting professor Michel Danino. Two others, Suparna Diwakar and Alok Prasanna Kumar were also involved in the process.

After learning about the names behind the chapter, the court claimed that the three scholars do not have any reasonable knowledge about the judiciary, and directed that they should not be associated with any other project. The apex court had banned the book last month, and ordered the removal of all copies of the book from the market.

The court said, “At the outset, we have no reason to doubt that Professor Michel Danino, along with Ms Diwakar and Mr Alok Prasanna Kumar, either does not have reasonable knowledge about the Indian judiciary or they deliberately and knowingly misrepresented the facts in order to project a negative image of the Indian judiciary before students of class 8 who are at an impressionable age. There is no reason why such persons be associated in any manner with the preparation of curriculum or finalisation of textbooks for the next generation. We direct the Government of India and all states/UTs/Universities etc. to disassociate 3 of them forthwith and not to assign any responsibility which involves public funds. This order shall be subject to their approaching this court for modification with an explanation.”

As per the affidavit submitted by the NCERT, Prof. Michel Danino, a prominent French-born Indian author and scholar, was behind the sub-chapter titled “Corruption in the Judiciary” in the Class 8 social science textbook, which the court deemed a “deliberate misrepresentation” that could tarnish the judiciary’s image among young students.

Journey to India

Michel Danino was born on June 4, 1956, in Honfleur, a coastal town in Normandy, France. From a young age, he was drawn to Indian spirituality and philosophy, influenced by figures like Sri Aurobindo and his spiritual collaborator Mirra Alfassa, known as “The Mother”.

Dissatisfied with four years of higher scientific studies in France, Danino relocated to India in 1977 at the age of 21. He initially settled in Auroville, an experimental township in Tamil Nadu founded on Sri Aurobindo’s ideals, where he immersed himself in community life and spiritual pursuits.

In 1982, Danino moved to the Nilgiri Mountains in southern India, where he lived for two decades, focusing on nature conservation and independent research. By 2003, he had relocated near Coimbatore, Tamil Nadu, and formally adopted Indian citizenship, solidifying his commitment to his adopted homeland.

Danino has often described this transition as a search for deeper meaning, stating in interviews that Sri Aurobindo’s worldview provided the keys he sought.

Academic and Professional Career

Danino identifies as a lifelong student of Indian civilisation, with no formal advanced degrees in history or archaeology but extensive self-directed scholarship. He has lectured widely on ancient Indian history, culture, and knowledge systems at institutions across India, including IIT Kanpur, IIM Ranchi, and various cultural forums.

Since 2011, he has served as a guest professor at the Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) Gandhinagar, where he has played a key role in establishing the Archaeological Sciences Centre and coordinating courses on Indian Knowledge Systems (IKS). He is also a member of the Indian Council of Historical Research (ICHR), contributing to research on ancient India.

In recent years, Danino has held a prominent position in educational policy, serving as the chairperson of NCERT’s social science curriculum committee. Under his oversight, NCERT has undertaken revisions to school textbooks, emphasising “balanced content” and incorporating elements of Indian heritage.

However, now he has been ordered to be removed from all government-funded institutions over a textbook chapter on corruption in judiciary.

Notable Works and Contributions

Danino’s writings focus on ancient Indian civilisation, challenging colonial-era narratives and advocating for indigenous perspectives. His early work includes translating and publishing selections from Sri Aurobindo and The Mother’s writings, such as the 13-volume Mother’s Agenda from French to English.

In 1996, he published The Invasion that Never Was, arguing against the Indo-Aryan migration theory and asserting that Aryans were indigenous to India, a view he supports with claims of genetic evidence showing unity between Aryans and Dravidians.

His 2010 book, The Lost River: On the Trail of the Sarasvati, uses multidisciplinary evidence, including archaeology, hydrology, and ancient texts, to link the Vedic Sarasvati River to the modern Ghaggar-Hakra River system, proposing it as a factor in the decline of the Indus Valley Civilisation. Notably,

Danino advocates for renaming the Indus Valley Civilisation as “Indus-Sarasvati” or “Sindhu-Sarasvati” in educational materials, and has added these as alternative names in some textbooks. He asserts that the new terminology used in the textbook is based on established archaeological scholarship and not any contemporary political influence.

His other key publications include Indian Culture and India’s Future (2011), which explores India’s civilisational heritage, and co-edited textbooks like Knowledge Traditions and Practices of India for CBSE classes XI and XII.

In 2018, he edited Sri Aurobindo and India’s Rebirth, compiling Aurobindo’s writings on nationalism and cultural revival.

Danino’s research has contributed to discussions on integrating India’s ancient knowledge systems into modern education, including topics like Vedic mathematics, astronomy, and ecology.

He has also been involved in environmental conservation during his time in the Nilgiris.

Awards and Recognition

In 2017, Danino was awarded the Padma Shri, India’s fourth-highest civilian honour, by the government under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, recognising his contributions to literature and education.

This accolade underscores his influence in promoting Indian cultural narratives.

Controversies and Criticisms

Danino’s scholarship has not been without controversy. As an exponent of Indian civilisation, ethos, and knowledge systems, he has been accused of historical negationism, particularly in rejecting the Indo-Aryan migration theory. His advocacy for alternative names for the Indus Valley Civilisation and claims about the Sarasvati River have been criticised by left-liberals.

In his NCERT role, Danino has overseen textbook changes that critics describe as ideologically driven, such as portraying the Maratha Empire positively while depicting the Mughal Empire negatively, and avoiding “unpleasant” topics to prevent student trauma.

Danino has denied such bias, emphasising the need for balanced, non-traumatising education.

The Supreme Court’s order barring him from NCERT and other government work adds to these debates, which have been viewed as judicial overreach by many.

Danino remains an influential figure in India’s cultural and educational landscape, bridging ancient wisdom with contemporary discourse.