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India says NO to woke nonsense: Transgender Bill 2026 sets boundaries straight — definition of ‘transgender’ does not include the pronoun gang. Read details

Jinit Jain
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India says NO to woke nonsense: Transgender Bill 2026 sets boundaries straight — definition of ‘transgender’ does not include the pronoun gang. Read details

In a significant legislative move, the Modi government has passed the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Amendment Bill, 2026, marking a decisive shift in how India approaches gender identity under law. The government has framed the Bill as an effort to ensure that protections reach those who face discrimination due to biological realities, while also bringing long-needed administrative clarity.  

The legislation, which also introduces graded punishments based on the severity of harm, has been positioned as part of a broader commitment to bring marginalised communities into the mainstream while safeguarding their rights.  

At a time when much of the world is struggling with ever-expanding and often confusing definitions of gender identity, India has chosen a different path, one that has firmly, legally, and decisively said no to woke nonsense that has afflicted much of the Western world.

With the introduction of the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Amendment Bill, 2026, the Modi government has done something few governments are willing to do; it has drawn a clear line. In one fell swoop, it has put an end to the scourge of identity politics that is rapidly taking root in Indian society.

The Transgender Bill 2026 is not just a legal amendment. It is a course correction, and a pre-emptive one at that.

The earlier Transgender Persons Act of 2019 recognised a “right to self-perceived gender identity.” On paper, that sounded progressive. In practice, it opened the door to ambiguity, confusion, and administrative chaos. When identity becomes entirely subjective, law loses its ability to function.

The 2026 Amendment fixes that. Put simply, the Bill has ended the monopoly of the pronoun gang, a group that believed it was entitled to identify itself with the gender of its choosing without having to comply with the scientific definition of gender.

From “anything goes” to a clear definition

The biggest change in the Bill is simple but significant: it defines who a transgender person is in clear, workable terms.

Instead of leaving it open-ended, the law now limits the category to those who can be identified through socio-cultural or biological realities. This includes traditional transgender communities like hijra, kinner, aravani and jogta, as well as individuals with congenital variations in sex characteristics. It also includes victims of coercion or forced identity imposition.

At the same time, the Bill makes one thing unambiguously clear: this law is not meant to cover every self-declared identity or fluid category

That clarity is deliberate.

Why didthe government tighten the definition?

The reasoning behind this move is spelt out in the Bill itself. The government notes that the earlier “vague and broad definition” made it difficult to identify who actually needed protection and made the implementation of laws complicated.

More importantly, it states that the law was always meant to protect a specific class of people who face real, structural discrimination, not an ever-expanding universe of identity claims.

This is a crucial distinction.

Welfare laws are not abstract moral statements; they are tools for targeted support. If the definition becomes too broad, the benefits meant for the most vulnerable get diluted. That is exactly what the government is trying to prevent.

The most important line in the Bill that ends the pronoun gang’s stranglehold over identity politics

Perhaps the most telling part of the Amendment lies in its Statement of Objects and Reasons: “It is therefore imperative to give a precise definition… such identification cannot be extended based on any acquirable characteristics or personal choice or claimed self-perceived identity of an individual.”

This is the heart of the reform. It has effectively ended the loophole that the pronoun gang exploited to further identity politics and fuel confusion in policy and enforcement.

In one sentence, the government has drawn a boundary between personal identity and legal identity. You may identify however you wish, but when it comes to law, benefits, and state recognition, there must be clear and verifiable criteria.

What went wrong earlier

The earlier framework, built around self-perception, created a situation where the category of “transgender” could expand endlessly. That may work in theory, but in practice, it creates serious problems.

How do you administer welfare schemes? How do you issue official documents? How do you enforce laws where identity itself is fluid and unverifiable?

The Bill itself acknowledges that such vagueness made several laws difficult to implement and created conflicts across legal systems.

More importantly, it opened the door for misuse and dilution. When a category meant for a historically marginalised group becomes too broad, those who genuinely need support often end up losing out. The Amendment is an attempt to fix exactly that.

The world has already seen where this leads

If anyone believes these concerns are hypothetical, global developments tell a different story.

Take the case of J. K. Rowling. In the UK, she has repeatedly raised concerns about laws and policies that prioritise self-declared gender identity over biological reality. Under Scotland’s controversial hate crime law, even referring to a biological male as male risked being treated as a legal offence. Rowling openly challenged this, pointing out how such frameworks distort crime data, weaken women’s protections, and create absurd legal contradictions. 

Her criticism wasn’t abstract; it was grounded in real consequences. Cases emerged where biological males identifying as women were placed in female spaces, including prisons, raising serious safety concerns.

Similarly, global sports bodies have been forced to confront the limits of identity-based frameworks. In March 2023, World Athletics banned transgender women who had undergone male puberty from competing in female categories at international events. The decision, as stated by its president Sebastian Coe, was driven by a simple principle: fairness.

The organisation made it clear that allowing athletes with male physiological advantages to compete in women’s categories would undermine the integrity of female sport. Even after testosterone suppression, scientific assessments showed a retained performance advantage. The conclusion was unavoidable: fair competition requires clear biological boundaries.

This was not an isolated move. World Aquatics had earlier imposed similar restrictions, with an overwhelming majority of member federations supporting the decision.

In other words, institutions across the world are slowly realising what happens when policy runs ahead of reality.

India chooses clarity before crisis

What makes India’s move significant is that it comes before such crises fully unfold domestically.

Instead of waiting for legal contradictions, policy breakdowns, or institutional conflicts, the government has acted preemptively. By tightening definitions now, it aims to prevent exactly the kind of confusion and conflict seen elsewhere.

This is not reactionary but anticipatory governance.

Stronger protection where it actually matters

While critics frame the Bill as restrictive, it actually strengthens protections in meaningful ways.

The amended law introduces strict punishments for forced mutilation, coercion into adopting a transgender identity, trafficking, and exploitation. In severe cases, especially involving children, penalties can extend to life imprisonment.

This shifts the focus from abstract identity debates to real-world harms where the law is most needed.

No more “just say it and become it” in law

Another major change is the recognition process itself. The earlier system leaned heavily on self-declaration. The new framework introduces verification, including the involvement of authorities and expert input where necessary.

This brings transgender identification in line with how the Indian state handles other legally significant categories, through documentation and verification, not just personal claims. Now, those who wish to identify themselves as any other gender other than their biological one will have to undergo verification, possibly in the form of medical tests or something along those lines, and get certified by competent authorities to get recognised as one.

Again, this is not about denial. It is about making the law workable and ensuring the system is not gamed by a few bad-faith actors.

Impact on schools and institutions

The implications of this Bill extend beyond courts and legal systems. It could reshape how schools and institutions approach gender identity.

In recent years, fluid identity concepts have increasingly entered educational spaces, often without a clear legal framework. Policies, counselling approaches, and curriculum discussions have sometimes reflected these trends.

The new law introduces a clear boundary. By defining what the state recognises, it ensures that institutional policies, especially in publicly governed spaces, are anchored in legal clarity, not shifting ideological trends. Discussion may continue, but policy must now align with law.

A necessary correction

The Transgender Bill 2026 is not about rolling back rights. It is about making the law clear, enforceable, and fair.

The 2019 Act laid the foundation. But it left too many grey areas. The 2026 Amendment closes those gaps. It ensures that protections reach those who truly need them, prevents misuse, and restores clarity to a complex area of law.

At its core, this Bill is about one simple idea that law cannot function without clear definitions. Around the world, institutions are grappling with the consequences of ignoring this principle. India, instead, has chosen to act early.

It has chosen clarity over confusion, structure over ambiguity, and governance over abstraction. That may not satisfy ideological purists. But it is how functioning legal systems are built.

And in that sense, the Transgender Bill 2026 is not just a reform; it is a statement that defines India’s stand on identity politics. And perhaps a direction for the world to follow.

Dangerous for those who force religious conversion: Union government tables FCRA Amendment bill in Parliament, read about key changes for NGOs

Rukma Rathore
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Dangerous for those who force religious conversion: Union government tables FCRA Amendment bill in Parliament, read about key changes for NGOs

On 25th March (Wednesday), a bill to modify the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA) was presented to the Lok Sabha by the Modi government. Union Minister of State for Home Nityanand Rai introduced the bill and expressed that it intends to improve transparency and guarantee appropriate use of funds acquired from overseas. He also responded to the opposition’s accusations that it is “dangerous” and countered that it is “indeed dangerous” for people who exploit the money to push for religious conversion and their own benefit.

He warned, “The Modi government will not tolerate any misutilisation of foreign funding and will take strong action against such elements.” A non-governmental organisation (NGO) must register under the FCRA to obtain financial assistance from abroad. The 2010 parent act lacked a statutory structure to handle the assets generated from the resources and merely had a clause to regulate the flow.

Who is the “key functionary”

The bill has broadened the definition of “key functionary” within an NGO to encompass not only an office bearer or director but also directors, partners, trustees and the karta (head) of a Hindu Undivided Family alongside office-bearers or members of the governing body or managing committee of a society, trust, trade union, or association as well as any individual who possesses control over or is accountable for the operations or affairs of such an organisation.

NGOs have to procure the center’s prior consent before alienating, encumbering or otherwise dealing with any asset derived from the foreign contribution.

Additionally, unless they can demonstrate a lack of information or due diligence, the amendment would hold significant staff members accountable for violations under the FCRA.

The certificate will be considered to have expired upon the conclusion of its validity period if the renewal application has not been submitted, denied by the central government, or not renewed prior to expiration under the new provisions. “No person whose certificate has ceased to exist shall either receive or utilise the foreign contribution unless the certificate is renewed,” the bill added.

The role of “Designated Authority”

The bill’s comprehensive, time-bound system to deal directly with assets gained out of outside donations in situations where an association’s FCRA registration has been suspended, terminated, surrendered, or otherwise ceased is one of its main features. A “Designated Authority” has been appointed to assume control of the same, keep track of records and inventories, safeguard their condition and secure their legitimate usage or disposal.

It can employ permanently vested assets for public purposes, such as moving them to any ministry, department, authority or agency of the central government or a state government or any local entity or even sell them with the proceeds put into to the “Consolidated Fund of India” along with any left-over aide from beyond borders.

When an asset or its portion that is permanently vested in the “Designated Authority” is a place of worship, then its religious character must be preserved by entrusting the management or functioning to a chosen individual in such a manner along with the terms and conditions that might be established. Its decisions can only be contested in court.

If a person who was allowed to accept foreign aide no longer exists or is pronounced inoperative or defunct, the remaining key functionaries are mandated to tell the central government in the format, manner and time frame that could be specified. The “Designated Authority” will retain permanent ownership of their funds and derived assets.

“The Designated authority and the Administrator, for the purposes of discharging their functions under the act shall have all the powers of a Civil Court under the Code of Civil Procedure, 1908, while trying a suit, in respect of summoning and enforcing the attendance of any person, examining them on oath, requiring the discovery and production of documents, receiving evidence on affidavits, issuing commissions and such other matters as may be prescribed,” the bill outlined. A 90-day period has been granted to approach the District Judge’s Court against the order.

Jail term for the offenders

The bill suggested rationalising penalties and lowered the maximum sentence for FCRA violations from previous 5 years to 1 year, a fine or both for anyone who infringes any clause or regulation by accepting or helping an individual, political party or group to take any contribution, currency or security from a foreign source.

Section 43 of the parent act is also altered, requiring any law enforcement agency or state government to obtain prior clearance from the centre before beginning an inquiry into allegations pertaining to the FCRA.

If any breach under this act, any rule or order made thereunder is committed by an entity other than an individual, their every key functionary who was in command and responsible for the conduct of the business at the time shall be considered culpable and is going to be subjected to prosecution and punishment accordingly.

The objective of the move

“The Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act, 2010 regulates the acceptance and utilisation of foreign contribution and foreign hospitality to ensure that such inflows do not adversely affect national interest, public order or national security. The Act came into force on 1st May 2011 and has been amended in the years 2016, 2018 and 2020. At present, approximately 16,000 associations are registered under the Act and receive around ₹22,000 crore annually,” the official document mentioned.

However, a number of operational and legal deficiencies had been discovered especially with regard to the handling of foreign contributions and the assets they elicit in situations when registration is cancelled, turned in or otherwise stopped. “Further, multiplicity of investigations, inconsistency in penalties, absence of timelines for utilisation, lack of express provision for cessation of registration and ambiguity regarding treatment of assets during suspension have resulted in implementation challenges,” it highlighted.

Hence, the fresh bill aims to establish a comprehensive framework for the vesting, supervision, management, and disposal of foreign contributions and assets, including provisional and permanent vesting, as well as to regulate dealing with assets during suspension of registration, cessation of certificate upon expiration, non-renewal or refusal of renewal.

Moreover, the goal is to develop a definite “timelines for receipt and utilisation under prior permission, to provide for cessation of certificate, to regulate handling of assets during suspension, to rationalise penalties and to require prior approval of the central government for initiation of investigation.”

Bangladesh PM’s Genocide Day statement calling Pakistan’s 1971 Operation Searchlight a “pre-planned massacre” signals reversal of Yunus govt’s policy of rewriting history: Read how

Raju Das
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Bangladesh PM’s Genocide Day statement calling Pakistan’s 1971 Operation Searchlight a “pre-planned massacre” signals reversal of Yunus govt’s policy of rewriting history: Read how

On the occasion of Genocide Day on 25 March 2026, Bangladesh’s Prime Minister Tarique Rahman issued a very strongly worded statement condemning the atrocities of the Pakistani forces during the liberation war. Describing 25 March 1971 as “one of the most disgraceful and brutal days” in the nation’s history, he condemned Pakistan’s Operation Searchlight as a “pre-planned massacre” – a night of indiscriminate slaughter that claimed the lives of teachers, intellectuals, students and ordinary civilians at Dhaka University, Pilkhana and Rajarbagh Police Lines.

The PM wrote in the statement, “In the history of freedom-loving Bangladesh, 25 March 1971 remains one of the most disgraceful and brutal days. On that dark night, the Pakistani occupation forces carried out one of the most heinous genocides in history against the unarmed people of Bangladesh in the name of ‘Operation Searchlight”. They indiscriminately opened fire on teachers, intellectuals and innocent civilians at various places, including Dhaka University, Pilkhana and Rajarbāgh Police Lines, killing many people.”

He further stated, “The genocide of 25 March was a pre-planned massacre. Why this organised killing spree could not be resisted remains a matter of historical research regarding the visible role of the political leadership of that time. However, on the night of 25 March, the 8th East Bengal Regiment in Chattogram formally initiated armed resistance against the genocide by declaring ‘We Revolt’. Through this resistance to genocide, the long nine-month armed Liberation War began.”

Rahman added, “To convey the value and significance of independence to the present and future generations, it is essential to know about the genocide of 25 March as well. Let us all strive to honour the sacrifices of the martyrs by establishing in the state and society the spirit of the great Liberation War – equality, human dignity and social justice.”

Rahman’s statement was not just a routine remembrance of an annual event. For the first time since the fall of Sheikh Hasina’s government in August 2024, a Bangladeshi leader has refused to forget the horrors inflicted by the Pakistani military during the Liberation War. In doing so, he has signalled a reversal of the stand taken by the interim administration led by Muhammad Yunus, an administration whose actions, whether by design or negligence, have amounted to a systematic erasure of Pakistan’s atrocities and the very memory of 1971 from history.⁠

Under Yunus, Bangladesh appeared determined to “move on” from the genocide without demanding accountability. In December 2024, Yunus urged Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif to “settle the issues” of 1971 “once and for all”, a clear stand down from the stated Bangladeshi policy of insisting on a formal apology from Pakistan for the mass killings and rapes that claimed three million lives and violated hundreds of thousands of women.

Hasina’s Awami League government had made the demand for Pakistan’s official remorse the precondition for normalised ties. Yunus, by contrast, prioritised improving diplomatic ties, even as Pakistani officials continued to deny the genocide. The interim government’s eagerness to rehabilitate relations with Islamabad, while lifting the ban on Jamaat-e-Islami, the party whose collaborators had aided the Pakistani forces in 1971, spoke volumes.

Nowhere was this erasure more evident than in the physical assault on the nation’s collective memory. During and immediately after the July-August 2024 student protests that toppled Hasina govt, mobs unleashed a wave of destruction on Liberation War memorials. According to reports, nearly 1,500 sculptures, murals and monuments dedicated the the independence of Bangladesh were vandalised, torched or uprooted across 59 districts. Statues of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the founding father, were toppled; murals depicting the genocide and the nine-month struggle were defaced.

Dhanmondi 32, the historic home of Bangabandhu and a shrine to the liberation struggle, was stormed, torched and finally razed by bulldozers under the watch of student groups aligned with the new order. The Liberation War Museum in Agargaon was set ablaze.

The vandalism continued after the interim govt was installed after the fall of the Hasina govt. Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rehman’s house, burned and vandalised in August 2024, was again set ablaze in February 2025. Such acts often took place the tacit approval or outright inaction of the authorities. The Yunus administration did little to stop the carnage. Indeed, in some cases it appeared to endorse it. A Liberation War memorial mancha in Lalmonirhat was demolished on the explicit instructions of the interim government in March 2025.

These were not isolated acts, they were targeted strikes against symbols of the very war that birthed Bangladesh. The interim authorities blamed “provocative remarks” from the exiled Hasina, but the pattern was unmistakable: the physical remnants of 1971 were being systematically dismantled.⁠

In a clear attempt to remove the Pakistani atrocities from history, the National Curriculum and Textbook Board quietly rewrote school history books in January 2025. The new texts declared that Ziaur Rahman, founder of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party and grandfather of the current Prime Minister, had proclaimed independence in March 1971, not Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

Mujib’s title of “Father of the Nation” was excised. References to India’s decisive military role in securing victory were curtailed in the books.

By failing to protect memorials, by rewriting textbooks to diminish the Awami League’s central role, and by courting Pakistan without insisting on an apology, the interim regime effectively signalled that the genocide of 1971 could be consigned to the footnotes of history. The collaborators of Pakistan army, those who once wore the uniforms of Razakars and Al-Badr, were quietly rehabilitated while the martyrs’ monuments were demolished.

Therefore, Tarique Rahman’s statement on Genocide Day marks more than a ceremonial formality. It is a political path correction. By naming Operation Searchlight for what it was, a “heinous genocide”, and by calling on Bangladeshis to “honour the sacrifices of the martyrs by establishing in the state and society the spirit of the great Liberation War”, he has begun the work of restoring what was being methodically erased.

No refund if tickets cancelled before 8 hours or less, boarding station change and more: Read about the new Railway rules of 2026

Shriti Sagar
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No refund if tickets cancelled before 8 hours or less, boarding station change and more: Read about the new Railway rules of 2026

Railway Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw, on Tuesday, 24th March, announced a fresh set of reforms aimed at improving the overall functioning of Indian Railways. Speaking at a press conference, the minister said that five new reforms have been approved as part of the government’s broader plan to modernise the railway system and make it more efficient and passenger-friendly.

He said these reforms are part of the ongoing “Reform Express” initiative. “Around five key reforms will soon be introduced as part of a broader plan to modernise the railway network and enhance passenger services,” Vaishnaw said. These reforms have now increased the total reforms to nine, as part of the overall plan to be introduced in the year 2026.

Big changes in ticket cancellation rules 

One of the most important changes that have been introduced by the Railways is related to ticket cancellations, particularly in the case of confirmed tickets that have been booked through the IRCTC. The Railways have now tightened rules to reduce last-minute cancellations and improve seat availability for genuine passengers.

The minister explained that misuse of Tatkal tickets and ticket black marketing has been a major issue. “Ticket black marketing and misuse of the Tatkal system had been a major concern,” he said. To fix this, the Railways has introduced better technology to detect bots and fake bookings, along with Aadhaar-based OTP verification. Nearly 3 crore fake accounts have already been removed from the system.

The new cancellation policy changes include:

  • More than 72 hours before departure: Passengers are eligible for a maximum refund, with only a fixed cancellation fee deducted per person.
  • Between 72 and 24 hours before departure: A standard penalty applies, with around 25% of the ticket fare deducted, subject to minimum charges.
  • Between 24 and 8 hours before departure: This falls under late cancellation, where 50% of the fare is deducted, along with applicable minimum charges.
  • Less than 8 hours before departure: The cancellation window is considered closed, and no refund is provided.
  • After departure: Tickets are treated as non-refundable, and no refund can be claimed.

Vaishnaw said these changes are aimed at making the system fairer. “These changes are aimed at removing incentives for last-minute speculative bookings and ensuring tickets are available to genuine passengers,” he added.

How the new rules differ from the old system

The major difference in the new rules is the extension of time windows. In the old rules, if a passenger cancelled the ticket within 4 hours of departure, he or she was not entitled to a refund. In the new rules, this time window has been extended to 8 hours.

At the same time, the full refund window has been extended from 48 hours to 72 hours before departure. This means passengers will benefit if they plan well in advance, but last-minute cancellations will be discouraged.

The reservation charts will now be prepared earlier, between 9 and 18 hours before departure, instead of just 4 hours earlier. This will give waitlisted passengers more clarity and time to make alternative travel plans.

More flexibility for passengers

In another major relief, passengers will now be able to upgrade their travel class up to 30 minutes before the train departs. In the old rules, this was possible only before the reservation chart was prepared.

Also, there is a new rule for passengers to change their boarding station digitally 30 minutes before the start of the train from its original station. This means if a person misses their original station for boarding the train, they can select their new station and board the train without losing their seat.

Additionally, counter tickets can be cancelled from any railway station. This means there is no need to be present at the original station for the cancellation of tickets. Also, for e-tickets, there is no need to fill out a Ticket Deposit Receipt (TDR) for a refund. The refund is done automatically.

Other key reforms

Apart from these changes for passengers, there have been several changes for cargo and infrastructure, too.

One of the changes is related to salt transport. The minister said that India generates 35 million tonnes of salt annually. However, only a part of this is transported via railway. The new plan aims to increase the share of railway for long-distance salt transport.

Another major reform is in automobile transportation. Currently, a large portion of vehicles is transported by road. The Railways now plans to improve wagon design and remove operational challenges so that more vehicles can be moved through rail, which is more efficient and cost-effective.

Focus on better construction quality 

The Railways have also introduced several changes to improve the quality of construction projects. The eligibility criteria for contractors have been made stricter to ensure that only experienced companies handle large projects.

The government has also fixed bid security at 2% of the project value to avoid non-serious bidders. Strict rules have been introduced to prevent corruption and unfair practices. Contractors will now have to complete at least 60% of the work themselves, instead of outsourcing most of it.

To avoid unrealistic bidding, companies that quote prices significantly lower than the estimated cost will have to provide additional guarantees. These steps are aimed at ensuring better quality work and timely completion of projects.

Why these changes were needed 

The Railways said it was necessary to bring these changes to fix the issues within the current system. For a while now, issues such as ticket hoarding, black marketing, and cancellation of tickets at the last minute have been a nuisance to genuine passengers.

On the other hand, delays in projects and the inefficient movement of cargo have been slowing down the growth of the railway network. With this new change, the government is trying to make the Indian Railways a more transparent and efficient platform. Overall, this will make the travel experience much better and reliable. 

CAPF Bill 2026 explained: How the government plans to streamline forces, address stagnation, and retain strategic IPS oversight

Ramesh P Singh
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CAPF Bill 2026 explained: How the government plans to streamline forces, address stagnation, and retain strategic IPS oversight

Having served over three decades in the Indian Police Service, I have witnessed India’s internal security challenges from the frontlines, from leading anti-Naxal operations in Odisha’s dense forests and remote Maoist-affected districts as IG (Operations) to commanding operational sectors along our sensitive international borders as Additional DG in the Border Security Force. These roles have repeatedly underscored one undeniable truth: India’s internal security architecture thrives not on isolated forces but on seamless synergy between the Indian Police Service (IPS) and the Central Armed Police Forces (CAPFs).

The proposed Central Armed Police Forces (General Administration) Bill, 2026, set to be introduced in Parliament, is not merely an administrative reform; it is a forward-looking legislative step that codifies this proven partnership, ensures operational effectiveness, and addresses long-standing cadre concerns in a balanced manner.

India’s internal security landscape is uniquely complex. Insurgency in the Northeast and Left Wing Extremism (LWE) pockets, cross-border terrorism, porous borders, and emerging hybrid threats demand a unified command structure. The CAPFs (CRPF, BSF, ITBP, CISF, and SSB) form the steel frame of this grid, handling everything from counter-insurgency in LWE areas and anti-terror operations in Jammu & Kashmir to border management in high-altitude and difficult terrains.

Throughout my career, I have seen IPS officers deputed to CAPFs bring exactly what these forces need: strategic vision drawn from diverse state-level policing experience, intelligence integration, community-centric approaches, and the ability to bridge Centre-State coordination gaps that no single cadre can replicate alone.

At the IG (Operations) level in Odisha, I have personally led and supervised many anti-Naxal operations. In these challenging theatres, IPS officers, including many of my juniors and even seniors, have consistently led operations from the front, demonstrating extraordinary courage and operational acumen.

A shining example of what visionary IPS leadership can achieve is the Greyhounds, the elite anti-Naxal commando force that, under sustained IPS guidance and command, transformed into the most virulent and effective fighting unit against Naxalism in the country. Raised with a sharp focus on rigorous jungle warfare training, intelligence-driven operations, and relentless pursuit tactics, the Greyhounds delivered decisive results that significantly weakened the Maoist ecosystem in its core areas.

This iconic model has since become a global role model for jungle warfare forces, directly inspiring the COBRA battalions of the CRPF, which were designed and shaped by an experienced ex-Greyhounds IPS officer. The success of such specialised units underscores how IPS officers bring not just leadership but also innovative doctrines, operational strategies, and the ability to forge highly motivated, battle-hardened forces tailored to asymmetric threats.

I personally coordinated large-scale anti-Naxal operations where BSF battalions operated shoulder-to-shoulder with state police. IPS leadership at senior levels ensured real-time intelligence sharing, joint planning, and unified command, turning potential silos into a cohesive fighting machine. Similarly, in the BSF, as Additional DG, I experienced firsthand how IPS officers at the helm facilitated seamless integration with state police in border states, prevented duplication of efforts, and brought policy-level standardisation that enhanced operational outcomes.

Whether it was modernising training methodologies, adopting technology-driven intelligence-based operations, or improving human resource management, IPS deputation has consistently professionalised and modernised the CAPFs.

The CAPF (General Administration) Bill, 2026, finally gives statutory backing to this time-tested model. It unifies service rules across all five major CAPFs under one legal umbrella, replacing fragmented executive orders with transparent provisions on recruitment, promotions, cadre reviews, service conditions, disciplinary procedures, welfare measures, and grievance redressal.

Crucially, it earmarks a substantial proportion of higher command positions for IPS officers on deputation: 50% of Inspector General posts, at least 67% of Additional Director General posts, and 100% of Special DG and DG posts. This is not about “dominance” but about preserving the institutional mechanism that Sardar Patel envisioned — a unified national security framework where All India Services act as the vital bridge between Centre and States.

Critics, including some CAPF veterans, have raised concerns about career stagnation and the impact of IPS deputation on promotional avenues for cadre officers. However, the Bill is not a zero-sum game. It simultaneously creates hundreds of additional senior posts for CAPF cadre officers, implements transparent promotion policies, fixed tenures, and stronger grievance mechanisms. It also paves the way for Organised Group ‘A’ Status benefits while retaining IPS expertise, where it delivers strategic value, exactly the balanced framework India needs.

My own experience reinforces this. In BSF operations, IPS officers at DIG level and IG level brought fresh perspectives from state policing that strengthened community outreach and intelligence-led actions in border areas. Extending such integration to mid-career levels, as the Bill enables, will only deepen mutual understanding between state police and CAPFs, particularly vital in LWE and insurgency theatres where joint operations are the norm, not the exception.

Let us also remember the human cost. IPS officers have consistently led from the front, with many making the ultimate sacrifice. Names like Hemant Karkare, Ashok Kamte, Vijay Salaskar, and countless others in CAPF-led operations stand as testaments to this shared commitment. Their legacy demands leadership that transcends cadre boundaries.

The growth of CAPFs into world-class forces, from expanded manpower to cutting-edge capabilities, has been inseparable from IPS vision and mentorship. As India confronts evolving hybrid threats, the need for adaptive, coordinated, and professional leadership has never been greater. The CAPF Bill 2026 delivers precisely that: statutory clarity, career justice for cadre officers, and the retention of a leadership model that has delivered results for decades.

In my decades of service across state operations and central forces, I have seen no better formula for internal security than this unique IPS-CAPF partnership. The Bill is a mature, statesmanlike response that strengthens both organizational efficiency and national resolve. It deserves wholehearted support from all stakeholders committed to a safer, more secure India.

From piggybacking on Congress, Left and TMC to supporting radical Islamic parties: How decades of appeasement and demographic shift in West Bengal are changing voting patterns of Muslims

OpIndia Staff
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From piggybacking on Congress, Left and TMC to supporting radical Islamic parties: How decades of appeasement and demographic shift in West Bengal are changing voting patterns of Muslims

The West Bengal Vidhan Sabha election is just a month away. The ruling Mamata Banerjee-led Trinamool Congress government is in a state of crisis. It is not just due to the formidable resistance put forth by the Opposition BJP but also the emergence of ‘Muslim parties’ in the State, steadily chipping away at her core vote bank.

As per estimates [pdf], the Muslim population in West Bengal in 1951 was 19.46%. And their go-to party in the State had been the Indian National Congress. Due to its early appeasement politics and the farce of being ‘secular’, Congress held onto the Muslim vote bank for a long time, and they still do it to some extent.

The paradigm shift came in Bengal in the late 1970s, with the Communist Party of India (Marxist) arriving at the power corridors of the State. Over the next 3 decades, the Left party gained significant support from Muslims for fulfilling their demands while posing as ‘atheists’ and opponents of Hindu nationalism.

But nothing could have prepared the CPIM for what was to come – The rise of ‘Banglar Meye‘ Mamata Banerjee (who holds a master’s degree in Islamic history). She took Muslim appeasement to new heights and doubled down on exclusionist policies to benefit one community.

As the Muslim population grew to an estimated 30-33% of the population in West Bengal (2025), we saw increased cases of religious violence, riots, and targeted attacks with active complicity of the State. A bolstered community, which saw preferential treatment for over 7 decades, is now looking to grab more power and privilege with both hands.

This change in communal attitude has seen the mushrooming of ‘Muslim parties’ in Bengal, with a characteristic religious identity and even more radical outlook. We saw the rise of the Indian Secular Front (ISF) ahead of the 2021 Vidhan Sabha election, the growing presence of All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) and the emergence of the Aam Janata Unnayan Party (AJUP).

Muslims of West Bengal, who were once piggybacking on ‘secular’ mainstream parties, are now increasingly siding with open and brazenly communal Islamic parties in the State. This trend highlights how a change in demographics, increasing street veto and access to power can drive identity politics in a State.

Appeasement politics in West Bengal

Following the partition of India under the supervision of the Congress, Muslims who remained behind found solace in the politics of the party. While the Hindu marriage law was codified, the Congress stayed away from touching the Muhammedan law.

The grand old party also used the Waqf Board to appoint loyalists and appease influential Muslim clerics. Not to forget, Congress increased funding for madrasas, opposed uniformity in the civil code and gave disproportionate seats to Muslim candidates.

“Election results of 1952 show that a large number of Bengali Muslims did support the Congress. Candidates with Congress ticket won in most constituencies having large number of Muslims,” writes Tawseef Ahmad Malik in ‘Electoral Preferences of Muslims in West Bengal: An Analysis of Lok Sabha Elections’

However, by the late 1970s, Muslims began distancing themselves from Congress and accepting the Left Front as their new ‘messiah’. The Communist Party of India (Marxist) won in areas with high Muslim concentrations that were previously Congress strongholds.

“The political victory of the Left Front in 1977 and 1982, and various programmes undertaken by them for the minorities, made it a suitable alternative to the Congress,” notes Tawseef Ahmad Malik.

Redistribution of surplus lands in the garb of ‘land reforms’ by the Left helped Muslims extensively. As such, the community looked up to CPIM as the ‘protector’ of their political and economic interests.

In 1989, the West Bengal government issued a circular and recommended the deletion of discussions about the medieval period because it was “too controversial.”

The circular explicitly read “Muslim rule should never attract any criticism. Destruction of temples by Muslim rulers and invaders should not be mentioned.”

It maintained its pro-Muslim image by forcing critics of radical Islam, such as Bangladeshi poet Taslima Nasreen, out of West Bengal.

CPIM also doctored the Other Backward Classes quota to illegally include Muslims – a move that was struck down by the Calcutta High Court in May 2024.

The party declared 66 classes as OBCs between 1994 and 2009. About 12 of the classes belonged to the Muslim community. The CPIM government issued 7 executive orders between 5th March and 10th September 2010 to declare 42 new classes as OBCs. 41 of them belonged to the Muslim community.

These new groups thus became eligible for reservation and representation in jobs provided by the West Bengal government. To further appease their Muslim vote bank, the CPIM additionally announced a 10% reservation for Muslims in government jobs in February 2010.

Muslim vote share in West Bengal across 3 Lok Sabha elections

The shift of Muslim voters in West Bengal from the Left Front (CPIM) to the Trinamool Congress (TMC) was a gradual process that accelerated significantly between 2006 and 2011.

Mamata Banerjee capitalised on the Nandigram movement, where the Left had taken over land belonging to Muslim farmers for industrialisation.

After coming to power, the TMC government declared 35 new classes as OBCs. As expected, 34 of those classes belonged to the Muslim community.

In February 2012, Mamata Banerjee made Urdu the second language in areas of the State where Urdu speakers were equal to or more than 10% of the population.

She also introduced a scheme of honorarium for Muslim clerics and muezzins, which is called ‘Imam Bhata’.

Over the years, the TMC government has failed to provide security to Hindus during religious festivals, postponed the Visarjan of Durga Puja to make way for Muharram, demonised Jai Shri Ram, opposed NRC, CAA, the Waqf Amendment Act and even the Special Intensive Revision of electoral rolls in the State.

Mamata Banerjee has downplayed Islamic terror attacks in India, increased funding for madrasas, given scholarships exclusively to Muslims and more. As such, the Muslim vote bank had been her greatest support in electoral politics.

In May 2019, the West Bengal CM had described Muslims as ‘milk-providing cows’. She had infamously said, “Je goru dudh dei, tar lathio khete hoi” (If a cow gives milk, one has to be prepared for its kicks also)”

The rise of radical Islamic parties

Since 2021, West Bengal has been witnessing a new trend. It appears as if Mamata’s open favouritism, preferential treatment and brazen appeasement have fallen short to placate the radical ideas of the Muslim community. As such, there is a growing interest in new and emerging parties whose ideology is ‘political Islam.’

You may recall the case of ‘Indian Secular Front’, which was established in 2021.

The party was founded by an Islamic hate preacher named Abbas Siddiqui, who prayed to Allah to kill 50 crore Indians with the Coronavirus. ISF managed to clinch the Bhangar Vidhan Sabha seat.

At that time, AIMIM of Asaduddin Owaisi contested independently and cut through some of the Muslim vote bank of Mamata Banerjee.

Ahead of the 2026 Vidhan Sabha election, a radical Trinamool Congress MLA named Humayun Kabir threatened to lay the foundation of the controversial ‘Babri Masjid’ in Muslim-dominated Murshidabad.

Kabir, who conceded to making hate speeches against Hindus at the behest of Mamata Banerjee, even floated his own party named Aam Janata Unnayan Party (AJUP).

Since he had weaponised the polarising issue of rebuilding Babri, Kabir has received extensive support from local Muslims. AJUP now hopes to capitalise on this growing Islamist ideology to make inroads in West Bengal politics.

Unlike the past, where Muslims had to choose one mainstream party or another, they now have an option to side with ISF, AJUP and AIMIM.

It gives out a clear message – Muslims are now looking forward to political parties who are ‘for the Muslims, by the Muslims and of the Muslims.’

Years of appeasement, followed by rapid population growth and demographic shift, have made it clear to them that they can grab more political power in West Bengal in the coming years.

As such, all parties that Muslims piggybacked on all these years are now appearing as the ones who did ‘injustice’ to them.

Interestingly, this is what Asaduddin Owaisi claimed on Sunday (22nd March) while announcing AIMIM’s pre-poll alliance with AJUP.

Chances of electoral success

The West Bengal Vidhan Sabha has a total of 294 seats. The Muslim vote bank is likely to play a decisive role in 85 Muslim-majority seats. These constituencies are in the districts of Murshidabad (66%), Malda (51%), North Dinajpur (50%), Birbhum (37%), and South 24 Parganas (35%).

If we include areas with 25-30% Muslim votes, the number of seats can reach 110-120. In the 2021 elections, the TMC won 75 of these 85 Muslim-majority seats (out of a total of 213).

However, with the emergence of the AJUP-AIMIM alliance, the TMC’s vote bank is clearly at risk. If the alliance performs strongly in even 40-50 seats, the TMC could lose 50-70 seats.

‘Thank you, India’ to ‘Thank you, Kashmiris’: How Iran buckled on Kashmir to appease anti-India voices after seeking donations from Indians

Shraddha Pandey
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‘Thank you, India’ to ‘Thank you, Kashmiris’: How Iran buckled on Kashmir to appease anti-India voices after seeking donations from Indians

From “Thank you, India” to “Thank you, Kashmiris”, the embassy of war-torn Iran in India has demonstrated diplomatic sloppiness, hypocrisy, and a lack of courage to unapologetically acknowledge the sovereignty of a country it calls ‘friend’. Amidst the war between the joint front of Israel and the US against Iran, the country has received immense financial and moral support from Indians, particularly, Kashmiri Shia Muslims. The Iranian embassy in India recently expressed gratitude to India for this support in times of crisis, only to cave into insignificant backlash from Pakistanis and their Indian echo chamber online.

On 22nd March, Iran in India, quoted an X post that shared visuals of Indian Kashmiris donating cash, jewellery, utensils, artefacts, and other valuables for the war-hit Iran. In the post, the Iranian embassy wrote, “With hearts full of gratitude, we sincerely thank the kind people of Kashmir for standing with the people of Iran through their humanitarian support and heartfelt solidarity; this kindness will never be forgotten. Thank you, India: Iran in India.”

Iran in India’s now-deleted X post

The Iranian embassy’s heartfelt gratitude towards India attracted mainstream media coverage, highlighting the strong relations between the two nations in the midst of testing times.

Within hours, however, several Pakistanis and pro-Pakistan elements on the Indian side of the border erupted in outrage with their usual “Kashmir is not India” whining.

Thanking India was diplomatically, factually and logically correct, yet, instead of standing its ground, the Iranian embassy in India, soon caved in and deleted the “Thank you, India” post and has since published on separate, narrowed thanks specifically to “the kind people of Kashmir”, in a deliberate extrication of any reference that acknowledges Kashmir as part of India.

Screenshot of the Iranian embassy’s said post after deletion

While one agrees with the Mullah regime in Iran or not is a separate debate, it is indisputable that they have given a tough time and handed significant embarrassment to the US-Israel front by now succumbing so far; however, this same courage seems to be missing in their representatives in India.

The Iranian mission in India’s deletion of the post expressing gratitude to India, and treatment of Kashmir as a standalone entity, due to Islamist pressure, is a blatant disrespect to India’s sovereignty and ‘friendship’ between the two nations.

India has not forgotten that slain Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Syed Ali Khamenei used to echo Pakistan’s narrative on Kashmir. However, the Islamic Republic’s embassy is accredited to the Republic of India in New Delhi.

Jammu and Kashmir, being an integral part of India, under the Indian Constitution and law, is the established, incontestable geopolitical reality. Like that of any other country, the Iranian embassy in India is expected to respect this reality. By caving to external pressure, that too from Pakistan, which has illegally occupied parts of India’s Jammu and Kashmir and retroactively ‘correcting’ its own grateful words, is essentially an endorsement of Pakistan’s illegitimate claim and fantasy over India’s right and reality. The Iranian mission in New Delhi needs to answer whether it has decided to take sides against the host nation.

The Iranian embassy’s hypocrisy is amusing. They had no qualms about setting up an Indian bank account, publicising a QR code, and actively soliciting donations from Indian citizens, including Kashmiris. They were also perfectly fine with accepting Indian goodwill, rupees, and gold when it suited them; however, the moment acknowledging India’s territorial integrity and sovereignty became politically inconvenient on social media, they folded.

Iranian embassy officials need to understand that they cannot pocket the aid and then pretend the donor’s country does not fully include the region from where the aid and the goodwill came. This is not just hypocrisy; this is a textbook case of diplomatic cowardice that perhaps the Indian government should consider calling out.

Driven by religious ‘Ummah’ sentiments, Indian Muslims, not just Kashmiris, have been pouring in their personal savings into Iran’s coffers as an expression of solidarity. The Iranian mission succumbing to online backlash from anti-India elements and erasing India from its gratitude towards the Indian people is a disrespect towards the very people opening their purses and hearts for a war-hit Iran.

The quiet deletion of the ‘Thank you, India’ post and subsequent careful omission of the host country’s name while acknowledging donations and support from Indian Kashmiris is not realpolitik but a disgraceful display of shabby and unprofessional conduct of the Iranian mission.

India has been one of the few countries that has consistently maintained good bilateral and strategic relations with Iran despite sanctions. Jammu and Kashmir, being an inalienable part of India, is non-negotiable, India’s red line. If Iranian officials in India succumb to online pressure over Kashmir, particularly from India’s hostile neighbour, Pakistan, they are only showing that they are willing to trade their diplomatic spine for the appeasement of anti-India elements.

Rajasthan Muslim groups urge Congress to nominate Delhi Riots accused Umar Khalid to the Rajya Sabha: A closer look at his anti-Hindu riots links

Shraddha Pandey
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Rajasthan Muslim groups urge Congress to nominate Delhi Riots accused Umar Khalid to the Rajya Sabha: A closer look at his anti-Hindu riots links

In continuation of the Islamist practice of glorifying accused anti-Hindu rioters and advocating political representation for them, multiple Muslim organisations in Rajasthan have urged the Congress party to nominate 2020 anti-Hindu Delhi Riots accused mastermind Umar Khalid for the coming Rajya Sabha elections. The demand comes as three seats of the upper house are set to fall vacant in June this year.

Rajasthan Muslim organisations cite a lack of political representation to seek a Rajya Sabha nomination for Umar Khalid from Congress

On 23rd March, Muslim organisations presented a joint representation to Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge, advocating Umar Khalid’s candidature, arguing that it would showcase the party’s commitment to ‘civil rights’ and address the issue of a lack of sufficient Muslim representation from Rajasthan in the Rajya Sabha. They lamented that despite forming 9 to 10% of the state’s population, Muslims remain unrepresented in the Parliament.

In this vein, Mohsin Rashid, a Congress worker and state president of the Rajasthan Muslim Alliance from Tonk, said, “In the 2023 assembly elections, Muslims accounted for roughly every fourth vote polled by the Congress, and this share rose further in the 2024 Lok Sabha election.”

Most of the Muslim leaders who back the demand seeking Rajya Sabha candidature for Umar Khalid from the Congress party invoked the Constitution and the issue of Muslim representation.

It is, however, ironic that neither Umar Khalid identifies as a practising Muslim nor his past shenanigans indicate his respect for India’s constitution beyond using it as a shield to cover up his anti-India and anti-Hindu activities.

Umar Khalid, by his own admission, identifies as an atheist; thus, Muslim organisations should ponder if they want an atheist to represent Muslims in the parliament, given that Islam mandates the same disdain for atheists that it does for idolaters like Hindus.

It is also interesting that the pre-partition “separate (Muslim) electorate” mindset has not died, even after a country was carved out of India on Islamic lines. A significant section of Indian Muslims continues to believe that they are more Muslims than Indian citizens and that only Muslims can and should politically represent them.

Muslim organisations want an anti-Hindu accused rioter to represent them in the Rajya Sabha

The Muslim organisations demanding Umar Khalid’s Rajya Sabha candidature also lamented the Delhi Riots accused mastermind’s prolonged incarceration. They, however, have no reservations about seeking the candidature of a person accused of planning and actively partaking in anti-Hindu violence in the national capital just a few years back.

It must be recalled that on 14th September 2020, Umar Khalid, former JNU student and son of an ex-SIMI member, was arrested for his role in the Delhi anti-Hindu riots that broke out on the 24th of February. He, along with others, was booked under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act or UAPA and other relevant provisions of the IPC for being the masterminds of the riots. Umar Khalid, son of Ilyas, on the other hand, admitted to the Delhi police that he was involved in organising Muslim groups, instigating them, and preparing for the large-scale violence.

The riot that Khalid and others instigated claimed 53 lives.

He had mobilised the Muslims to run riots, block roads, and harass the public by asserting that the new law was ‘against Muslims’ and had also planned to involve women and children in the ‘Chakka Jam’ amid the visit of US President Trump to India. He had allegedly met the former AAP Councillor Tahir Hussain and another accused, Khalid Saifi, to assure logistical support during the riots through his contacts in the PFI. According to the reports, the agencies have been watching and warning about the nexus between Maoists, whose front organisation Khalid is aligned with, and hardline Islamists allegedly represented by Jamaat-e-Islami Hind, Welfare Party of India, and the banned outfit SIMI. He had also repeated Pakistani talking points in Kashmir and claimed that the Indian Union territory was occupied by Indian forces.

Umar Khalid’s prolonged incarceration, which Islamo-leftists regularly cry over, is also his own doing. OpIndia has reported earlier that out of the 14 adjournments in 2023 and 2024, 7 delays and adjournments were sought by Umar Khalid himself. It therefore becomes evident that the withdrawal was certainly not because of the famed “delay” in hearing. While the Islamo-leftist ecosystem continues to cry ‘injustice’, it is the alleged failed forum shopping attempts of the accused’s lawyer that have Khalid rotting in jail for so long.

OpIndia’s analysis has been corroborated by former Chief Justice DY Chandrachud’s statement that the real problem lies in the mindset of some lawyers and political groups who want their cases heard only by certain judges. Highlighting what OpIndia has reported multiple times, the former CJI said that court records showed that Khalid’s legal team, led by Sibal, had sought at least seven adjournments before finally withdrawing the bail plea in February 2024, citing “a change in circumstances.”

Long queues in many cities after rumours of petrol-diesel shortage spread in Gujarat: What was the real reason and how did the situation worsen due to media sensationalism

મેઘલસિંહ પરમાર
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Long queues in many cities after rumours of petrol-diesel shortage spread in Gujarat: What was the real reason and how did the situation worsen due to media sensationalism

On 23rd March (Monday), residents in various cities hurriedly left their homes to obtain fuel in response to the circulation of rumours about a petrol and diesel shortage in Gujarat. This resulted in extensive lines at petrol pumps and created a chaotic environment. The conditions worsened, and government intervention became necessary. Deputy Chief Minister Harsh Sanghavi conducted a press conference to emphasise that the state has a sufficient supply of petrol and diesel, assuring that no interruptions are expected and encouraging citizens to remain calm and avoid a frantic rush.

The matter escalated to such an extent that the deputy chief minister had to make a public appeal, urging individuals not to share incomplete information on social media and to refrain from spreading or believing in unfounded rumours. Afterwards, Chief Minister Bhupendra Patel and Minister for Energy and Petrochemicals of the state, Rushikesh Patel provided similar clarifications.

From the President of the Petrol Pump Owners Association to representatives from various other associations, many stakeholders have clearly indicated that the state has adequate fuel supplies and that the real circumstances do not align with the rumours that are presently being spread. Subsequently, local police forces in different cities intervened to handle the situation. They visited petrol stations, talked to the public and encouraged them to return to their homes.

Let us comprehend what truly transpired and the part played by the Gujarati media, which consistently acts irresponsibly in such circumstances.

The association and the government have collectively declared that there is no fuel shortage in the state under the existing conditions, and supplies are available. In fact, the challenge did not stem from the supply itself, rather, it was the delays in fuel arriving at certain areas that were due to specific modifications in the fuel supply chain and payment systems, along with certain logistical obstacles. Historically, petrol pump operators received fuel on a credit basis, under usual circumstances.

This meant that they would first obtain the fuel and settle the payment by the evening or within a specified timeframe. Nonetheless, acting prudently, oil companies have recently instituted an advance payment system due to the ongoing war in West Asia and the global disruption it has caused in crude oil supplies. It implies that fuel will be delivered after the payment.

On 20th March, stock was delivered to all locations precisely as scheduled. This was followed by the weekend, Saturday, in particular, aligning with Eid. As a result, there was a turnout that was slightly above the usual. During this same period, rumours began to intensify, indicating that, following the challenges with LPG, there could be potential shortages of petrol and diesel.

Although the situation was not genuinely critical, and the government consistently clarified this, such rumours nonetheless proliferated, causing individuals to begin purchasing petrol in advance. Consequently, this factor contributed to a minor increase in fuel sales over the weekend compared to usual numbers.

On the other hand, the oil companies declared that dealers must make advance payments to obtain their stock on Friday evening. As a result, the quantities that had been dispatched earlier under the credit system were held back. On Monday morning, petrol pump operators who had not finalised their advance payments during the weekend were unable to receive any delivery. Hence, fuel did not arrive at some locations.

On one hand, there was an overall increase in demand, which led to the swift sale of fuel. The quantity of fuel that pumps are usually sold over a span of one and a half to two days was depleted in just one day. On the other hand, as a result of modifications in the payment system, the supply that should have been received was unavailable due to the “payment-first” policy. As a result, these circumstances caused a short period of disarray at the pumps for a few hours.

In an interview with The Times of India, Mehul Patel, who serves as the President of the Gujarat Petroleum Dealers Association, elaborated on this particular issue. He noted that in the past, dealers would obtain fuel initially and settle the payment afterwards, however, the current requirement is for payment to be made in advance. This alteration led to delays in supply, but the situation has since stabilised, alleviating any need for concern.

It is noteworthy that although some petrol stations were closed for a few hours on Monday morning, this was not due to a fuel shortage, but rather logistical challenges arising from the new payment system. Supplies were held up for a short period of time. After the supplies arrived, the situation slowly returned to normal.

It is important to note that the residents have been standing in line since yesterday and acquired enough fuel for 2-4 days all in one day. Hence, if there genuinely was a scarcity of petrol and diesel at multiple pumps, then where did all this fuel come from?

How did the media contribute to the spread of rumours

The media’s primary role is to report on current events, however, in situations like these, merely rushing to the scene with cameras to capture and broadcast images is not appropriate. This method poses the danger of exacerbating rumours and spreading incomplete information, which is precisely what occurred recently. Furthermore, it is also vital to uncover the true underlying reasons for these events and the circumstances. Many individuals did not make this effort, while news outlets simply displayed headlines announcing a “petrol shortage” in the state.

The dissemination of this information through social media and other media outlets prompted people to rush to the petrol pumps, leading to the formation of long lines and the eruption of chaos. Subsequently, Instagram accounts became involved, visiting gas stations to capture and share videos, which added to the complexity of the situation.

The media outlets that first spread incomplete information began to report on the situation only after queues started to form; as a result, rather than improving, the situation deteriorated further. Ironically, when Deputy Chief Minister Harsh Sanghavi conducted a press conference to offer clarification, those same channels and journalists did a complete turnaround and began urging the public not to disseminate rumours.

Obtaining accurate information demands effort and on the other hand, it was easier to create panic among the public by asking questions such as, “How many petrol stations are shut down in which city?” Thus, some of our journalists selected this easier option and did not take into account the nature and scale of the effects that such posts would produce.

Several channels contacted petrol pump operators, however, even after receiving the accurate explanation, they produced headlines that were both misleading and sensational.

During a discussion with VTV, a petrol pump operator thoroughly explained that a new payment system was launched over Friday and Saturday due to certain logistical complications that hindered the arrival of supplies and hence the stock was depleted by Monday. Nevertheless, tankers have now arrived, and sales are anticipated to resume soon. Furthermore, the operator indicated that the stock had, in fact, run out just half an hour ago. Despite this, VTV reported the headline: “Petrol and Diesel Stocks Depleted.”

Zee 24 Kalak also released a report with a headline indicating that petrol and diesel prices were increasing. Staying true to its tendency for sensational headlines, this media outlet stated that “this price increase has taken place in one specific state.” That state is, in fact, Himachal Pradesh, which is presently under the governance of the Congress party. The exclusion of the state’s name from the headline resulted in significant confusion among the public, as clearly demonstrated by the comments section.

Did citizens flock to petrol pumps as a result of PM Modi’s address

During this time, Prime Minister Narendra Modi delivered a speech in the Lok Sabha on 23rd March. He discussed the situation that has developed in India in relation to the West Asian conflict for approximately 25 minutes, elaborating on the government’s initiatives and sharing several crucial details.

In the aftermath, the blame for the narrative spread by the media was directed towards Narendra Modi. It was asserted that people were flocking to petrol pumps in a frenzy solely as a result of his remarks. However, the Prime Minister did not say anything in his address that would instil fear; instead, he reassured the public. Additionally, it is important to note that queues had begun to form even before the speech was delivered.

The immature conduct exhibited by the Gujarati media was also evident during the Corona epidemic, where every circumstance was portrayed with exaggerated and incomplete information, along with sensational headlines. This pattern has reemerged in the recent incident as well.

Some self-styled journalists, defending their peers, claim that the media accurately represented the situation. However, the media’s responsibilities go beyond that. It is crucial to delve into the reasons behind any situation. In today’s social media landscape, anyone can snap a photo by simply pulling out a mobile phone and opening the camera, so why do people seek information from the media? These people will not be able to provide an answer to this question as long as this conduct persists.

Read the report in Gujarat here.

85,510 waqf properties in Bengal, only 18,497 approved while 3,509 rejected during UMEED verification: Minority Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju informs in Parliament

Shraddha Pandey
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85,510 waqf properties in Bengal, only 18,497 approved while 3,509 rejected during UMEED verification: Minority Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju informs in Parliament

In the Trinamool Congress-ruled West Bengal, 3,509 Waqf properties have been rejected during the verification on the UMEED Central Portal. Of the 85,110 existing waqf properties uploaded on the UMEED Portal, only 18,497 properties have been validated and approved. These figures were revealed by the Central Ministry of Minority Affairs in response to a query by Rajya Sabha MP Samik Bhattacharya.

Of 80,548 Waqf properties in West Bengal, only 23,091 uploaded on UMEED Portal: BJP MP questions reasons behind the shortfall and seeks info on action taken against defaulting authorities

BJP MP Samik Bhattacharya had asked whether the Centre took note that out of 80,548 Waqf properties in West Bengal, only 23,091 were uploaded on the UMEED Portal before its closure on 06th December, 2025.

He also questioned if this shortfall amounted to non-compliance with the statutory timeline prescribed under the UMEED framework and the reasons behind the low level of uploading by the West Bengal Waqf Board despite repeated reviews and capacity-building measures.

The MP further inquired if any action has been taken or proposed against defaulting authorities, in addition to seeking information on the status, legal validity and future course of action for waqf properties that could not be uploaded within the prescribed period.

Minister of Minority Affairs reveals 85,110 existing waqf properties in West Bengal initiated on UMEED Portal, 18,497 validated, while 3,509 properties rejected during verification

In response to Samik Bhattacharya’s unstarred question, Kiren Rijiju, the Union Minister of Minority Affairs, provided a detailed response on 23rd March. Rijiju stated that on 6th June 2025, the statutory portal UMEED Central was launched, and it was mandated that details of all existing waqf and dedicated properties to waqf registered before the commencement of the amended Act shall be uploaded on the Portal within a period of six months, with a provision for further extension of up to six months by the Waqf Tribunal on sufficient cause being shown by the mutawalli. The minister added that the initial six-month period concluded on 6th June 2025, and the UMEED Portal was closed at 23:59 hours that day.

Regarding West Bengal, the minister said that during the initial six months, “23,091 existing waqf properties were initiated by Makers on the Portal. Out of these, 716 properties were validated and approved by Approvers, while 161 properties were rejected during verification. The remaining were at various stages of uploading.”

Rijiju added that extension of time was granted to the West Bengal State Board by the respective Waqf Tribunal. In respect of the West Bengal State Waqf Board, the UMEED Portal has been reopened for six months, that is, up to 24th June 2026.

Giving details of the total number of Waqf properties-related data uploaded on UMEED, number of properties approved or rejected, the minister stated, “As on 17.03.2026, in respect of West Bengal, 85,110 existing waqf properties have been initiated on the Portal, out of which 18,497 properties have been validated and approved while 3,509 properties have been rejected during verification.”

The Ministry of Minority Affairs further stated that the process of uploading, verification, and validation of Waqf property data is ongoing till 24th June, and various Waqf Boards, including West Bengal, have sought additional time for completion of the process.

“Therefore, the final number of waqf properties and other related information, such as litigation, encroachments, categories, estimated values, etc., is ascertainable only after the entire process of uploading, verification and validation on the Portal is completed,” the Minority Affairs Minister stated in a written response.

Meanwhile, the BJP has raised several questions over the massive number of rejections of Waqf properties in West Bengal during the verification process. BJP leader Amit Malviya took to X, and asked: “How did such a massive number of properties fail verification? Were these entries inaccurate, manipulated, or lacking proper documentation? Who is accountable for this glaring administrative failure? Even more alarming is the broader context, earlier, only a fraction of total Waqf properties in the state had been uploaded within the mandated timeline. Now, among those processed, thousands are being rejected.”

West Bengal’s consistent low participation in registering Waqf properties on the UMEED Portal

Notably, the “Unified Waqf Management, Empowerment, Efficiency and Development Rules, 2025” were notified by the Modi government on 3rd July 2025. In April last year, a digital framework under the Waqf (Amendment) Act, 2025, was implemented to manage Waqf properties through a centralised platform. The objective was to digitise records, enhance oversight, expedite audits and introduce transparency through different IDs.

The Mamata Banerjee-ruled West Bengal, which saw widespread protests and Muslim mob violence during the anti-Waqf Bill agitation, has consistently lagged in registering Waqf properties on the UMEED portal. In December 2025, it was reported that West Bengal registered only 716 assets out of 80,480 (0.89%) as the Muslim-appeasing TMC government remained reluctant to enforce the Waqf (Amendment) Act for months until recently, when it issued instructions to share details about these assets to the online platform.

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