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Anti-Hindu DMK gathers INDI bloc partners to target Justice GR Swaminathan of Madras HC who gave Thiruparankundram order: How the ‘secular liberals’ attacks judiciary when orders are not in their favor

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The traditional Karthigal Deepam ritual at Thiruparankundram is a practice older than political parties. It is even older than several structures on the hill. However, the Hindu traditional practice required the intervention of the Madras High Court just because the DMK government refused to allow the ceremonial lamp to be lit at the hilltop Deepathoon rejecting Dargah’s objections. It was a straightforward question of religious practice in Tamil Nadu. However, what happened after the court allowed the ceremony to happen at the hilltop has spiralled into a confrontation that touches the very core of India’s constitutional balance.

The order passed by Justice GR Swaminathan of the Madurai Bench of the Madras High Court said that the Deepam must indeed be lit at the traditional location. It should have been a routine administrative compliance but has turned into a full-blown standoff between the justice system and the state government.

Despite the clear order, the administration not only failed to carry it out but mounted a series of objections, procedural delays and barricading measures that actively prevented devotees from performing the ritual. A contempt petition had to be filed, and even after the court reiterated its instructions, the state refused to carry them out.

The conflict dramatically escalated when the judiciary had to call for CISF protection to ensure that Hindu devotees could simply light a lamp. In a democratic setup, a court calling central security forces to protect Hindus is unimaginable but it happened in the DMK-ruled state. The issue is no longer a mere question of religious custom. It is a confrontation between an elected government and the judiciary it is constitutionally bound to respect.

What has further intensified the controversy is the fact that Members of Parliament (MPs) belonging to the INDI Alliance have now submitted an impeachment notice against Justice Swaminathan himself. The judge’s crime, if it can be called that, was that he enforced a centuries-old tradition and insisted on compliance with judicial orders. The move has raised unprecedented concerns about political retribution against the judiciary and appears to confirm fears that certain opposition parties are willing to punish judges who refused to toe their ideological line.

Notably, since the BJP-led NDA came to power for the third time in the centre, the opposition parties have become more restless and aggressive, consistently seeking methods to put strain on the constitutional and communal fabric of the country.

INDI bloc impeachment plan and the threat it poses to judicial independence

It did not take time for the administrative defiance to turn into political drama. MPs from the INDI Alliance have filed an impeachment motion against Justice GR Swaminathan. Their sights are trained on a judge whose only act was to uphold the law and protect a ritual from arbitrary interference.

In constitutional terms, impeachment is intended to be an extraordinary measure used only in cases of grave misconduct. In the present case, there is neither misconduct nor any impropriety. The impeachment plan thus appears to be a punitive response against a judge who refused to accommodate political pressure and insisted on judicial compliance.

The implications of the step taken by the INDI Bloc are severe. If political parties begin to deploy impeachment as a weapon to punish judges who deliver rulings they dislike, judicial independence itself becomes endangered. The threat alone can have a chilling effect on future benches. It is a method of intimidation dressed in the form of a constitutional provision.

This impeachment effort does not exist in isolation. It sits atop decades of historical precedent where opposition parties, chiefly Congress and DMK-aligned groups, have deployed pressure, coercion or retribution against the judiciary whenever rulings conflicted with their political interests. The Madurai Deepam episode is simply the latest flashpoint that illuminates a disturbing pattern.

A historical pattern of judicial intimidation resurfaced

In 1973, the Congress government superseded judges and appointed Justice AN Ray as Chief Justice over the heads of three senior judges who had ruled against the Kerala government in the Kesavananda Bharati case. It is known as one of the darkest episodes in India’s judicial history.

The government repeated the act in 1977 by superseding Justice HR Khanna, whose courageous dissent in the ADM Jabalpur case asserted that the right to life could not be suspended even during the Emergency. When MH Beg was appointed as CJI superseding Justice HR Khanna, he resigned from his post. These events were not isolated accidents but ideologically driven manoeuvres that compromised judicial independence.

During the Emergency, the judiciary suffered further erosion when as many as 21 High Court judges were transferred without consent. These transfers were widely seen as efforts to discipline those who had shown independence and to reward those viewed as “committed” to the Indira Gandhi-led government’s agenda.

Then in 2018, several opposition parties attempted to impeach then CJI Dipak Misra over the Justice Loya case. The motion was rejected by the Rajya Sabha Chairperson for lack of merit. However, the purpose was clear, that is, to intimidate the judiciary at a moment when politically sensitive cases were before the court.

In 2023, TMC-affiliated lawyers physically blockaded the courtroom of Justice Rajasekhar Mantha and prevented him from conducting hearings after his ruling favoured the BJP. Derogatory posters were plastered across Kolkata calling him a “disgrace.”

Then in 2024, the opposition launched yet another attack on the judiciary by moving an impeachment motion against Allahabad High Court Judge Shekhar Kumar Yadav over his remarks at a VHP event. Signed by 55 MPs, the proposal accused him of “hate speech” and “communal bias”, conveniently ignoring that judges across the ideological aisle routinely make far more provocative statements without consequence.

The history is clear. The move to impeach Justice Swaminathan fits a well-established template. Once again, a judge who issued a ruling that displeased the political class finds himself at the receiving end of a coordinated offensive.

Court orders ignored as the standoff deepened – How the case intensified

The first major rupture occurred when the HR&CE department, controlled by the DMK government, refused permission for the Deepam to be lit at the hilltop. Devotees, forced into litigation, secured a clear High Court order that upheld the ritual’s continuity. The matter should have ended there.

However, the government treated the matter not as a civil question but as an adversarial battle. The state filed objections and raised procedural hurdles that delayed implementation of the High Court’s order. The administration insisted that the ritual posed some “undefined communal danger” just because there is an Islamic structure on the hill. The argument is untenable and reflected hostility not to tension but to Hindu worship itself.

When the first order was defied, the petitioners approached the court again through a contempt petition. The court repeated its instruction. However, the state failed to comply again. Officials on the ground erected barricades to prevent devotees from reaching the site and continued to maintain a posture of institutional defiance.

What made the matter worse was that the state decided to challenge not only the contempt proceedings before the Supreme Court but also the single-judge order before a Division Bench. Multiple appeals were based not on administrative feasibility but on a strategy of delay and resistance.

When the High Court called the CISF to directly intervene and protect devotees going to light the lamp, the state stopped the CISF at the foot of the hill. The confrontation between the devotees and state police turned violent. Devotees were stopped and pushed by the very state that was supposed to help in honouring the High Court’s directions.

DMK’s ideological hostility towards Hindu rituals expresses itself in governance

To fully understand the blow-up in Madurai, it is necessary to locate it within the DMK’s long-standing ideological posture. The party leadership has repeatedly displayed overt hostility towards Hindu practices and beliefs. Udhayanidhi Stalin’s infamous declaration that Sanatan Dharma must be eradicated like dengue or malaria was not a spontaneous slip but a written speech reviewed beforehand and delivered publicly.

A Raja extended the analogy to HIV and leprosy while referring to Hindu devotees in derogatory terms. Neither faced disciplinary action; both remain influential voices within the party.

These patterns of speech have parallel expressions in administrative decisions. During the Ram Mandir Pran Pratishtha, the Tamil Nadu government attempted to block livestreams of the ceremony across the state. Devotees watching the event inside a Chennai temple were booked under criminal charges, a move later struck down by the Supreme Court, which called the state’s conduct “atrocious.”

What happened at Thiruparankundram is thus not an aberration born of administrative confusion. It is part of a continuum in which Hindu rituals, symbols and practices are treated with suspicion or disdain, and where state machinery acts as an instrument to contain or curtail expressions of Hindu devotion.

A national moment of reckoning for judicial independence

The Karthigal Deepam ritual case now reflects a much larger national problem. On one side, there is the judiciary, which simply upheld an old ritual and protected devotees. On the other side, there is a government that ignored court orders, blocked the ritual and then supported moves to impeach the judge who insisted on compliance.

This is no longer about the lamp on a hill. It raises serious concerns about judicial independence, especially if impeachment is used to pressure judges. If such actions continue, future judges may hesitate to rule against powerful governments. It will weaken the basic promise of equal protection under the law. The DMK, with its decision to stop the ritual, has revealed a deeper attempt to undermine constitutional values.

Netflix about to own Harry Potter, Game of Thrones and more with Warner Bros takeover, Paramount launches hostile bid: Entertainment war explained

Netflix and Paramount Skydance have launched one of Hollywood’s biggest and most intense battles to buy Warner Bros Discovery. This showdown will decide who takes control of some of the entertainment industry’s most valuable assets, including HBO, CNN, DC Comics, and Warner Bros Studios.

The race to acquire Warner Bros Discovery started quietly but soon turned into an openly competitive fight. This takeover will shape the future of major film and TV properties that have huge fan bases worldwide. Both Netflix and Paramount Skydance are determined to win, making this a defining moment in the entertainment business.

Warner Bros Discovery’s journey so far

Warner Bros Discovery’s story has been one of constant change. Over the past 20 years, the company’s parent firms have gone through three big reorganisations, responding to shifts in the media world and the trend of larger companies merging. These changes have set the stage for the current battle.

The latest chapter began in early September when Paramount Skydance first reached out about joining forces with Warner Bros Discovery. Although these talks started in secret, discussions between Paramount’s CEO David Ellison and Warner Bros Discovery’s head David Zaslav stretched for months. The talks slowly heated up as both sides explored possibilities.

Negotiations and rejections

Paramount kept trying to find a way to make the deal work. They sent several proposals and adjusted their offers based on Warner Bros Discovery’s concerns, according to a detailed securities filing. But Warner Bros Discovery rejected many of these offers. The growing differences eventually led to a sharp breakdown in talks by early December.

This fallout pushed Paramount to switch tactics. Instead of negotiating quietly, they launched a hostile takeover bid directly aimed at Warner Bros Discovery’s shareholders. This is a more aggressive and public move, signalling how serious Paramount is about winning the deal.

Why Paramount went hostile

Paramount provided a clear explanation for moving to a hostile bid. Even though there was a positive meeting in late November where top executives explored future roles in a merged company, the relationship between the two sides quickly went cold.

Paramount said Warner Bros Discovery delayed signing a “clean team” agreement, which would have allowed Paramount to view sensitive company information essential for their analysis. Without this, Paramount’s legal team warned that the delays would put them at a disadvantage.

Adding to the tension, Warner Bros Discovery’s Chairman Emeritus John Malone publicly supported Netflix’s role in the takeover and claimed that Paramount’s offer disrupted Warner Bros Discovery’s strategic plans. This public backing showed the board was leaning toward Netflix, which made Paramount feel the process was no longer fair.

On 3rd December, Zaslav called Ellison to say the Warner Bros Discovery board worried about the financial guarantee from the Ellison family. They thought this could make it harder to get regulatory approval. Paramount argued that strong financial backers, including sovereign wealth funds, had already committed, but the board remained unconvinced.

On 4th December, Ellison sent messages asking for a chance to discuss a revised offer, describing it as an “honour” to partner with Warner Bros Discovery. However, these messages went unanswered. By midday, Paramount raised its bid to $30 per share, a massive $108.4 billion valuation and told Warner Bros Discovery that this was not its highest offer. But that evening, Warner Bros Discovery appeared to enter exclusive talks with Netflix about selling its studios and streaming business.

Paramount’s bold strategy

After Netflix’s announcement, Paramount bypassed Warner Bros Discovery’s management and took its offer directly to the shareholders. Paramount’s hostile takeover bid has been open for 20 business days and can be extended. The all-cash offer is financially backed by the Ellison family, Jared Kushner’s investment firm Affinity Partners, and several Middle Eastern state-linked funds.

To avoid delays linked to national security review boards, Paramount removed some investors like China’s Tencent from its group and limited the control foreign investors would have. This strategy aims to help the deal avoid strict government scrutiny.

David Ellison said their goal is to fight for the best value for shareholders of both companies. Warner Bros Discovery responded by saying its board has maintained a fair and open process with all bidders, and that the bids themselves tell the story.

The Warner Bros Discovery board now has 10 days to respond to Paramount’s hostile bid, and its decision will shape how this fight unfolds.

Netflix’s early move and political reaction

While Paramount was trying to bring back talks, Netflix had already made its own proposal to buy Warner Bros Discovery. Netflix, as the world’s largest streaming service, is preparing for what could be one of the toughest antitrust reviews ever faced by a media deal.

US President Donald Trump has been watching closely. While he praised Netflix CEO Ted Sarandos for his work and expressed respect, Trump also raised concerns about putting HBO’s popular content under Netflix’s control, hinting it could create too much market power. Trump signalled that he might get involved in the review process.

On the day Paramount revealed its shareholder bid, Trump used his social platform to criticise Paramount for running an interview featuring conservative Congresswoman Marjorie Taylor Greene, showing the complex political currents tied to the deal.

For Netflix, the political environment is tricky. Sarandos has had friendly ties with Trump ever since a private dinner at Mar-a-Lago in late 2024, but parts of Trump’s base want the Department of Justice to block the Netflix deal. Conservative figures like Steve Bannon and Matt Gaetz have also criticised the merger, renewing concerns similar to those voiced during the AT&T and Time Warner merger review years earlier.

Despite the challenges, Netflix is confident. Sarandos called Paramount’s hostile bid “completely expected” and said he believes Netflix can successfully close its deal with Warner Bros Discovery. Netflix is even offering a record $5.8 billion breakup fee to Warner Bros Discovery, payable if the deal fails due to regulatory problems.

What the winner will change in Hollywood

If Paramount Skydance wins, it would become the most powerful player at the box office, surpassing Disney in the US and Canada. This deal would bring the entire Warner Bros library, including DC superheroes and HBO’s award-winning shows, the entire Harry Potter movies, games, series and theme parks globally into Paramount’s content vault. This would dramatically boost Paramount+ with access to some of the entertainment world’s biggest brand names in the last 20 years.

On the other hand, if Netflix succeeds, it would combine the largest global streaming platform with one of the most respected entertainment libraries in the world. This would strengthen Netflix’s lead in the streaming wars as traditional cable TV keeps losing viewers and audiences are split across many platforms.

HBO, currently under the Warner Bros banner, owns some of the most critically acclaimed and popular TV shows in the last decade, including Game of Thrones series and its spinoffs, Last Of Us, Westworld, and rights for the Harry Potter TV series, which is currently at the filming stage.

Currently, Netflix holds around 8% of the US TV streaming market, while HBO Max and other services face strong competition from fast-growing digital platforms. Meanwhile, YouTube, owned by Alphabet, remains the leader with nearly 13% viewership in the US. YouTube’s mix of user videos, music, ads, and live shows, with almost 2.9 billion users worldwide, sets a tough standard for Netflix and Paramount to meet.

The debt load that comes with Warner Bros Discovery  

Buying Warner Bros Discovery means taking on a heavy debt burden of about $35 billion, mostly from its 2022 merger between WarnerMedia and Discovery. This big debt has limited the company’s ability to invest in new projects and slowed growth in some areas.

Paramount would take on about $30 billion of this debt, while Netflix would assume around $10 billion. The difference reflects each company’s plans to restructure and finance the business after the purchase. Paramount is relying on financial support from the Ellison family and institutional investors, while Netflix is counting on its solid market value and global subscriber base.

Share price reflects the battle

Since news of Paramount’s interest became public in September, Warner Bros Discovery’s stock has more than doubled, showing how much investors are focused on this battle. The stock even rose more than 4% after details about the sale process were revealed.

With so much at stake, the decision by Warner Bros Discovery’s board in the next 10 days on Paramount’s offer will be critical in shaping the future of Hollywood’s entertainment giants.

Retweeting a crime, forced conversions excluded from ’emotional harm’ clause: How Karnataka’s draconian hate speech bill is engineered against Hindus

On 8th December, the Siddaramaiah government tabled the Karnataka Hate Speech and Hate Crimes (Prevention and Control) Bill, 2025. The Bill was accompanied by the usual rhetoric about “dignity”, “equality” and “protection for all communities”. However, the text of the Bill reveals something entirely different.

This Bill is not a framework meant to create peace. It is a legal instrument crafted with surgical precision to ensure that the Hindu voice, which is already pushed into a defensive corner by decades of selective secularism, becomes even easier to police, prosecute and silence.

Every clause of the Bill mimics an earlier version of Congress’ censorship legacy. From Nehru’s First Amendment to Indira Gandhi’s Emergency to UPA’s Section 66A, the party has always invoked harmony while crafting new tools to suffocate dissent.

For the first time, a state government has attempted to criminalise emotion, penalise forwarding, and empower feelings over facts. In a society where one community’s feelings are routinely weaponised to shut down Hindu festivals, Hindu speech and Hindu mobilisation, the direction of the blow is obvious even before implementation begins.

A definition of “harm” so vague that Hindu speech becomes criminal by default

The Bill defines “harm” as emotional, psychological, social or economic. This definition is not accidental but deliberate. In the current ecosystem, Hindu speech is constantly branded “hate-filled”, “divisive”, “majoritarian”, “Islamophobic”, “casteist” or “anti-minority” by activists, evangelists, political commentators and the cottage industry of grievance-manufacturers who thrive on policing Hindu expression.

The Karnataka government has anchored criminal liability to subjective “emotional or psychological injury” and created a legal weapon that is custom-built for selective enforcement. Because of the language of the Bill, a Hindu questioning aggressive proselytisation can be accused of causing “emotional harm”. A Hindu pointing out patterns of communal violence can be said to have inflicted “psychological injury”. A Hindu criticising exclusive doctrines or religious supremacism can be prosecuted for creating “social harm”.

Notably, all of this happens already in public discourse. What this Bill will do is to institutionalise it by giving these accusations the force of criminal law. A term like “emotional harm” would never survive constitutional scrutiny under the Supreme Court’s Shreya Singhal judgment where the Court struck down Section 66A precisely because vague, subjective categories cannot be grounds for restriction.

However, the Karnataka government has now attempted to resurrect the ghost of 66A, but in a far more aggressive and expansive form. Hindus, who face the majority of FIRs filed for “hurt sentiments” across India, will inevitably become the primary targets under a framework where every feeling becomes an FIR.

Imagine a person sitting in New Delhi makes a comment about Islam or Christianity which is well within the descriptions of the religious texts of the respective religions. However, someone sitting in Karnataka feels the statement hurt his or her emotions or psychology. The feeling of “hurt” will allow that person to file an FIR against the person sitting in New Delhi and it will become a serious threat to freedom of speech and expression.

Even without this new Bill in place, such “hurt sentiments” have proven disastrous for Hindus. Take the example of former Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) spokesperson, Nupur Sharma, who is still living under threats to her life. Her personal as well as political life has been ruined just because some “sentiments” were hurt. Now imagine what will happen if the Karnataka government manages to make the Karnataka Hate Speech and Hate Crimes (Prevention and Control) Bill, 2025 a reality.

Criminalising thought, dissent and even forwarding content ensures that Hindus online become the softest targets

The Bill criminalises “unknowing assistance” which is easily the most chilling provision. That term sounds technical until you realise the implications. In practical terms, it means that a person who forwards a WhatsApp message, shares a news report or retweets satirical commentary can be prosecuted if someone claims that the content inflicted emotional or psychological harm.

It will not matter if the person who forwards or reshared the content intended to hurt, whether the content was factual, whether the expression was legitimate political critique, or whether the person sharing it understood its implications. The mere act of forwarding becomes a potential crime.

This single provision turns the Bill into a digital weapon of mass destruction aimed at the majority. In recent years, FIRs related to online speech have overwhelmingly targeted Hindus who questioned conversion rackets, Islamic extremism, demographic aggression or violent street mobilisation. This Bill makes that process effortless.

Empowering the most aggressive elements ensures Hindu festivals and public expressions remain permanently vulnerable

The Bill also has the provision that gives the District Magistrates sweeping authority to restrict gatherings, processions, public events and even the use of loudspeakers if any community claims “apprehension”. Whenever Hindus celebrate Ramanavmi, Hanuman Jayanti or Ganesh festivals, certain groups can come forward and raise “apprehensions”. Instead of ensuring law and order, the administration will only have to ban the procession or revoke the permission.

The wording ensures that the more volatile a group is, the more power it gains. A group that threatens to resort to violence automatically becomes a community whose “apprehensions” must be respected. On the other hand, a peaceful Hindu procession will become unlawful because someone else threatens lawlessness if the procession is taken out.

Congress’ model of “peace” has always meant quieting Hindus to avoid upsetting its favoured vote banks. This Bill finally codifies that model in statutory language, making Hindu festivals and gatherings dependent on the tolerance of those least inclined to tolerate them.

The selective exemption for proselytisation exposes the Bill’s true political intentions

Among all the provisions of this Bill, none is as revealing as the exemption quietly inserted which protects the “bona fide interpretation and espousing of religious tenets”, including proselytisation. In any genuinely secular framework, either every religious assertion is protected or every religious assertion is subject to scrutiny. Karnataka’s Bill deliberately avoids this neutrality. At a time when aggressive conversion campaigns have been repeatedly exposed in rural Karnataka, often involving inducement, deceit, social fragmentation and foreign funding, the government has chosen not only to ignore these concerns but to grant missionaries a legal shield. In short, this bill gives free hand to missionaries to run conversion rackets without any fear of the law.

This exemption is a confession. If proselytisation caused no emotional or social disruption, the government would not need to protect it explicitly. The exemption exists precisely because the drafters know it routinely causes distress within Hindu families and communities. Instead of acknowledging that harm, the Bill silences Hindu resistance while protecting the very activity that creates the “disharmony” it claims to address.

A state protected from accountability while the Hindu citizen is exposed to limitless criminal liability

The Bill also provides blanket immunity to government officials for acts done “in good faith”. Combined with the vague definitions of harm, offence and intention, this immunity creates a framework where the state can act with maximal force and minimal scrutiny.

By shielding the government machinery while criminalising ordinary citizens for undefined emotional injury, the Bill effectively removes all checks on selective policing. A police officer who books a Hindu for a satirical post faces no consequences. An officer who restricts a Hindu procession due to the “apprehension” of another community is protected.

The state can punish without fear, but the citizen must speak, forward, think and celebrate with fear in every breath. Such asymmetry does not create law and order, it creates a hierarchy of power where the state and its favoured constituencies stand at the top and the Hindu citizen stands permanently exposed.

A constitutional failure on every front, crafted to evade scrutiny and survive through selective enforcement

If the Bill faces scrutiny under any sincere constitutional test, it will fail miserably. The Supreme Court has repeatedly held that restrictions on speech must be precise, narrowly defined and directly linked to incitement of violence. Karnataka’s Bill disregards all three principles. Criminal liability based on “emotional harm” or “psychological injury” has no place in Article 19(2), which protects expression unless it poses a genuine threat to public order or security. Here, the threat is not violence but sentiment, not action but interpretation.

The Bill also produces an overwhelming chilling effect. When an individual knows that disagreement, satire, criticism or even forwarding content can be reframed as a criminal act, the rational response is silence. A democracy built on fear is no democracy at all. Yet this chilling effect is not a flaw in the Bill, it is the very purpose of the Bill. Congress does not need mass arrests. It needs hesitation. It needs the majority to doubt themselves. It needs Hindus to think twice before criticising policies, questioning conversions, condemning extremism or asserting cultural identity. Silence, once internalised, requires no policing.

Even if the Bill is eventually struck down in court, the damage will already be done. Many past laws have been abused for years before being declared unconstitutional. Selective prosecution, self-censorship and administrative bias will leave deep scars long before any judicial remedy arrives.

Congress’ long ideological commitment to suppressing Hindu assertion shapes every line of this Bill

This Bill did not emerge in a vacuum. It is the natural continuation of Congress’ ideological instinct to control Hindu assertion while appearing morally elevated. Nehru’s First Amendment in 1951 curtailed freedom of speech to accommodate “reasonable restrictions” that have since been weaponised against Hindus. Indira Gandhi’s Emergency suspended civil liberties altogether. The UPA’s Section 66A was used disproportionately to target Hindu social media users who questioned the government’s policies or exposed communal violence patterns.

The Karnataka Hate Speech Bill is the latest expression of the same impulse. It is no coincidence that the communities who riot at the slightest perceived slight are already empowered, while the community that does not riot becomes the easiest to silence. Harmony, under Congress, has always meant the quieting of Hindu voices to preserve the comfort of its vote banks. With this Bill, the party has simply found a new legal vocabulary to justify the old political instinct.

A threat that will not stop at Karnataka but spread to any state where Congress gains influence

If Karnataka succeeds in implementing this Bill, it will become the template for states that have long shown hostility towards Hindu festivals and free expression. Tamil Nadu already imposes unreasonable restrictions on Hindu processions while tolerating inflammatory rhetoric from radical groups. Once a model for “sentiment-based policing” is established, it will be replicated wherever the political incentives align.

Congress has understood something crucial. It does not need to control national law to control national discourse. A state-level model of selective policing can silence the majority across linguistic and geographical boundaries.

Conclusion

Karnataka’s Hate Speech Bill is a masterclass in political inversion. It claims to maintain peace while empowering those who threaten it. It claims to protect minorities while shielding missionary activity and punishing Hindu resistance. It claims to uphold dignity while criminalising emotional discomfort. It claims to combat hate while institutionalising prejudice against Hindus under the guise of protecting “vulnerable groups”.

Hindus do not riot over memes. They do not burn cities over cartoons. They do not demand blasphemy laws. They do not weaponise their sentiments for political leverage. And that is precisely why this Bill targets them. The community that behaves responsibly becomes the easiest to police. The community that refuses to express fear becomes the easiest to intimidate.

Actor Dileep acquitted after 9-year legal battle in abduction and assault case: All you need to know

A Sessions Court in Kerala on Monday (8th December) acquitted Malayalam actor Dileep in the 2017 actress assault case, saying the prosecution was unable to prove that he played any role in a criminal conspiracy behind the attack. The verdict was delivered by Ernakulam District and Principal Sessions Judge Honey M Varghese at 11 am.

Along with this, the court convicted six others for offences including criminal conspiracy, wrongful confinement, assault with the intention to outrage modesty, abduction, attempt to disrobe and gang rape.

The accused who have been convicted include Pulsar Suni (A1), Martin Antony (A2), B Manikandan (A3), VP Vijeesh (A4), H Saleem (A5), and C Pradeep (A6). The court has convicted all of them under sections 120B, 340, 354, 366, 354B, and 376D of the Indian Penal Code. Their quantum of punishment will be announced on 12th December.

Soon after the verdict, Dileep thanked everyone who stood by him during the past nine years and claimed the case was built on a “criminal conspiracy” against him. He alleged that his former wife, actor Manju Warrier, first made the allegations, which were later “implemented” by a senior police officer and his team by creating a false story using the prime accused.

Dileep said the police used media and social media to damage his reputation and life. “They joined hands with the prime accused and his jailmates to cook up a story against me. They also planted this story in the media. But everything fell apart in court. They tried to destroy my entire life, but the truth has won,” he said.

The Kerala government soon responded that it would challenge the acquittal in a higher court. Minister of Law P Rajeev met Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan and instructed the prosecution to initiate the process for filing an appeal. Party leaders, including MV Govindan, said they would continue standing with the survivor and support her fight for justice.

Background of the case 

On the night of 17th February 2017, a leading Malayalam actress was abducted and sexually assaulted inside her car while travelling in Kochi. The attack lasted for almost two hours. The accused also allegedly recorded videos of the assault to blackmail the survivor later.

The police named Sunil N.S., popularly known as Pulsar Suni, as the prime accused. The prosecution contended that Dileep, who was Accused No. 8, had hatched a conspiracy with Suni and others to commit the crime out of personal hostility towards the survivor.

As many as 12 persons were initially booked in the case. Of them, two – Pratheesh Chacko and Raju Joseph – were discharged later, while another accused, Vishnu, became approver. The remaining accused included Martin Antony, Manikandan B, Vijeesh V.P., Salim H (Vadival Salim), Pradeep, Charly Thomas and Sanil Kumar (Mesthiri Sanil).

He was arrested in July 2017, based on the claim that Pulsar Suni had written to him from prison hinting at his involvement. Dileep was in jail for about 80 days before the High Court gave him bail. Pulsar Suni spent more than seven-and-a-half years in custody, which is extremely unusual, before he received bail from the Supreme Court in September 2024 on the grounds that the trial was taking too long.

How the case moved forward over the years

The police filed the first chargesheet in April 2017. Later that year, they filed a supplementary chargesheet naming more accused and adding further details about the conspiracy.

On 21st June, 2017, Manju Warrier gave a crucial testimony to the police, stating that the survivor had confided in her about the relationship between Dileep and Kavya Madhavan which is a detail which, according to the survivor, had triggered resentment in Dileep.

In 2018, Dileep had filed a plea before the High Court seeking a CBI investigation in the case, alleging that the Kerala Police was biased. This was dismissed, observing that the accused cannot demand which agency should investigate the case against him. An appeal against this was filed this year, which was also dismissed by the Division Bench, noting that the trial was heading towards a conclusion. 

In 2021, further investigation was ordered after filmmaker Balachandra Kumar said that Dileep possessed visuals of the assault. Another case was also registered, saying a conspiracy to harm investigation officers. 

In 2022, allegations of illegal access to the memory card kept in court custody led to a High Court-ordered fact-finding probe and new guidelines on handling sexually explicit evidence.

A long trial with hundreds of witnesses

The trial became one of the longest-running cases in Kerala’s recent history. A total of 261 witnesses were examined, including many well-known personalities from the Malayalam film industry. However, several of them turned hostile in court, weakening the prosecution’s case.

The investigation officer alone was questioned for 109 days. The court accepted 834 documents as evidence and also examined two defence witnesses. During the course of the trial, two important witnesses, former MLA PT Thomas and director Balachandra Kumar, passed away.

Ten accused, including Pulsar Suni, faced trial on charges such as criminal conspiracy, kidnapping, sexual assault, gang rape, destroying evidence, and other offences under the IPC and IT Act. Dileep had an additional charge linked to the destruction of evidence. However, after reviewing the entire evidence, the court concluded that the conspiracy angle involving Dileep was not convincingly proven.

Major Buddhist complex found in Baramulla: Read about the breakthrough and how Modi govt is working to revive the cultural and historical heritage of Kashmir

A prominent archaeological discovery that holds the potential to redefine the cultural and historical contexts has transpired in Jammu & Kashmir. Large architectural remnants of a pivotal Buddhist complex from the Kushan era have been unearthed by archaeologists in Zehanpora in the Baramulla area of north Kashmir.

The project is a joint effort between the Jammu & Kashmir Department of Archives, Archaeology and Museums (DAAM), Centre of Central Asian Studies (CCAS) and the University of Kashmir. Their goal is to enhance knowledge of the cultural and religious backdrop of ancient Kashmir. The digging started in early November and is halted due to winter but is anticipated to continue for years.

The results are set to add important narratives to the region’s archaeological map, according to project director Dr Mohammad Ajmal Shah. It is the first massive collaborative exercise to receive formal sanction under the Archaeological Survey of India standards in the union territory.

So far, the excavations have revealed a stupa, structural walls, pottery and copper objects. The items have endured for centuries despite severe weather and topographical difficulties. They stood as a testament to sophisticated architectural expertise as well as construction quality and comprehensive urban planning.

Moreover, layers of stone foundations, carved pieces, ceramic pieces and structural alignments started to show up as excavation proceeded. It suggested a once-active monastery centre that might have been a key spot along earlier routes connecting Kashmir with Central Asia.

High-resolution mapping, ground-penetrating radar research, drone documentation, digital archiving and similar methods have been employed in the process to ensure a methodical and scientific recovery of the site.

Modern machinery uncover ancient origins

The mission commenced after a number of sizable mounds that were long considered to be the remains of ancient stupas were identified during intensive preliminary surveys, which lasted several months and included drone imagery, mapping and ground verification. According to first observations, these mounds were not natural formations but rather the remains of old man-made structures, most likely stupas, monastic cells and other elements of a mighty Buddhist establishment.

Meanwhile, Dr Shah made a vital progress in 2023 when he located an old photograph in a French museum collection depicting three stupas in Baramulla. It suggested a historical link between the place and Kashmir’s Buddhist tradition. The mounds matched substantial remnants of a stupa complex and related construction. It was also determined by later fieldwork, which indicated a booming early-historic Buddhist town.

Image via thebizreporter.com

Director of DAAM, KK Sidha expressed, “This joint excavation marks a landmark initiative in archaeological research in Jammu & Kashmir. The discoveries at Zehanpora will enrich local as well as wider understanding of our cultural heritage.”

Deeper excavation, scientific analysis and the creation of a conservation strategy that could aid museum exhibits, scholarly research alongside heritage-tourism projects are the main priorities. To foster archaeological site protection, officials even plan to involve the local community through outreach and awareness campaigns.

The initiative took place after DAAM and CCAS signed a crucial Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on 31st October to improve archaeological research, documentation and heritage management in Jammu and Kashmir. Joint excavations, artefact preservation, 3D documentation and promotion of tourism were covered by the document.

Baramulla Deputy Commissioner Minga Sherpa stated that the team has taken a “meticulous and scientific approach,” and further highlighted, “Baramulla has historically been a key corridor for trade and cultural exchange. The findings here will offer valuable insights into Kashmir’s past.”

The site is also close to the historical towns of Kanispur (ancient Kanishkapura) and Ushkur (Huvishkapura). They are conceived to be found by Kushan emperors Kanishka and Huvishka. During the Kushan period (1st-3rd century CE), Kanispur, Ushkur and Zehanpora constituted a trinity of political, religious and cultural activity, according to Kalhana’s Rajatarangini.

Significance of the findings

The excavation would eventually provide greater insights into how societies lived, traded, worshipped and interacted throughout that time. Interestingly, a similar discovery was made on the right bank of the Chenab River in Akhnoor’s Ambaran hamlet. Now, the latest finding pointed to a large and interconnected Buddhist civilisation that covered Jammu and Kashmir.

These excavations shed light on the extraordinary sociocultural sophistication of ancient Kashmir. The region was recorded to be situated at the intersection of trade routes connecting the Himalayan realm, Central Asia and the plains of the country.

Image via kashmirahead.com

The material culture that has been found thus far points to a prosperous community with robust creative traditions and potential ties to the wider Gandhara and Central Asian Buddhist domains, as per reports. The size of the community and its cultural makeup are likely to alter the perception of the valley’s place in the religious and economic networks of the former state, once archaeologists go into the second stage of their research. It would also grant information about the socio-religious life, architectural styles and settlement structure of ancient Kashmir.

Cultural and heritage revival in Kashmir under the Modi government

Earlier this year, Union Home Minister Amit Shah had announced that the government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi is dedicated to revitalising Kashmir’s historical and cultural legacy and “reclaim what has been lost.” He was speaking at the launch of a book named “Jammu Kashmir and Ladakh Through the Ages: A Visual Narrative of Continuities and Linkages,” in January.

Shah noted that Kashmir has always been and will always be an integral part of India. “There were attempts to separate Kashmir from India in the past but time itself has nullified those efforts,” he added, emphasising that no legal provision could ever break the connection.

The minister underlined that while most nations have defined their borders through geopolitics, India’s borders reflect its combination of cultural unity and geo-cultural expansiveness. He highlighted how the book beautifully depicted the relationship between Buddhism, Shaivism, Kashmir and Ladakh. The validity of the statement has been affirmed by the excavations at the heritage sites in Kashmir.

The centre has honoured its promise and facilitated the revival of several ancient religious sites in the valley, which are historically relevant to the true identity and culture of Kashmir.

Resurrection of the sacred legacy

On the first day of Chaitra Navratri in 2023, Amit Shah virtually inaugurated Mata Sharda Devi temple, which is situated in Teetwal village in the Kupwara district of North Kashmir, in the presence of other dignitaries. It was built by Seva Sharda Samiti Kashmir and Sri Sringeri Math. Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir (PoK) is only 500 meters away from the location.

Shah mentioned, “Ravinder Pandita (head of Save Sharda committee) has asked for a Kartarpur-style corridor for Sharda yatra and the government of India will surely make attempts in this direction, there is no doubt in that.” The original Sharada Peeth was constructed many centuries ago and lies inside PoK’s Neelum valley.

On 28th May, a Shivling was reinstalled in the ancient Jogeshwari Shiva temple in Rainawari of Srinagar, following a 35 year-gap. This Shivling was desecrated and thrown into the river by terrorists in Kashmir in 1990. It had been found by authorities at that point, but could not be kept in the temple for very long and was stored at the police station.

The Rainawari Kashmir Pandit Committee reclaimed the Shivling from the cops on the Special Magistrate of Srinagar’s order but the original one remained missing. Yet, the developments represented the renewal of the valley’s age-old culture and history under the Modi rule.

Iconic temples restored

The renowned Hindu temple of Goddess Uma Bhagwati reopened on 14th July 2024, after 34 years. It is situated in the Shangus neighbourhood of the Anantnag district in Brari Aangan. Nityanand Rai, the Union Minister of State for Home Affairs, attended the event. The temple was vandalised following the terrorist epidemic in the valley in the late 1980s.

Its restoration work was concluded before the inauguration took place. An idol of Goddess Uma Bhagwati was put in the sanctum sanctorum during the ritual while religious hymns were sang. The idol arrived from Rajasthan.

The government of Jammu and Kashmir likewise made the decision to restore the iconic Martand Sun Temple in Anantnag, a prominent Hindu holy site, on 27th March of that year. It also directed to install a statue of King Lalitaditya, who oversaw the temple’s construction.

Additionally, a “kalash” from Ayodhya was erected at the Ram Temple, which is on the precinct of the Sun Temple, in front of pilgrims from Tamil Nadu and Uttar Pradesh, alongside locals. The “kalash” was one of many delivered to certain Ram temples in the country. Additionally, Manoj Sinha, the Lieutenant Governor of Jammu and Kashmir, visited the Martand Sun Temple to partake in Mahayagya and offer prayers.

The temple is believed to have been constructed in the eighth century AD but between 1389 and 1413, there were multiple efforts to demolish it. It was demolished at the behest of Muslim king Sikandar Shah Miri, also known as Sikandar Butshikan (Idol-breaker). The moniker was given to him by mediaeval Islamists due to his tendency to attack and destroy Hindu temples.

Conclusion

The recent discovery of the Buddhist complex further highlights the genuine history of the valley long before foreign religions and tyrannical rulers invaded the land of Kashmir. Hence, the government has been leading efforts to re-introduce the true past of the valley and dispel the forced obscurity left by radical elements that have worked hard to wipe out Kashmir’s civilisational roots in Indic faiths and cultures.

As 2025 nears end, here’s how the Assam government conducted demolition drives throughout the year to remove illegal encroachments

From vast swathes of land to small plots or houses, Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma has made it his life mission to reclaim government, forest and community lands, illegally encroached upon. In over a dozen demolition drives, the state government has freed thousands of acres of land from encroachers, who are often illegal Bangladeshi and Rohingya infiltrators.

Despite the Islamo-leftist cabal peddling ‘Muslim victimhood’ narratives, the CM Himanta Biswa Sarma-led government’s “bulldozer action” to clear illegal encroachments continues uninterrupted. The Assam government has been undertaking a broader campaign to free public and forest land from illegal occupation.

A series of such drives has taken place across several districts since Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma assumed office in 2021. CM Sarma’s government has maintained it is trying to stop the “demographic invasion” of the state by infiltrators. The Chief Minister has repeatedly stated that these evictions are not communal but are necessary to protect government and forest land from illegal occupation as well as to ensure that the state’s religious demography is not systematically altered.

December: Year 2025 nears its end, but the crackdown against illegal encroachment continues

On 5th December, the 38 bighas of government and forest land encroached by illegal settlers in the Nagaon district was cleared by the local administration in collaboration with the police and the Forest Department. The administration issued prior notice to around 100 families directing them to vacate the land they had illegally encroached on and built houses on. The drive freed forest land under Bhakatgaon in Khatuwal Mouza.

November: Vast swathes of forest land freed from encroachers

In the latter half of November, an anti-encroachment drive was conducted to clear 5,962 bighas (around 2000 acres) of land in Lutumari Forest Reserve in Nagaon district after two days of demolitions by bulldozers. The eviction drive was conducted in Chankhola, Kandapara, Juripar, Bederipar and Majgaon areas of Kachua Lutumari Wildlife Sanctuary under Kampur Forest Regional Office in Nagaon district. 

It was reported that a large number of valuable trees were cut down by smugglers in the forest areas, clearing large areas of land. Later, people from various places arrived and occupied the land. According to officials, around 1,700 Muslim families had encroached upon forest land over the years, gradually establishing clustered settlements and setting up beetle nut orchards and other agricultural farms. The occupiers had built brick houses, and the administration provided electricity and set up schools.

Notably, the eviction drive was carried out in compliance with Supreme Court and High Court directives.

On 9th November, the state government resumed a large-scale eviction drive in the Goalpara district to remove illegal encroachments on forest land. The officials initiated the process of clearing about 1,140 bighas of land, over 376 acres, inside the Dahikata Reserve Forest. The eviction affects nearly 600 families, most of whom belong to the Bangladeshi infiltrators. These operations were carried out peacefully after moving about 70% of the families who were served an eviction notice, while the rest were in the process of vacating the encroached land.

October: Illegal encroachments cleared in Sribhumi

In October this year, the Sribhumi district administration demolished 21 structures across two villages. Most of the demolished structures were residential and commercial buildings built illegally in Shibbari and Ghilaiti villages under Patharkandi constituency. The demolition drive was peacefully carried out in the presence of district officials, police, and paramilitary personnel.

August: Rengma Forest Reserve freed from encroachment

In August, 26 hectares of land were freed from encroachment in the Rengma Reserve Forest area. The Rengma Reserve Forest falls under the Uriamghat area, in Assam’s Golaghat district. It is spread across over 827 acres.

Informing about the encroachment clearance drive, CM Sarma said, “The Hot Pursuit continues! Our bulldozers reached Rengma Reserve Forest yesterday to pursue Part II of the eviction drive to free forest lands from encroachers. The result? 26 Hectares of Forest Land reclaimed — enough to house 65 football fields!! The action will continue.”

July: CM Sarma revealed that land area bigger than Chandigarh freed from encroachment, demolition drives carried out in Goalpara

On 24th July, Assam CM Himanta Biswa Sarma said that the state’s anti-encroachment drive was moving in the proper direction and that with the consistent efforts against the illegal encroachments, the state had recovered 167 sq km of land from the encroachers.

“In the last 3 years, with consistent Govt efforts & cooperation from a large section of society, we have been able to free up 167 sq. Km of land from encroachers, an area larger than the size of Chandigarh city. We are committed to making every inch of land free from encroachers,” Himanta Biswa Sarma  wrote on X.

CM Sarma also stated that 16,776 hectares of land had been cleared in the last three years, including 9,646 hectares of forest land and 7,130 hectares of revenue land. 

Before this, CM Sarma made another important announcement regarding the success of his government’s anti-encroachment campaign as he said that around 1.29 lakh bighas of land in Assam is reported to be occupied by “Bangladeshi infiltrators and doubtful citizens.” He made the shocking disclosures on 21st July during a function commemorating the fourth anniversary of the Multipurpose Agricultural Project at Garukhuti in the Darang district.

On 12th July, an eviction operation took place in the Paikan Reserve Forest located in the Goalpara district. 140 hectares (equivalent to 1038 to 1040 bighas) of forest land had been unlawfully taken over predominantly by Muslims. Tejas Mariswamy, the Divisional Forest Officer of Goalpara, outlined that 1,080 families had built houses in this area.

The majority of these individuals were Muslims who had migrated from adjacent regions or Bangladesh. A total of 36 bulldozers were utilized during the action, and the region was divided into 6 distinct blocks. Nearly 2,500 to 2,700 structures, including houses and shops, were dismantled. Over 1,000 police officers and forest guards were deployed for security purposes.

In this drive, however, a Muslim mob attacked the police team, resulting in a violent exchange between the police and rioters. Resultantly, one person was killed, and several others were injured.

On 8th July, the Assam government conducted a mega eviction drive in Dhubri district to clear over 1,150 acres of government land encroached by Bengali Muslims. Displacing around 1400 families, the eviction drive took place in three places in the district, and it turned violent in the Chapar area. 

On 3rd July,  an eviction drive was conducted by the state government in 3 places in Lakhimpur district. Over 300 houses belonging to Muslim families were demolished days after notices were issued to the people living in the Village Grazing Reserve areas in the district.

June: ‘Dhaka Patti’ illegally built by suspected Bangladeshi national demolished amidst protests by Muslims

On 3rd June, the Jorhat District Administration in Assam carried out a demolition drive to remove encroachment on government land at Kabristan Road. A team of the Jorhat District Administration, accompanied by police and CRPF personnel, reached the area to take down illegal residential and commercial structures in the area. However, the demolition drive faced massive protests by local Muslims who came out in support of a person named Azad Choudhary, whose illegal properties were among the properties demolished by the Jorhat Municipality Board.

Choudhary had reportedly named the area where illegal structures belonging to him were located as ‘Dhaka Patti’, after the capital of Bangladesh.

The BJP government in Assam is clearing encroachments from the Vaishnavite monasteries called Satras, which were founded by Assamese saint-scholar Srimanta Sankardeva and his disciples in the 15th and 16th centuries. On 13th June, this year, Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma informed that 15,288.52 bighas of Satra lands remain illegally occupied across 29 districts of the State.

He highlighted massive encroachment in districts such as Bongaigaon, Majuli, Dibrugarh, Nagaon, Bajali, Kamrup, Lakhimpur and Dhubri.

Over the years, the Himanta Biswa Sarma-led government has been consistently taking action to free Vaishnavite monastery lands from illegal encroachments.

These are among the many anti-encroachment drives undertaken this year. The bulldozer action taken by the Sarma government demonstrates a bold, paramount and decisive assertion of the rule of law in Assam. The continued demolition drives also reflects CM Himanta Biswa Sarma’s resolve to clear Assam of any sort of illegal land grabbing and encroachment, and attempts at altering the demographic-religious composition of the state. Assam has long been plagued by illegal immigration of Bangladeshi and Rohingya Muslims, who systematically grab land, erect houses, and threaten the state’s indigenous culture, ecology and security.

Anatomy of the IndiGo monopoly: How UPA’s lost decade, failure of competitors and a lack of aviation reforms paved way for the current mess

The “too big to fail” airline in India is currently experiencing its worst crisis to date. After failing to prepare for more stringent Flight Duty Time Limit (FDTL) regulations for pilots, IndiGo cancelled over 1,000 flights in a matter of days during the first week of December 2025. This led to chaos at airports, outrage on social media, and a government intervention that temporarily reversed the new fatigue regulations. This incident has shown how reliant India’s aviation sector has become on a single low-cost carrier and how risky it is when that carrier falters, with IndiGo currently holding about 65% of the country’s domestic market.

It is crucial to understand how IndiGo became dominant and how the broader policy environment particularly between 2004 and 2014 gradually cleared the competitive field around it in order to comprehend why the current mess matters. Simply put, IndiGo’s astute strategy helped it rise, but many of its competitors fell due to UPA era policy blunders.

How IndiGo built a fortress: Strategy, fleet choices and discipline

(i) An audacious start

Rahul Bhatia of InterGlobe Enterprises and aviation veteran Rakesh Gangwal established IndiGo in 2006. Prior to its first commercial flight, the airline startled the industry at the 2005 Paris Air Show by placing an order for 100 Airbus A320 aircraft, which at the time was unprecedented for a startup with no prior operational experience. On August 4, 2006, it made its debut on the Delhi-Mumbai route with a small fleet of A320s, but it was obvious that IndiGo was not going to be a boutique airline. From the beginning, it desired scale. The airline’s recent NDTV article highlights how this early mega order gave lessors, manufacturers, and airports confidence, enabling IndiGo to negotiate advantageous pricing and delivery windows.

All 100 of the 2005 order’s aircraft (the final one was delivered in 2014) were delivered in less than ten years, and IndiGo had already scheduled its subsequent waves of capacity with orders for 250 A320neo-family aircraft in 2014 and 180 aircraft in 2011. In a high fuel cost climate, this aggressive forward ordering ensured a pipeline of new, fuel-efficient aircraft well into the 2020s and locked in manufacturer-level discounts.

(ii) Single type fleet and sale and leaseback

IndiGo adopted a strict low cost approach from the beginning, with a single class cabin, a highly standardized layout, and a single aircraft model (A320/A321, with ATRs added considerably later for regional routes). This “single type” option of simplified training, shared spare parts, unified maintenance procedures, and an interchangeable pilot pool is frequently cited in academic and business case studies as a key cost benefit. Its unrelenting employment of sale and leaseback was as significant. Usually, IndiGo would take brand new aircraft, sell them to lessors fast, and then lease them back for about six years.

This produced upfront revenue from the sale, ensured that the fleet stayed relatively young (aircraft being cycled out every few years), and converted significant capital expenditure into predictable operational leases. 

This is a key component of IndiGo’s balance sheet strength, according to business studies of the company’s finances. Planes were continuously replaced, which kept maintenance costs low and reliability strong while freeing up cash that could be reinvested in expansion rather than being locked in metal. IndiGo’s uniform, youthful fleet became a silent structural advantage in a market where many competitors flew older, fuel-hungry, and maintenance-intensive aircraft.

(iii) Ruthless cost discipline and the ‘on time’ brand

The traditional low-cost carrier (LCC) business model used by IndiGo includes point-to-point routes, dense seating, paid meals, short turnaround times, and high daily aircraft utilisation. Quick turnaround times and high utilisation (many rotations per day per aircraft), lean staffing (fewer people per aircraft than many competitors), and a strong emphasis on punctuality and basic hygiene rather than frills are all frequently noted in strategy canvases and airline case studies.

Punctuality was transformed into brand positioning rather than merely an internal metric. Reuters recently highlighted a well-known IndiGo commercial from 2011 that made the literal guarantee that “every time we fly, we will ensure you will land on time,” pointing out the irony of on-time performance plummeting to 3.7% during the 2025 crisis. By 2014, IndiGo had transported more than 80 million people since its founding, had inducted its 100th aircraft, and was running more than 500 daily flights to 36 domestic and foreign destinations. Price conscious middle class travelers who prioritized punctuality over a complimentary hot supper were drawn to its dependability and ease of use.

(iv) Revenue management and ancillaries

IndiGo made significant internal investments in revenue management, including dynamic pricing grids that fill seats starting with the lowest fare buckets, In order to reduce distribution costs, it made extensive use of ancillaries, such as paid meals, seat selection, additional baggage, priority boarding, and a strong direct-sales focus through its website and app.

In a market where headline fares were frequently maintained artificially low due to competition and customer expectations, academic research on IndiGo’s pricing indicates that supplementary services and strict yield management were essential to sustaining profitability. Compared to full service carriers or smaller LCCs, the airline was able to maintain price wars for a far longer period of time since it maintained one of the lowest cost bases in India. When competitors reduced fares, IndiGo could match them without suffering as much. 

(v) Aggressive network build out

India’s domestic aviation sector grew quickly between 2006 and 2014, nearly exclusively during the UPA years, thanks to increased aspirations and GDP development. Instead than pursuing glamorous routes, IndiGo used this expansion to increase frequency on high-density metro and tier-II lines, like as Delhi–Mumbai, Delhi–Bengaluru, Mumbai–Hyderabad, and so on, while progressively adding secondary cities like Jaipur, Nagpur, and Coimbatore. IndiGo was able to take a disproportionate amount of the incremental passenger growth by consistently increasing capacity on routes with structurally strong demand. Without the brand confusion that afflicted some competitors that wavered between “premium” and “budget,” it provided what business travelers desired (frequency and reliability) and what pleasure travelers desired (cheap fares). 

In conclusion, neither an accident nor a simple policy contribution contributed to IndiGo’s success. It was based on a tough-minded low cost strategy, a limited operational focus, and a purposefully conservative financial sheet. However, this is just half of the tale. The other half is that, despite IndiGo’s ascent, many other Indian airlines declined, and the 2004-2014 policy climate did little to sustain them.

A Market that emptied out: 2004-2014, Bankruptcies, and the UPA policy backdrop

(i) High taxes, High charges, weak reforms

Indian aviation was undergoing change when the UPA government took office in 2004. Private carriers like Jet Airways, Air Sahara, and the recently established low cost operators were quickly gaining market share, but public sector operators Indian Airlines and Air India continued to dominate. However, policy failed to adapt to this new competitive environment. Between 2004 and 2014, three structural problems emerged: 

First, punitive aviation turbine fuel (ATF) taxation: States in India have traditionally levied value-added tax (VAT) on ATF, with rates ranging from about 4% to as much as 30%. Ajit Singh, the Civil Aviation Minister at the time, stated clearly in 2013 that “a major reason for airlines’ losses is the high cost of ATF,” which is caused by both “very high VAT imposed by state governments” and worldwide base pricing. According to industry associations, ATF is around 70% more expensive than in competing hubs and accounts for 40% of Indian carriers’ operating expenses, which directly reduces profitability.

Second, growing airport fees following privatization: The UPA government proceeded with the modernization and privatization of airports in Delhi and Mumbai through joint ventures, followed by greenfield private airports in Hyderabad and Bengaluru. Airlines and passenger organizations frequently complained that the regulatory formula permitted extremely high airport fees and user development fees at these hubs, making them among the most expensive in the area, even as infrastructure improved. 

Third, sluggish structural reform and complicated regulations: Due to the sector’s operation under several overlapping administrations (DGCA, AAI, Ministry of Civil Aviation), there were delays and a complicated compliance regime. The Indian aviation industry was described as “high tax” and “hostile to investment” in studies conducted in the late 2000s and early 2010s. Foreign direct investment regulations were only gradually liberalized, and bankruptcy and exit procedures were difficult.

To break even in such a setting, airlines required extremely tight cost structures and financial discipline. IndiGo possessed both. Many others did not, and they suffered as a result. 

(ii) The roll call of failures, 2004-14

A wave of domestic carriers shut down, merged, or essentially vanished as commercial competitors between 2004 and 2014, which coincided with UPA I and II. Although every airline made its own internal errors, they were all exacerbated by high fuel taxes, costly airports, and a lax regulatory framework, which made recovery much more difficult.

Air Deccan/ Simplify Deccan (ceased as a standalone brand 2008)

Air Deccan, India’s first real low cost carrier, was founded in 2003 by Captain G.R. Gopinath and catered to middle class and rail travellers with tickets that were up to 50% less than those of full-service airlines. In an era of skyrocketing petrol costs and high ATF taxes, it struggled with low profits despite pioneering no frills flying and growing quickly. Vijay Mallya’s Kingfisher Airlines successfully “rescued” a severely losing Deccan in 2007, rebranding it as Simplifly Deccan before it was completely absorbed and vanished as a distinct low-cost rival by 2008. 

To put it another way, the first low cost carrier (LCC) that genuinely democratized flying for the average Indian was unable to withstand the regulatory and cost environment as a result, IndiGo lost a possible long-term competitor in the low-cost market.

Kingfisher Airlines and Kingfisher Red

The most striking casualty of the time was Kingfisher, a showy full service airline that debuted in 2005. It was left with a mixed fleet and an unclear dual-brand strategy (luxury Kingfisher vs. low cost Kingfisher Red) as a result of the merger with Air Deccan. Chronic losses, 100%+ cost to income ratios, and fuel costs which at times apparently accounted for an unusual portion of total expenses are all highlighted in case studies of its failure, which are further exacerbated by high borrowing rates and rupee depreciation.

Despite the seriousness of Mallya’s strategic mistakes, the macroenvironment provided little buffer. Once losses increased, there was virtually little chance of recovery due to high airport fees and ATF taxes. In October 2012, Kingfisher ceased operations, its license was suspended, and banks and staff were left with billions in unpaid debts. A major full service rival and its low cost subsidiary were destroyed in a chaotic collapse caused by the UPA government’s failure to provide a framework for quick resolution or significantly reduce cost pressures. 

Paramount Airways

Paramount Airways, founded in 2005 and targeting premium business travelers in southern India using Embraer planes, suspended operations in 2010 due to protracted legal issues with lessors and financial strain. According to industry opinion, Paramount was unable to overcome the combined difficulties of high input costs and regulatory obstacles despite its specialized positioning. At a time when IndiGo was gradually expanding into Tier-II markets, its departure significantly diminished competition for regional connectivity.

MDLR Airlines

Based in Gurgaon and specializing in North Indian routes, MDLR Airlines began operations in 2007 but closed before the end of 2009. Poor load factors, managerial flaws, and most importantly a failure to maintain operations when oil prices and ATF costs skyrocketed are highlighted in reports from that time period. According to reports, DGCA officials advised MDLR (and Paramount) to cease flights due to noncompliance with operational and safety standards, illustrating how financially vulnerable carriers found it difficult to maintain compliance in an expensive environment.

Indus Air

Promoted by Mohan Meakins, Indus Air began scheduled service in December 2006 and ceased operations in early 2007, just three or four months later. The suspension was attributed by government sources to growing losses and a legal dispute over terminated lease agreements for its tiny fleet of two aircraft. The fragility of smaller entrants in the mid-2000s environment is exemplified by Indus Air’s failure to survive even one season.

Air Sahara/Jetlite and JetKonnect

Although not legally bankrupt between 2004 and 2014, Jet Airways’ low-cost experiments had the effect of eliminating substantial budget competition. Launched in 1993, Air Sahara was purchased by Jet in 2007 and relaunched as JetLite, a discount carrier designed to rival IndiGo and SpiceJet. As a result of JetLite’s merger with JetKonnect in March 2012, Jet declared that JetLite would “cease to operate separately,” recognizing its incapacity to manage several sustainable brands.

In 2014, Jet returned to a single full-service brand due to persistent losses and poor profitability, and within a few years, JetKonnect itself was discontinued. As a result, by the conclusion of the UPA period, a significant portion of private low cost capacity that could have counterbalanced IndiGo’s growth had either been severely diluted or removed from the market.

When combined, at least six domestic passenger carriers Air Deccan/Simplifly Deccan, Kingfisher and Kingfisher Red, Paramount Airways, MDLR Airlines, Indus Air, and the JetLite/JetKonnect value brands went bankrupt, closed, or vanished as significant rivals between about 2004 and 2014. High airport fees, a harsh fuel tax system, and a lack of prompt structural reform all contributed to management errors in nearly every instance.

How that environment unintentionally created space for IndiGo

Although IndiGo did not advocate for the demise of its competitors, it certainly profited from the void left by UPA era policy decisions.

First, only the airline with the lowest cost per available seat kilometer (CASK) could continuously expand without bleeding in a high cost environment. IndiGo was able to withstand fuel price increases that destroyed more complicated carriers like Kingfisher and Air Deccan because to its single type fleet, sale and leaseback business strategy, and strict cost control.

Second, airlines with weaker balance sheets reduced capacity or shut down completely as airports were privatized and fees increased. In contrast, IndiGo secured slots at important metro areas just as they were becoming scarce assets, especially in Delhi and Mumbai, by using its stronger cash position, which was partially due to sale-and-leaseback cash inflows and disciplined operations.

Third, the absence of a contemporary bankruptcy or turnaround structure for airlines meant that once a carrier began to falter, it just fell apart, its assets and slots were not seamlessly transferred to a new rival. Instead of inspiring new competitors, this strengthened established players like IndiGo. Even though more than 20 airlines had collapsed since liberalisation, policy studies from the mid-2010s found that India’s aviation regulations were reluctant to address withdrawal and restructuring.

Ultimately, UPA governments acknowledged the ATF issue, but they were unable or unwilling to implement a comprehensive national solution, such as putting jet fuel under a standard indirect tax system, leaving airlines vulnerable to state VATs at up to 30%. Only carriers with IndiGo-style cost discipline and negotiation power with lessors were able to survive thanks to this framework, which unfairly penalised weaker carriers.

From this perspective, IndiGo’s dominance by 2014 was not only a tale of one airline’s genius but also of a decade in which the competition was essentially eliminated by UPA-era governmental lethargy.

From poster child to systemic risk

Together, IndiGo and the Tata-led Air India group accounted for more than 90% of India’s domestic market by 2024-2025, with IndiGo holding over 65%. Because of the same lean, high-utilisation approach that previously allowed it to undercut competitors, any disruptions to engines, personnel availability, or regulatory changes have an impact on the entire system.

An example from a textbook is the current crisis. Stricter FDTL regulations for pilots went into effect in November 2025, lowering the allowed number of flying hours and raising the required rest period. Despite being aware of these standards for a long time, IndiGo was unable to recruit and staff a sufficient number of pilots, which resulted in a severe pilot shortage and widespread network cancellations once the regulations went into effect.

Over 2,000 flights were called off over the course of a few days, and on-time performance fell to about 3-4%, drawing parallels with Southwest Airlines’ notorious US collapse in 2022. The government intervened in response to popular outrage and worries about the potential economic consequences. It issued show cause warnings, temporarily suspended the new FDTL regulations for a few months, and even considered redistributing slots if IndiGo was unable to stabilise operations.

From a policy standpoint, it is noteworthy that while the market structure has altered, the same trend of “policy reacting late” persists. A high cost environment and inadequate changes silently eliminated several carriers between 2004 and 2014, with IndiGo emerging victorious. IndiGo is now a “too big to fail” company as a result of that earlier hollowing out. When it fails, tens of thousands of passengers become stranded, and the government feels forced to violate its own safety-driven regulations in order to keep the system operating.

It is reasonable to argue that the core of this disaster is IndiGo’s internal miscalculations, especially with regard to crew planning and rostering. However, tracing how we got to the point where one airline’s error could paralyze the network is as fair and politically significant. This vulnerability stems from the decade in which UPA regimes silently buried a long list of domestic carriers by failing to take effective action against ATF taxation, airport charges, and structural reform. 

Conclusion

A fair evaluation of IndiGo’s narrative must simultaneously acknowledge two facts.

On the one hand, IndiGo is undeniably one of India’s most capable private sector success stories, a disciplined low-cost carrier that made a significant wager on a single family of aircraft, implemented a cunning sale and leaseback strategy, developed a culture of simplicity and punctuality, and employed sophisticated revenue management to maintain profitability in a notoriously challenging industry. Its rise cannot be attributed to luck or policy favouritism.

On the other hand, between 2004 and 2014, the broader environment played an important enabling role, not by actively supporting IndiGo, but by failing to keep its competitors alive. Airlines that lacked IndiGo’s cost discipline were squeezed by high and dispersed ATF taxes, costly privatized airports, a sluggish regulatory and bankruptcy framework, and little early investment reform. As a result, IndiGo had an increasingly uncontested runway due to the departure of local carriers such as Air Deccan, Kingfisher and Kingfisher Red, Paramount, MDLR, Indus Air, and Jet’s low cost brands. 

From raving over Pathaan’s bikini-clad ISI fantasy to slandering Dhurandhar’s brutal truth: Why The Wire can’t handle reality on screen

There are a few certainties in the Indian media. One of them is that The Wire will twist itself into pretzels to shield Pakistan’s image from any cinematic portrayal that isn’t infused with candlelight vigils and Aman Ki Asha ballads. Another is that if a movie happens to tell the truth about Pakistan-sponsored terror without couching it in Bollywood-style syncretic hugs, The Wire will be baying for its blood quicker than one can say “covert operation.”

Enter Aditya Dhar’s Dhurandhar: a larger-than-life spy thriller that unapologetically merges fact and fiction, drawing from real covert missions, local gangs in Lyari in Karachi, crime syndicates tied to the ISI, and the horrors India has suffered through Pakistan’s policy of “bleeding India with a thousand cuts.” The film holds up a mirror to a State apparatus across the border whose existence revolves around jihad, proxy warfare, and terror networks, a mirror The Wire simply cannot stand to look into.

So what does The Wire do? It rants. It sulks. It screams propaganda. In a spectacularly self-discrediting review titled “‘Dhurandhar’: Aditya Dhar’s Spy Saga Is as Subtle as a Troll,” The Wire’s Tatsam Mukherjee throws the kind of tantrum one might expect from a Pakistan foreign office spokesperson who has stumbled into a press screening of the film by mistake.

Well, gone are the days when filmmakers had the ‘creative liberty’ to make movies to their liking. Today, as The Wire keeps fearmongering about shrinking space for dissent, filmmakers who don’t toe the left-wing agenda find themselves at the proverbial firing line of those very portals who don’t miss a second in trampling upon the rights of filmmakers and maligning their art as a “tool of political propaganda.”

According to The Wire, the sheer act of exposing brutal Pakistani terrorism, the real, documented kind, is now “rage-bait,” “bloodlust,” “venom,” and even “recruitment.” If anything, Dhurandhar sins by being too honest.

Apparently, filmmaking is only noble when it includes Bollywood superstars gyrating in bikinis, spouting lines about universal humanity while whitewashing ISI officers into misunderstood heartbreak victims. The Wire’s review standards are painfully predictable: if Pakistan is shown as the villain, that becomes “dangerous ultra-nationalism”; but if Pakistanis dance with Indian agents in scenic European locations, that suddenly becomes “capacious universalism.” Who knew moral compasses came with a Made-in-Lahore sticker?

The Wire’s published fawning essays on spy fiction Pathaan

When truth becomes “trolling”

Let’s examine the specific “crimes” the film commits that hurt The Wire’s ideological bones. It portrays ISI officers invoking Islamic extremism. It dares to remind Indians of 26/11, with real transcripts. It exposes the Pakistan underworld–ISI–terror nexus. It acknowledges, correctly, that bureaucratic rot held India back before 2014, when national security was treated as an inconvenient responsibility. It shows Pakistan laughing while Mumbai burns.

To The Wire, this is a knife being twisted into unsuspecting audiences. Perhaps because somewhere beneath their manufactured intellectual disgust, they know everything shown is true, and truth is lethal for propaganda. Their Orwellian prescription is now simple: even speaking the truth must be maligned as troll behaviour.

Because if facts strengthen national resolve and weaken decades-long narrative manipulation, they suddenly become too dangerous for public consumption. Pakistan’s record of terrorism is considered “incitement,” but an ISI officer salsa dancing with Shah Rukh Khan in Pathaan is apparently “healing.” The contrast cannot be more revealing.

The Wire and its hypocrisy: Pathaan edition

Now contrast this hysteria with The Wire’s orgasmic meltdown over Pathaan in 2023. That movie told viewers before the opening credits rolled to leave logic, and possibly their self-awareness, at the door. It depicted an ISI agent in a bikini dancing with an Indian spy named after an Afghan ethnic tribe. It treated geopolitics like a subplot in a Valentine’s Day music video while crimes against humanity were reduced to motivational backstories.

Another article gushing over Pathaan, which shows an Indian agent (SRK) romancing and dancing with bikini-clad ISI agent (Deepika Padukone)

And yet, The Wire found deep philosophy in this circus. The absurdity was described as a feature, not a bug. The film was said to provide relief from the supposed Sturm und Drang of living in India under Modi. It was hailed as embracing the wider world with a smile. Another article even equated the film to Rahul Gandhi’s Bharat Jodo Yatra. According to The Wire, Pathaan exhibited a large-hearted universalism that transcended political divides.

So showing the truth about Pakistan equals hate and bloodlust, but peddling unrealistic bonhomie and portraying ISI agents as glamorous models equals healing hearts and solidarity. The inconsistency exposes a truth: ideological alignment, not cinematic merit, is the benchmark they review by.

Why Dhurandhar threatens The Wire’s manufactured reality

Dhurandhar is not a fairy tale. It does not adhere to Bollywood’s “friendship solves terrorism” rulebook. It doesn’t preach that we must forgive mass-murdering terrorists for the sake of good vibes. It shows Pakistan as a belligerent neighbour that has unleashed havoc through terror, because that is Pakistan’s reality.

It reveals the horrors inflicted upon Indian soldiers, like that endured by Captain Saurabh Kalia ahead of the Kargil war in 1999, when Pakistani army captured Captain Kalia and tortured him to death. Days later when his body was returned, they highlighted the brutality Captain Kalia had suffered at the hands of his Pakistani captors. But this is not problematic; depicting it on the large screen for public consumption becomes a problem for The Wire.

Most dangerously for The Wire, it punctures their favourite propaganda line, that Pakistan is simply reacting to Indian sins, that terrorism is a misunderstood geopolitical consequence, and that India should always keep turning the other cheek. For decades, this lie powered editorial careers in Lutyens Delhi. It created foreign fellowships and candlelight vigils, and moral superiority sermons.

A film like Dhurandhar destroys that mythology in minutes. That is why the review is so angry.

The real accusation: It helps nationalists convince people

In a revealing line, The Wire condemns the movie not for lacking craft but for influencing viewers. According to them, Dhurandhar doesn’t want to merely tell a story; it wants to recruit. But who exactly is being recruited? Ordinary Indians? And what treasonous ideology are they being recruited into? The radical belief that their country deserves to defend itself?

Horrifying, indeed.

The Wire wants Indians disconnected from national pride, military courage and geopolitical realism. It wants audiences to remain stuck in a fantasy world where hugging Pakistani spies heals global wounds, and terrorists can be redeemed through a flashback montage involving childhood trauma.

Aditya Dhar has committed two unforgivable sins in their eyes. He made patriotism cool again. And he made Pakistan irredeemable in the eyes of the audience using facts rather than fantasy.

The Wire recognises persuasion as power. Their monopoly over narrative persuasion is crumbling, and they are terrified.

Hypocrisy: The Wire’s only consistent ideology

Whenever a movie aligns with their worldview, even if it is irrational and physics-defying, they write long essays praising it as a cultural revolution. But the moment a film asserts India’s need for national security, or depicts Pakistan truthfully, or portrays Modi-era decisiveness as a historical shift, they scream “propaganda.”

There is no consistency other than the ideological one. The Wire does not review cinema, it reviews adherence to its ideology. Logic is optional. Consistency is unnecessary. Patriotism is sinful. Their editorial heart beats in sync with Rawalpindi.

When art exposes propaganda, propagandists cry “Propaganda!”

The Wire recoils like a vampire flashed with sunlight whenever Hindus are depicted as victims of Islamist terror, or when Pakistan’s state-sponsored barbarism is shown without euphemisms. These are narratives that contradict the carefully crafted equivalence they have built over decades; the false idea that India and Pakistan are morally identical.

For years, they fed India a fantasy that Pakistan is misunderstood and that terrorism is merely a reaction to injustice. Meanwhile, Parliament was attacked. Mumbai was burned. Soldiers were mutilated. Innocents were bombed in marketplaces and on trains. Kashmir Pandits were uprooted. But portraying any of this is now considered “hate.” The moral absurdity is breathtaking.

The Wire’s fear: A new cultural confidence

Dhurandhar is a powerful symbol of the collapse of their influence. Indian audiences today understand Pakistan’s reality. They no longer feel guilty about national pride. Cinema is shifting from apologetic narratives to geopolitical truth.

The Wire’s anger is an obituary for an ecosystem losing its hold over India’s cultural consciousness. This moment has nothing to do with cinema and everything to do with power. Institutions losing power panic. They lash out. They moralise. They hope the public still suffers from the amnesia they cultivated for years.

That time is over.

When facts frighten more than bad plots: The Wire’s disdain of ‘jingoist’ movies

A critical review of Dhurandhar would have been absolutely fair. But attacking its politics while celebrating Pathaan for abandoning politics entirely reveals breathtaking hypocrisy. This is ideological dishonesty dressed up as film criticism.

The Wire doesn’t hate Dhurandhar because it is flawed; they hate it because it is convincing. It questions narratives they spent decades manufacturing. It shows terrorists as terrorists, Pakistan as Pakistan, and India as India. It rebuilds memory where they worked tirelessly to induce forgetfulness.

If truth on screen is propaganda, then propaganda has finally become a public service.

Let The Wire scream. Let them issue intellectual fatwas. Let them defend bikini-clad ISI agents until the last anti-national brain cell collapses. The audience has spoken. They are choosing reality over hallucination.

Dhurandhar isn’t just a movie. It is a cultural correction, a cinematic reminder that India has endured enough lies, enough whitewashing, enough guilt-tripping. Indians are ready to storm into hostile houses and kill the last lie hiding inside.

That, more than anything, is what truly terrifies The Wire.

When filmmakers creatively blend fact with fiction to tell a compelling story grounded in reality, left-wing propagandists suddenly transform into hyperventilating gatekeepers of morality. This is what we saw after the release of ‘The Kashmir Files’, ‘The Kerala Story’, and more recently, ‘Baramulla’. 

When a plot challenges their narrative, their game becomes predictable: nitpick, invent imaginary dangers, and scream “creeping jingoism!”, “propaganda!”, “rewriting history” from every rooftop. While doing so, they fail to explain how depicting truth as it is could be propaganda. How is portraying Justice Neelkanth Ganjoo, who was murdered in broad daylight in Kashmir, a masterpiece in propaganda artistry? 

Were their sufferings a figment of Hindutva imagination? While the Left would like to declare it indeed is, they are far too weak to attempt such audacity. So they instead resort to the same old tropes: branding inconvenient truths as “hate speech,” “lazy”, or some of them lazily put it as “badly made propaganda movie.” 

In doing so, they expose their own duplicity, where exposing religious extremism becomes “spreading communal poison,” while those who commit such barbarity receive a free cultural pass in the name of sensitivity and nuance. The filmmaker is attacked for exercising his creative liberty while the perpetrator is painted as a victim of a ‘Hindutva director’ wanting desperately to please the incumbent political leadership. 

If showing Pakistan-sponsored terror or national security threats is automatically labelled propaganda, then audiences should never feel guilty for enjoying what these critics dismiss as jingoism, because perhaps patriotism simply rattles their echo chambers. And that is what truly unsettles these self-anointed critics at portals like The Wire: their desperation forces them to gush over the fantastical escapism of Pathaan, but the moment a film like Dhurandhar holds up the mirror of truth, their discomfort spills into disdain. The masses’ loving realism frightens them far more than bad plots ever will.

At this point, The Wire isn’t afraid of the roaring success of Dhurandhar. It is of the precedent that Aditya Dhar’s movie has set and what it augurs for future: movies shedding the Left’s intellectual dishonesty and showing the price Indians have paid and are still paying contending with implacable enemies, both festering within and lurking across the border.

Salman Rushdie, who lost his eye to Islamic radicalism, expresses concern about ‘Hindu nationalism’ in India: Read why his virtue signalling is misplaced

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On 5th December, Bloomberg published its interview with author Salman Rushdie conducted by British presenter Mishal Husain. Interestingly, Mishal, who has family roots in Pakistan, has family ties to Rushdie and it was explicitly acknowledged in their conversation. Husain’s mother and Rushdie were first cousins, making the interaction a blend of journalistic inquiry and intra-family reminiscence.

The interview covered Rushdie’s recovery after the 2022 stabbing, his writing, his memories of Bombay (now Mumbai), and his reflections on free speech. Yet, when the subject shifted towards India under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, his responses began to echo a familiar script shaped not by recent engagements (the ban on his book The Satanic Verses has been lifted under the Modi government) or first-hand experience. His views, which he openly admitted, were the impressions given to him by his “journalist friends” in India. It is these second-hand interpretations, and the ideological leanings that come with them, that now appear to underpin his concerns about the world’s largest democracy.

Rushdie’s views on India shaped by selectively informed ‘journalist friends’

In the interview, Rushdie stated that he feels “very worried” about India today. However, this concern was not rooted in personal observation. It was based on the “information” he received from his journalist friends based in India. This admission is crucial, because it reveals that his commentary is built upon the very ecosystem that has spent a decade constructing a narrative of democratic decline in India.

These are the voices that have shouted “press freedom crisis” and “free speech under threat” at every turn, even as India’s media remains among the most vibrant, adversarial and politically diverse landscapes in the world. Interestingly, the journalist friends of Rushdie who told him freedom of speech of journalists is under threat continue to speak against PM Modi consistently without much legal backlash from the government, and they have been doing it since he took charge as the Prime Minister of the country.

Drawing solely from the conversations with his friends, Rushdie claimed that journalists, writers, professors and intellectuals face “attacks on freedom” in India. He suggested that the Indian state wishes to “rewrite history” to cast Hindus as inherently virtuous and Muslims as inherently villainous. He even compared the present era to Indira Gandhi’s Emergency, a period of actual dictatorship involving mass arrests, censorship and suspension of civil liberties.

His framing of India into this pre-decided mould reflects less about the country and more about the narrow ideological lens through which his sources view it. The ease with which he repeated these talking points, despite not having visited India in years, showed how detached such intellectual critiques have become from the lived reality of ordinary Indians.

Why his claim of ‘attacks on journalists’ falls apart upon basic scrutiny

The notion that India’s press is under siege is one of the most carefully manufactured narratives of the past decade. Rushdie adopted the line of thought which is entirely based on left-liberal activist-journalists who have internationalised their personal legal troubles. It exposed how misinformation, which was once laundered through the Lutyens media circle, has emerged as unquestioned truth.

In the Indian context, the face of this narrative has often been the likes of Rana Ayyub, who has repeatedly described herself as being “targeted” for her writings. However, she was never actually attacked by the government agencies for what she wrote. She came under scrutiny and faced legal troubles because of alleged financial impropriety, including misappropriation of funds raised in the name of COVID-19 relief and charity.

The action taken by the government agencies against her was detailed and procedural, not ideological. She was not targeted because of what she wrote but because of what she did with the money she had collected to “help the poor”.

Not to forget, when Rushdie was attacked by an Islamist in 2022, Rana Ayyub had condemned it. However, after facing backlash from her fellow Islamists, she “corrected her mistake” and deleted the post from social media platform.

Rushdie’s adoption of this line, which is entirely based on activist-journalists who have internationalised their personal legal troubles, exposes how misinformation spreads. Yet the myth of a persecuted journalist persists because it suits the political appetites of those who weaponise victimhood.

Another example that comes to mind is the case of Siddique Kappan that has been repeatedly cited by international media as a “journalist jailed for doing his job”. The reality, established in court documents and investigation reports, is significantly different. PFI-linked Kappan was detained while travelling to Hathras during a highly sensitive period, allegedly to provoke unrest. The charges involved conspiracy and terror-related activities, not journalism. Courts examined the matter extensively, and while he eventually secured bail, the framing of the case as a press freedom issue remains misleading.

Let’s not forget The Wire journalist Arfa Khanum Sherwani, who repeatedly claims a decline of freedom of speech and expression while continuing to spew venom against Hindus and India. Let’s not forget that in January 2020, she advised protesting Muslims to appear inclusive as part of a strategy. She said that there was no doubt that when Muslims were protesting against the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), they were primarily protesting as Muslims, but they must try to appear inclusive in order to not lose the battle. “You must make these protests as inclusive as you could and make its base bigger. You read your Kalmas, do the Ibadat, the Indian Constitution is still present in that manner. But when you come out in the public, you are a Muslim, there is no doubt about it,” she had said.

Another example can be of Umar Khalid, a so-called student activist currently in jail for his involvement in the anti-Hindu Delhi riots of 2020. Khalid, who is often presented as an “intellectual”, has been painted as a hero in the international media thanks to narrative-building exercises run by the likes of The Wire, Scroll and others. Umar Khalid, whose father was a member of the banned terrorist outfit SIMI, is booked under UAPA in the larger conspiracy case. He and his friends in prison in the same case have been delaying the trial and even bail pleas in different courts and blaming the system for keeping them behind bars for over five years without trial. Such narratives, when fed to international figures like Rushdie, often create anti-Indian government sentiments.

His selective silence on the ideology that actually attempted to kill him

What makes Rushdie’s commentary on India more revealing than his opinions themselves is the fact that he did not criticise Islamic radicalism, the very force that has repeatedly sought to end his life.

In the interview, he spoke about the fatwa as a historical moment and acknowledged the brutality of the 2022 stabbing, but he stopped short of examining the ideology that motivated the attacker. Maybe that was the intent of the interview from the beginning considering the interviewer’s own background.

For someone who lost an eye, endured severe injuries and continues to live with the trauma inflicted by religious extremism, this reticence is stark. He did not mention mullahs who have issued calls for violence, radical clerics who continue to inflame sentiments, or the persistent threat posed by Islamist extremism worldwide. Instead, he chose to analyse and criticise the fabric of Hindu society, despite having no comparable personal history of persecution from it.

The imbalance raises questions about intellectual courage and the political fashion of selective criticism. Rushdie was far more willing to critique India’s social climate, a place where he grew freely and safely, than to address the continuing threat emanating from the ideology that turned him into a symbol of resistance.

His vague references to the fatwa era contrast sharply with his pointed commentary on Hindu nationalism, as though one must be handled delicately while the other can be freely lectured upon without consequence.

His reflections on Indira Gandhi and the Emergency reveal an odd imbalance

Rushdie also revisited his portrayal of the Emergency in Midnight’s Children. He described it as a “dark time” that deeply affected the country and shaped the arc of his novel. He acknowledged the shock felt by many Indians at the abrogation of democratic rights during Indira Gandhi’s rule.

Yet, in the same breath, he implied that today’s India bears similarities to that period. This comparison rang hollow when juxtaposed with the functioning of contemporary India, where elections remain competitive, newspapers publish fierce criticism daily, courts strike down government decisions routinely, and no constitutional rights have been suspended.

The Emergency was a structurally authoritarian moment in India’s history. Equating it with present-day democratic functioning trivialises a lived trauma experienced by millions. Rushdie’s analogy appears to stem from the ideological environment he now inhabits rather than any substantive parallel.

The irony of invoking Naipaul without acknowledging Naipaul’s fuller critique

In the interview, Rushdie referred to VS Naipaul’s phrase “a wounded civilisation” to support his argument that the current Indian discourse on history is driven by a civilisation trying to reclaim something lost. Yet he stopped just where Naipaul becomes inconvenient for the narrative he is endorsing.

Naipaul’s work did not merely observe India’s wounded state. It explored how centuries of colonisation, first Islamic then British, had eroded cultural confidence. Naipaul also recognised the emergence of a Hindu civilisational revival as a legitimate response to historical suppression. While one may disagree with his conclusions, Naipaul’s critique was complex, layered and deeply rooted in field observations. Rushdie, however, extracts only the part that suits the ideological discomfort expressed by his journalist acquaintances.

Conclusion

Rushdie’s commentary on India mirrors Western anxieties rather than Indian reality. It fits neatly into the binary lens through which Western media and academic institutions tend to view the country. Instead of engaging with India’s vibrant democratic processes, cultural plurality and civilisational resurgence, Rushdie relied on selectively informed English-speaking intermediaries who are themselves uneasy with India’s political direction.

Having lived in New York and London for decades, he has absorbed perspectives that interpret the rise of Hindu cultural confidence not as democratic expression but as democratic decline. His critique of “Hindu nationalism” reflected the discomfort with the fact that India is no longer shaped exclusively by the old “elite” classes that once dominated its intellectual space.

This imbalance is amplified by his dependence on second-hand accounts from journalist friends who frame India’s democracy as a threat simply because it does not mirror Western expectations. The contradiction becomes sharper when juxtaposed with his free speech advocacy. While he defended the right to offend, he avoided confronting the ideology that nearly killed him and instead repeated narratives that portray Hindu assertion as dangerous. Ultimately, his concerns reveal more about his intellectual distance and borrowed anxieties than about India.

What is ‘Hindu rate of growth’, mentioned by PM Modi in his speech: Read what the term means and why it is was wrong for ‘economists’ to associate Hinduism with poor growth

Prime Minister Narendra Modi has taken a strong stand against what he called the “colonial mindset” that continues to shape perceptions about India’s growth story. Speaking at the Hindustan Times Leadership Summit on Saturday, 6th December, he urged citizens to free the country from mental slavery within the next ten years and challenged the derogatory use of the term “Hindu rate of growth” that critics once used to describe India’s slow economic progress.

PM Modi said that India today is full of confidence at a time when the world is facing uncertainties. He pointed out that while many global economies are struggling, India has emerged as a “growth engine” during a global slowdown. 

The prime minister specifically questioned why, when India struggled to grow at just 2–3 per cent many decades ago, some economists and experts labelled it the “Hindu rate of growth.” But now, when India’s economy is recording some of the highest growth rates in the world, no one is willing to refer to this success as a “Hindu rate of growth” in a positive sense. PM Modi said this mindset arises from a long-running attempt to portray India’s ancient civilisation as unproductive and inherently poor.

PM Modi emphasised that India today is seen as a high-growth, low-inflation economy. He cited a growth rate of 8.2 per cent in the second quarter of this financial year as proof that India is becoming a major driver of global economic recovery. “We are at a turning point,” he said, adding that despite wars, financial crises, and global disruptions in recent years, India is moving forward with clarity and determination.

Lawyer and the former member of the Rajya Sabha, Mahesh Jethmalani, supported PM Modi’s remarks. Sharing a long post on X, Jethamalani said, “PM Modi is absolutely right to call out the decades-old slur of the so-called ‘Hindu rate of growth’ for what it always was: a colonial-socialist sneer meant to belittle Indian civilisational confidence and shift blame from disastrous policy to a supposed cultural deficiency. It was an insult wrapped in economics, a narrative designed to convince Indians that stagnation was our destiny.”

Today’s India – growing faster than the G7, driving global momentum, unleashing entrepreneurship and reform – has demolished that lie through performance, not polemics, he added. 

What is the ‘Hindu Rate of Growth’?

The phrase “Hindu rate of growth” was coined in 1978 by the late economist Raj Krishna. He used it to describe the period of slow economic expansion in India between the 1950s and 1980s. During these decades, the Indian economy grew at an average rate of just 3.5 per cent per year. Since population growth was high, per-capita income increased by only around 1.3 per cent annually. Raj Krishna argued that when economic progress remains persistently low over decades, it reflects structural problems in policy and governance.

However, even though the term included the word “Hindu,” it had nothing to do with religion, culture, or faith. The real reason for slow growth during that period was India’s economic model, heavy state control, socialism-influenced planning, licensing restrictions, and import substitution policies that limited competition and innovation. India remained isolated from global markets and struggled to create jobs and wealth.

Things changed dramatically after the 1991 reforms, when India opened its economy to the world through liberalisation, privatisation, and globalisation. Growth improved sharply, foreign investment increased, and India began moving toward a more market-driven system. This shift clearly proved that the earlier stagnation was due to economic policy choices, not to India’s civilisation or religion.

Raj Krishna, the so-called economist who popularised the phrase, taught at the Delhi School of Economics. He was also a member of the Finance Commission and contributed to planning chapters during India’s Sixth Five-Year Plan. His academic writing often focused on India’s economic structure using a Marxist lens. He believed that the character of the state and the way power is distributed among social classes play a major role in shaping the economy.

His writings show that he admired Marxist ideology and considered it the best analytical framework for India. He argued that India’s socialist system had failed because it did not understand how the state behaves in different societies.

Raghuram Rajan was also supporting the colonial idea

In 2023, former RBI Governor Raghuram Rajan had publicly revived the colonial-era term. Speaking to the news agency PTI, he predicted that India was heading towards the “Hindu rate of growth,” citing slower GDP estimates released by the National Statistical Office, GDP had fallen to 4.4% in the October–December quarter from 6.3% in July–September, and from 13.2% earlier. 

Rajan had also said the country would take many years to recover from the pandemic slowdown, but India managed to bounce back within a year, proving his prediction wrong. For five consecutive years, Rajan has warned that India is heading toward economic crisis, yet each time, the economy has outperformed his projections. 

Why linking culture to economic growth is wrong

When India grew slowly, the blame was put on Hindu civilisation. Today, India is growing rapidly, around 7 per cent annually, yet no one credits Hindu culture for this success. This double standard reveals the bias behind the original term. Religion cannot be the basis of economic performance, because growth depends on governance, innovation, infrastructure, trade, technology, and political stability, not on whether people belong to a particular culture.

If India’s slow growth was once labelled “Hindu,” then by the same logic, today’s high growth should also be seen as “Hindu.” But critics readily separate Hinduism from India’s achievements while associating it with shortcomings. This shows how the original phrase was used to undermine a civilisation rather than to analyse economic performance.

India has now become the fastest-growing major economy in the world. Yet very few international experts speak proudly of this success, even though the same experts had no problem dragging Hinduism into the narrative earlier. This reflects the lingering influence of colonial-era attitudes that portrayed India as incapable of modern progress.

India’s growth outshines major G20 Economies

India’s current economic performance stands in sharp contrast with many developed nations. In recent quarters, G20 countries have experienced slowdowns, contractions, or very low growth. But India continues to remain strong, supported by domestic demand, digital progress, manufacturing expansion, and infrastructure growth.

Recent global data shows:

  • India recorded the highest year-on-year growth among G20 economies at 7.3 per cent.
  • China and Indonesia followed with 5.2 per cent and 5.1 per cent growth.
  • Germany remained at the bottom with nearly 0.2 per cent growth.
  • Countries like Canada, Germany, and Italy even recorded a contraction in GDP during recent quarters.
  • The United Kingdom and Brazil saw a significant decline in growth momentum.
    This comparison highlights one thing clearly: India has moved far beyond the days of slow growth. It is playing a key role in global expansion and is widely acknowledged as a powerful economic force. Yet, this growth is never given a cultural label, unlike the earlier phase of sluggish progress.
Source: OECD Economic Outlook

A reflection of Hinduphobia and Colonial thinking

The phrase “Hindu rate of growth” has deeper implications beyond economics. It represents an academic and cultural prejudice that has existed for decades. Over time, this term found legitimacy in textbooks, universities, international institutions, and the media. By attaching poor economic performance to Hinduism, it reinforced the idea that Indian civilisation was incapable of development.

Ironically, while people are always careful not to link religious identity with terrorism or violence, rightly saying “terror has no religion”, they had no hesitation in linking Hinduism with poverty. The expression became a way to mock and belittle a peaceful civilisation and its believers. It ignored the diversity of India and failed to recognise the contributions of Hindus to science, philosophy, culture, innovation, entrepreneurship, and now, modern economic success.

This reveals a disturbing trend: Hindus are seen as an easy target because they do not respond with aggression. Criticising Hindu culture has become fashionable in some intellectual circles, where it is celebrated as progressive thought. In reality, it is a continuation of colonial-style prejudice that tried to detach India’s spiritual foundation from its aspirations for prosperity.

The fact that only Hinduism is burdened with a “rate of growth” shows the contempt some scholars held for the identity of the majority. That is why Prime Minister Modi called for a complete rejection of such colonial frameworks. He said India must rise with self-confidence rooted in its civilisation, not through borrowed ideas that demean its identity.

The hypocrisy of religious labels on growth

To understand how unfair the term is, just consider a simple comparison. Afghanistan recorded a GDP growth rate of about 2.3 per cent in 2023. Pakistan grew by nearly 3.2 per cent in 2024. Should anyone call this the “Muslim rate of growth”? No, because it would be communal, insensitive, and illogical. Religion does not decide economic outcomes; governance does.

So why was Hinduism singled out? Why was India’s slow growth identified with the faith of its people? The answer lies in colonial-era attitudes and a political environment where criticising Hindu civilisation was seen as intellectual sophistication.

Today, India leads the world in growth. If phrases must exist, then logically, the years of slow progress should be known as the “Nehru rate of growth,” because Nehru was the first PM of India; he remained incumbent till 1964. Most of the economic policies were decided/approved by Nehru. 

Therefore the expression ‘Nehru Rate of Growth’ looks more apt for the economic growth during his regime and the years that followed.

Time to end the insult

India has entered a new era. From a struggling nation fighting for basic growth, it has risen to become a global economic powerhouse. The narrative that once tried to portray Hindu civilisation as backwards has been broken by India’s own achievements, led by innovation, infrastructure, and self-confidence.

The label “Hindu rate of growth” was never an economic concept; it was a cultural insult. It was rooted in ignorance, bias, and a desire to separate India’s future from its civilisation. As the prime minister urged, the next ten years must be spent freeing our thinking from this colonial baggage. India’s growth belongs to every Indian, but its civilisational identity is nothing to be ashamed of; it is a source of strength.

The time has come to finally erase this outdated and discriminatory phrase. India’s new growth story is a story of confidence, resilience, and cultural pride, and no biased label can define it anymore.