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Ganja in the Eastern Ghats, poppy in Manipur: How illegal cultivation of narcotics has been a major money source for Naxals and other violent armed groups

The Modi government has announced its intention to annihilate Left Wing extremism from India by 31st March 2026. The security forces, local administrations, authorities and the central government are collaborating effectively to realise the ambitious objective of a red terror-free country, yielding remarkable results. As the threat is being countered at an aggressive pace, a campaign has also been underway to dismantle the resources of these hostile elements, particularly by targeting illegal narcotics cultivation.

Notably, this unlawful practice is even financing militant groups in volatile regions such as Manipur, which experienced widespread violence in 2023. Furthermore, the state’s proximity to Myanmar which is the world’s biggest source of opium greatly exacerbates the problem. Hence, while this perilous industry is prevalent in poor and underdeveloped regions with low employment opportunities, it is not confined to a single area and is pervasive from south to northeast, including the former Naxal corridor region.

This not only creates an issue for the nation’s internal and national security but also poses a major environmental challenge, resulting in extensive deforestation within protected and reserved forests. However, the government is proactively working to address the epidemic of narcoterrorism.

Manipur’s crucial action to eliminate illegal poppy farming

On 17th November, 41 acres of illicit poppy production was wiped out in Manipur’s Tengnoupal and Kangpokpi districts. A joined team identified and uprooted the crops during the day-long operation which was conducted in the Khudei Khullen hill range under Tengnoupal Police Station.

A temporary irrigation system was taken down, seven bags of fertiliser and three chemical spray pumps were destroyed as well as eighteen huts used by the producers were demolished by the forces. Officials informed that over 278 kilogrammes of opium, valued at several crores of rupees, could have been produced from the fields that were obliterated

Afterward, strict inspections were conducted to prevent its replanting and to arrest the accused responsible for this activity. The move followed a series of coordinated operations that resulted in the destruction of over 500 acres of poppy plants in the state between 11th and 15th November.

Poppy fields of around 436 acres were removed in the Somdal, Lamlai Chingfei, and Litan hill ranges during the drive’s largest phase in the Ukhrul district. 51 huts that the farmers utilised as makeshift dwellings and storage facilities were set on fire. The action was implemented by teams of the Assam Rifles, Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF), Manipur Police and multiple government agencies.

Similarly, numerous acres of poppy crops, herbicides, pipes, spray pumps, salt bags and various farming tools along with huts were destroyed by the team in different villages. The authorities mentioned that these joint operations in the districts of Kangpokpi, Tengnoupal, Ukhrul and Senapati eradicated around 537 acres of illicit poppy farms, which would have led to 3,3583 kilogrammes of opium worth hundreds of crores.

Manipur’s relentless ‘War on Drugs’

The Manipur government launched the “War on Drugs” campaign in November 2018 and the Bharatiya Janata Party outlined  that the campaign had outstanding accomplishments, including the removal of 3,420 acres of unauthorised poppy crops. Moreover, over 8,000 acres of poppy plantations have been found by the authorities on government and forest areas since 2020.

Destruction of poppy crops. (Source: ANI)

Approximately 1,700 acres of these were destroyed in the same year. Last December, the district administration in Ukhrul, the BSF and the forest department worked together to demolish about 45 acres of illegal poppy plantations which were grown in Phungyar’s Mapithel hill range. Two people were arrested for the crime. Additionally, such action has taken place over the course of multiple months and years.

The authorities announced that the government seized narcotics worth over 20 billion rupees and shut down five makeshift drug production factories in Manipur, during a period of two and a half years, reported Al Jazeera in April of last year. It also told about the destruction of 110 acres of poppy flourishing in the highlands, in 2022.

According to government data, 14,315 acres of illegal poppies primarily grown in the hills was eliminated between 2017 and 2021 during the previous Bharatiya Janata Party government’s “War on Drugs” program.

The state’s crucial intervention concerning this drug network was earlier underscored in a video by former chief minister N. Biren Singh in April 2024. “We have seized heroin, opium, tablets, etc. worth over Rs 60 thousand crores. Destroyed over 20 thousand hectares of poppy plantations. Number of persons arrested: 3066. Cases registered: 2461. Persons convicted under NDPS: 225. Only to save our Indian youths. We will continue,” he wrote.

“Manipur’s geographical proximity to the Golden Triangle (Myanmar, Laos, Thailand and Vietnam) made it a primary transit route for drug trafficking. It threatens to transform the state into a major poppy production and trafficking hub. Under the leadership of Chief Minister, N. Biren Singh, the BJP-led coalition government declared war on drugs. This will help eradicate the poppy plantation, drug trafficking, and abuse in the state,” the clip pointed out.

Notable decline in Manipur’s poppy production

According to a 2024 survey by the Manipur Remote Sensing Applications Centre (MARSAC) illegal poppy cultivation in Manipur has steadily declined over the previous four years. It was carried out between September 2023 and January 2024 and reported that the cultivation dropped from 16,632.29 acres in 2022-2023 to 11,288.07 acres in 2023-2024. Thus, it fell by 32.13% between 2022 and 2023.

Former Governor of Manipur Anusuiya Uikey also informed last year that the state eliminated 3,010 acres of illegal poppy growing. The state got rid of more than 19,135 acres of illicit poppy cultivation from 2017 to 2024.

The number of poppy fields has steadily decreased there over time as a result of this strict enforcement, demonstrating the effectiveness of the multi-level effort. This planting has long been linked to increased violence, funding of armed organisations and the ongoing ethnic tensions in Manipur, according to security and government officials.

The networks that sustain unrest in the hills frequently profit from the drug trade and its cultivation. The Assam Rifles has upheld a rigorous zero-tolerance stance against this kind of activity, taking decisive action against individuals engaged in its finance and growing.

873 Kuki-Chin persons, 1,083 Muslims, 381 Meiteis and 181 “others” were among the 2,518 arrests made in narcotics cases since 2017 in Manipur. The data was revealed by K Meghachandra, the police superintendent of the Bishnupur district and the former superintendent of narcotics and border affairs to Al Jazeera.

Officials even voiced that security forces are fostering hope for peace and stability in addition to dismantling a precarious source of income for criminal organisations, in the state’s hill districts by persistent action on poppy farms and hurting the narcocapitalism. The strong action is anticipated to continue in the upcoming days.

Narcoterrorism serves as catalyst of violence

The war on narcotics had an enormous effect on the state’s politics and it fanned the Manipur conflict. On 18th June, the Coordinating Committee on Manipur Integrity (COCOMI) declared that the main problem in the state is not the Meiti-Kuki conflict but rather the problem of Chin Kuki narco-terrorists, following a high-level conference on Manipur violence headed by Home Minister Amit Shah.

Its spokesperson, Khuraijam Athouba suggested that narco farming and smuggling is the fundamental problem that has led to the Manipur crisis. He added that it is contextually inappropriate for the central government to try to resolve the problem through negotiations between the Meitei and Kuki groups. He proposed that the actual struggle is between the Manipur government and Chin Kuki narco-terrorist organisations, in agreement with the centre.

There is a 400 kilometer stretch of the 1,640 kilometer border between India and Myanmar in Manipur where poppy planting is a major industry. The town of Moreh, characterised by its porous border was one of the locations most severely affected by the riots, in addition to Churachandpur.

Image via civilsdaily.com

A Manipur policeman and an Assam Rifles soldier were caught in Guwahati transporting prohibited yaba tablets (methamphetamine or meth) worth 200 billion rupees, in 2022. The consignment was reportedly trafficked from Moreh. This area is roughly 60 kilometres from the northernmost point of Myanmar’s Chin State.

A “very high” poppy crop density of more than six acres per square kilometre or around five football fields per square kilometre was found there by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Similarly, Churachandpur is barely 65 kilometres from the Chin State border which is home to several poppy fields.

India took the initiative to begin fencing the 1,643 kilometer fragile border with Myanmar, in July. A source expressed, “Myanmar’s ongoing instability has further aggravated the situation, with a surge in smuggling, human trafficking, and movement of armed infiltrators. Drugs worth Rs 1,125 crore, for instance, have been seized along the border in the last six-seven months.” 

Moreh, the border town of Manipur is only 60 kilometres away from poppy farms near the northern tip of Myanmar’s Chin state. (Source: NDTV)

The Kuki-dominated hills border Myanmar and serve as pathways for carrying drugs just as in other mountainous parts of Manipur and other states bordering Myanmar. Some northeastern states such as Mizoram, were also believed to be a key new conduit for drug trafficking from the country.

According to reports, these facilitate the smuggling of synthetic drugs and yaba tablets outside of the northeastern region. Some armed organisations in Myanmar have been shown to gain from drug smuggling. Importantly, India has repealed the Indo–Myanmar Free Movement Regime (FMR) where residents within 16 kilometre of the border had been allowed to cross without a visa, requiring simply a border pass.

Drug trade funds Manipur’s armed insurgency

There were just a few locations in Manipur where narcotics were sold in the 1990s and 1980s. According to Maibam Jogesh, co-convenor of the 3.5 Collective, a collaboration of eighteen civil society organisations fighting the drug and alcohol problem, “it is found everywhere” in the state these days. He added that their field workers located poppy planting in the hills of Manipur as long back as 2006.

“There is cultivation in the hills. Now in the valley, a lot of processing units have been established, particularly in the Thoubal and Bishnupur districts. The processing units (of brown sugar) are mainly in the Muslim areas,” mentioned K Meghachandra.

Insurgent groups require extensive sum of money for their activities. Due to the considerable push of welfare packages and strategic operations, most of these organisations are losing their base and people’s support in the region. Thus, they require a vital and continuous source of cash to support their structure and executing operations to achieve propaganda and political goals. Hence, they seek drug dealers in the Golden Triangle region for assistance.

Poppy plants at the budding stage. (Source: Rising Asia Journal)

The cadres of Chin Kuki Liberation Army (CKLA), United Tribal Liberation Army (UTLA), Kuki National Organisation (KNO) and Zomi Revolutionary Army (ZRA) among others have been implicated in drug trafficking. On 16th October 2023, the leader of a Kuki group that had agreed to a cease-fire with the Manipur government was nabbed on suspicion of dealing drugs in the state.

A few days later, security personnel detained two militants from Chaljang of Churachandpur district who belonged to CKLA. They also collected cash, 2.5 kilogrammes of opium alongside weapons and ammunition. Drug syndicates in Myanmar and militant organisations in Manipur are considered to have reached an agreement with the latter likely acting as drug couriers and intermediaries.

Therefore, these outfits which are based on ethnic ties have taken advantage of poppy farming to finance their activities. The Meitei community in the valley has accused the Kuki tribes who govern the hill regions of leveraging the money from poppy planting to arm themselves and impose territorial control. This has contributed to the cycle of violence between the two communities and increased ethnic tensions.

Poppy plants at the flowering stage. (Source: Rising Asia Journal)

Furthermore, many tribal farmers have been motivated to continue their unlawful poppy production because it guarantees buyback in which the financiers or middlemen who engage in this cultivation take back the extracted opium. A top cop noted, “If farmers grow fruits and vegetables, they make Rs 200,000 a year, when they grow poppy, they make Rs 1,000,000,” according to Rising Asia Journal.

Armed groups involved in the drug trade provide protection to poppy farmers for a share of the profits. This has created a parallel economy that undermines state authority and perpetuates instability. The involvement of transnational drug cartels and cross-border smuggling networks has further complicated the situation, making Manipur a crucial node in the regional narcotics trade.

Chhattisgarh-Jharkhand: Naxals exploit Tendu leaves production to fund their activities

The collection of tendu leaves (used essentially for making beedis) has been prevalent in Chhattisgarh, which Naxalites have tried to exploit for their financial benefit. They demanded money from tendu leaf contractors and workers which not only bolstered their economic resources but also employed these funds to acquire weapons and other supplies.

On the other hand, the authorities sharpened their vigilance as the tendu leaf harvesting began in the Rajnandgaon district. Searches escalated in these areas affected by Naxal activities. The police consistently patrolled the region and contractors were instructed to swiftly notify if they encountered any coercion or extortion attempts from Naxalites.

The tendu leaves sourced from the Rajnandgaon district are well-known for their superior quality and are highly sought after across the nation which has transformed the region into an important economic center for Naxalites who managed to extract considerable amounts of money.

Image via Navpradesh

Superintendent of Police Mohit Garg indicated that there was a collaborative effort underway with the Forest Department for joint monitoring. Continuous communication was maintained with Tendu leaf contractors and buyers who were provided with essential guidelines. A crucial meeting was scheduled to take place soon regarding this matter to avert any extortion.

The police escalated their search operations in border and forest regions. Additionally, intelligence agencies mobilized to ensure timely information regarding any Naxalite activities and to facilitate prompt action.

Tribal hamlets of Jharkhand used for poppy farming and smuggling

Bangladeshi intruders in the Santhal Pargana region of Jharkhand affected both the demographic composition as well as the law and order situation. They were uncovered to be involved in opium cultivation in the area, utilizing local tribal communities as a facade. The product was then trafficked.

Bangladeshi smugglers frequent the impoverished areas of Santhal Pargana region, masqueraded as vendors to connect with the local populace.

These smugglers gradually persuaded villagers in the name of earning substantial profits from a limited area and they consented. Afterwards, the locals were supplied with opium seeds, fertilisers and pesticides, and it was then trafficked from India to Bangladesh. The poppy seeds resulting from opium cultivation were also used for further profits.

Image via Wikipedia

This trade persisted for an extended period. These operations ceased for several days when cops intensified their efforts,. However, they promptly resumed their activities after police eased their strictness. The cultivation proliferated to such an extent that satellite surveillance was carried out in 2009.

These traffickers continued to infiltrate the border into West Bengal and Jharkhand furthering their operations. Notably, opium valued at around Rs 6 crore was confiscated in Chaibasa of Jharkhand in one operation. These fields were identified in 125 villages in June 2023, in Chatra of Jharkhand.

This trade was valued at Rs 100 crore. Satellite surveillance in Jharkhand did witness some success in this region. Nevertheless, opium was produced and sold in certain areas along the border. Jharkhand BJP state president Babulal Marandi also voiced his apprehension regarding the same. He stated that this represented a plot to destroy the youth of Santhal Pargana by trapping them into drug addiction and accused Jharkhand government of negligence.

Maoists produce cannabis to support operations

While Maoists utilised the opium to support their operations in Santhal Pargana areas, they were also trying to fund their operations through illegal cannabis (Ganja) farming in the Eastern Ghats areas, hills of Southern Odisha and Northern Andhra. Ganja cultivation had expanded to nine of the eleven mandals, in the Visakhapatnam Agency (hilly and forested tracts of the district) in 2019. It was happening with the support of the outlawed Communist Party of India (Maoist).

The police stated that there was a connection between the group, ganja producers and intermediaries or smugglers since the drug had grown to be an important source of funding to the prohibited CPI(M).

The Visakha Agency which encompasses the 11 mandals is made up of approximately 6,265 square kilometre of the district’s overall 11,161 square kilometre. The Department of Prohibition and Excise conservatively estimated that the crop was widely produced over 5,000 to 7,000 acres in roughly 150 villages.

Image via Deccan Chronicle

Documents that the security forces were able to retrieve clearly illustrated that the Maoists controlled the manufacture and transportation of weed. At least 1,000 pits could be accommodated on each acre. If Rs 100 was collected for each pit, the Maoists would make almost Rs 1 lakh per acre, or nearly Rs 50 crore for 5,000 acres, according to a calculation.

The average production from each plant was close to a kilogramme which translated to nearly 1,000 kilogrammes or 1 tonne per acre, according to the excise officers. Additionally, the average production were 5,000 tonnes if it took place on 5,000 acres. The yearly yield was almost 10,000 tonnes because ganja was produced twice a year.

The price ranged from Rs 7000 to Rs 15,000 per kilogramme when smuggled to cities like Hyderabad, Bengaluru, Goa and Delhi. However, the smugglers purchased from the farmers for Rs 2000 per kilogramme, leading to major proifts.

An officer asserted, “This indicates the scale of ganja business in the Visakha Agency area and why the Maoists take interest in allowing the Adivasis to grow them, despite their claim in their literature that they are against it.”

Andhra Pradesh Director General of Police Damodar Gautam Sawang reiterated in 2021 that Maoists were encouraging ganja cultivation in tribal areas of Vizag agency and along the Andhra-Odisha border (AOB) since it served as the primary source of income for them. He added that they were collecting protection money from ganja smugglers.

“Ganja cultivation is quite prevalent in the hilly areas of AOB. As Maoists are supporting the trade, enforcement agencies are struggling to put an end to cannabis cultivation and its smuggling. Coordination with police and enforcement officials of other states is crucial and can help in controlling the ganja menace. We discussed strategies to be adopted to curb the cultivation and smuggling of ganja at the meeting,” the former top cop voiced.

Ganja plantation at a village on the Andhra-Odisha Border in Visakhapatnam Agency. (Source: The Hindu)

The Special Enforcement Bureau (SEB) destroyed ganja growing on more than 7,500 acres in the districts of East Godavari and Visakhapatnam in 2022. They destroyed ganja rated at more than 9,000 crore in Vizag Agency and noted that 75% of cannabis and ganja were grown on the Andhra-Odisha Border (AOB) and Odisha, respectively. According to them, it had been procured in more than 20 districts in Odisha and 11 mandals in the districts of Visakhapatnam and East Godavari.

Last year, Dwaraka Tirumala Rao, Director-General of Police for Andhra Pradesh, conveyed that the government formed an Anti-Narcotic Task Force (ANTF) to combat the menace. The police department would provide a toll-free number for the public’s convenience once the ANTF went into effect.

“The movement of Maoists has come down, but we have been trying to remove their roots from the state,” Rao pronounced. The former state police chief stated that the main goal of the Narcotics Taskforce was to subdue the Ganja kingpins. He assured that police had been using drones, specialised surveillance cameras, sniffer dogs and other equipments to achieve their objective.

Authorities bust drug corridor from Odisha to Gujarat, kingpin arrested

Anilkumar Pandi alias Sitaram or Raja, a fugitive kingpin who spent more than ten years creating an interstate cannabis empire that stretched from Ganjam in Odisha to several districts around Gujarat was recently apprehended by Ahmedabad Police. A joint Gujarat–Odisha Special Task Force (STF) team caught him in a major 990 kilogramme cannabis case after he turned himself up before the Odisha High Court. He was taken into custody by the Ahmedabad Crime Branch.

Image via Bhaskar English

The 39-year-old is accused in at least 12 NDPS (Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances Act) cases in Surat, Rajkot, Junagadh, Ahmedabad and even railway jurisdictions. He is the “central spine” of Gujarat’s cannabis trade, according to police sources.

According to Ahmedabad Crime Branch Joint Commissioner of Police (JCP) Sharad Singhal, Pandi planted cannabis in Naxal-affected areas with limited law enforcement in Ganjam, a city 125 kilometres south of Puri. He operated secret godowns in Surat’s Pandesara, Udhna, Palsana and Kamrej, selling it to Ahmedabad’s Vatva and even bordering states like Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Maharashtra.

Cash was transported by Odia labourers who frequently travelled between Surat and Odisha, leaving no digital trace. He employed railway networks and rented warehouses in Surat to move ganja from Odisha to several districts in Gujarat over the past ten years, including rural areas and Dindoli, Pandesara, Utaran, Udhna, Utkalnagar and Varachha.

The operation also involved his father Vrindavan Dandapani Pandi and his 32-year-old brother Sunil Pandi. Surat police had already detained the latter in 2021 for similar offences. Both his father and brother have been charged under the NDPS and PIT-NDPS (Prevention of Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances Act).

Ten to twelve of Pandi’s properties valued at Rs 2.09 crore as well as vehicles valued at Rs 26 lakh were confiscated by Gujarat and Odisha Police. Additionally, cannabis valued at Rs 1.90 crore was collected. According to Crime Branch sources, trafficking is their family business.

NCB exposes drug trafficking networks

Illegal cannabis production transpired in the Naxalism-affected regions of Andhra Pradesh, Odisha, Jharkhand and West Bengal as well as in the challenging terrain of some of the hilly states. The contraband produced there is transported throughout the nation. The drugs from these areas makes its way to Delhi, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu and Kerala and other states. It is also trafficked across the sea to Sri Lanka.

However, various drug trafficking networks operating in different states were busted as a result of the Narcotics Control Bureau’s (NCB) intensive enforcement, in 2020. It confiscated 10,700.5 kilogram of Ganja across the nation from August to the first week of October.

Ganja (Source: Kerala Kaumudi)

1.18 kilogram of methylenedioxy-methamphetamine (MDMA), 58.5 kilogram of opium, 1,092.4 kilogram of poppy straw, 163 kilogram of hashish, 2 kilogram of cocaine and 29.7 kilogram of heroin were caught as well as 6,53,300 Tramadol tablets were captured in Rajasthan and Maharashtra, in just two months of that year.

Himachal Pradesh and Jammu and Kashmir are two of the main cannabis-growing regions and are well-known for producing high-quality charas illegally. Cannabis plants are the source of charas, commonly referred to as hashish. Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh are the states where opium and poppy straw are traditionally trafficked. However, Jharkhand also emerged as the centre of supply for prohibited opium and poppy straw.

Narcotics finances Naxalism and terrorism

Union Home Minister Amit Shah acknowledged that the illegal drug trade represents a threat to the country, maintaining that the proceeds from this are used to fund terrorism as well as Naxalism and undermine the country’s economy.

He stated in August 2024, “Unless we demolish the entire network or chain, we cannot control the illegal trade of narcotics. It’s an international problem. In India, we need to create more awareness and fight against it. I would say even some nations have lost the battle against the illegal trade of narcotics. We need to use scientific methods in the investigation,” reported The Times of India.

Shah was speaking during the inauguration of Narcotics Control Bureau’s office in Raipur. He highlighted that drugs are not only destroying young people but also endangering national security. He added that Prime Minister Narendra Modi has decided to purge addiction by 2047, when the country celebrates “Azadi Ka Satabdi Samaroh” and that this will require a concerted effort.

Shah mentioned that synthetic narcotics are replacing natural drugs as they are accessible in small amounts but they are more expensive and dangerous. He stressed, “We need to use scientific methods in investigating drug trafficking and go to the root of the cases.”

The home minister conveyed, “In Chhattisgarh, sedative use has been reported more than the national average at 1.45%. It shares a boundary with seven states, making the situation challenging to fight the battle against narcotics and drug trafficking. West Bengal, Odisha and Andhra Pradesh have become transit routes for Ganja smuggling.”

He explained that the concern is about Chhattisgarh’s reported Ganja consumption of 4.98% which is substantially greater than the national average of 2.83%. Shah expressed, “I will again urge that investigation should be done scientifically. If a small pouch of Ganja or other such items is sold in a shop, we should find out its root – where it is produced, transported, etc. We need a bottom-to-top approach in investigation.” He added, “E-commerce platforms are being used for drug trafficking, and drones are being used to deliver drugs.”

Drug cultivation responsible for deterioration of environment, severe health problems

This issue of narcotics production extends beyond the country’s security and stability to include its environment. Soil erosion, loss of biodiversity, changes in local climate, contamination of water sources due to chemicals, and heightened risks of floods and landslides are adverse effects associated with the cultivation of these drugs.

The aforementioned video shared by former Manipur CM stated, “The drug issue was challenging and required more intensive actions. Drone footage of massive deforestation and extensive environmental damages caused by poppy plantations angered CM N Biren. During the period from March 2022 to March 2023, the campaign yielded impressive results.”

It further conveyed, “Drugs like cannabis, opium, and yaba have catastrophic environmental impacts that range from deforestation to land sinking. Poppy cultivation causes substantial harm to the environment. Mountain slopes deforested for illicit crops expose them to landslides, mudslides, and floods.”

A report by space analytics company Suhora unveiled that Manipur lost an astounding 52,000 acres of forest area in just four years between 2021 and 2025. One of the main causes of this was poppy farming, particularly in isolated highland regions which has resulted in extensive forest destruction.

The footage added, “With more public support, the war on drugs became intensified and more effective. Poppy planters were provided alternative crops and equipment by the state government.”

Manipur’s agricultural output has been impaired by the application of chemical pesticides and fertilisers, which have severely contaminated water supplies. Indigenous populations who depend on the land for their livelihoods have been disproportionately impacted by the environmental effects.

Drug addiction and associated health problems have increased in Manipur as a result of the poppy economy. Intravenous drug abuse contributes to the state’s one of the highest HIV/AIDS rates in India. Lawlessness and impunity have been perpetuated by the illegal drug trade’s influence on local institutions and undermining of governance.

Conclusion

Drug trafficking rackets, networks, accused among others have been dismantled in various regions of the country. Measures have been implemented against the unlawful cultivation of cannabis, poppy and other drugs which has historically been proven to be a significant source of narco-terrorism, whether through Maoists or other armed insurgents.

The governments, administrations and authorities have made substantial efforts to combat this threat and made considerable progress, yet it is not entirely resolved. Therefore, a concentrated effort is necessary to address this issue, not only for the security of the nation but also for the protection of our environment.

Congress awards Indira Gandhi Peace Prize to former UNHR head Michelle Bachelet: Read how she invoked Kashmir, challenged CAA, attacked India during her tenure

Michelle Bachelet, the former head of United Nations Human Rights received the Indira Gandhi Prize for Peace, Disarmament and Development for 2024 from Congress Parliamentary Party (CPP) chairperson Sonia Gandhi on 19th November. She also served as Chile’s only female president, from 2006 to 2010 and 2014 to 2018.

“Bachelet has seen, first-hand, loss, oppression, torture and exile in her early years. It is a remarkable coincidence how both these women were born and raised in times of strife. Their country, their people, their family and they themselves were victims of subjugation,” Sonia claimed while trying to draw parallel between the awardee and India’s former prime minister.

The event transpired in the presence of 1984 anti-Sikh riots accused Jagdish Tytler. Meanwhile, Bharatiya Janata Party promptly slammed the decision, emphasising Bachelet’s contentious history which is marked by consistent anti-India position under the guise of “minority rights” and “freedom of speech.”

“She believed that nations could prosper only if they lived in harmony with one another. This belief feels even more urgent in today’s fragmented world. One of the causes that deeply moved Indira Gandhi is also what inspired me to enter politics to improve the welfare of the people. Early in my life, I realised that people’s wellbeing is closely linked to respect for human rights,” Bachelet asserted on the occasion.

She added, “To be honest, at times when I look at the world today, I feel not so optimistic. That is why I think multilateralism is more needed than ever. We need to give global responses to global challenges; otherwise, humanity will not have a good time.”

Obsession with Kashmir

Bachelet gained a reputation for opposing India during her tenure at the United Nations and has consistently intervened in internal matters. Kashmir was featured in her opening statement after she assumed office in 2018, charging that the council’s recent report on the human rights situation “has not been followed up with meaningful improvements, or even open and serious discussions on how the grave issues raised could be addressed.”

“The people of Kashmir have exactly the same rights to justice and dignity as people all over the world, and we urge the authorities to respect them. The office continues to request permission to visit both sides of the Line of Control, and in the meantime, will continue its monitoring and reporting,” she conveyed.

India appropriately responded to how these issues are “addressed constructively with respect for national sovereignty and territorial integrity in a transparent and credible manner” and expressed regret over her statement.

Nevertheless, Bachelet’s attempts to interfere in India’s affairs persisted unabated and prominently emerged after India abrogated Article 370, which did not hold a permanent position in the Indian Constitution, on 5th August 2019.

“I am deeply concerned about the impact of recent actions by the government of India on the human rights of Kashmiris, including restrictions on internet communications and peaceful assembly, and the detention of local political leaders and activists,” she declared on 9th September of that year during the 42nd session of the council.

It is noteworthy that the article was discriminatory towards lower castes, women and various segments of society. It was solely manipulated by Kashmiri politicians, vested interests and pro-separatist factions to impede reforms, serve as leverage to blackmail New Delhi and prevent the state’s integration into the national mainstream. However, Bachelet appeared to be rather frustrated with the landmark decision.

She specifically asked India to lift the lockdown and curfew and consult “the people of Kashmir in the decision-making process.” The measures taken by the government prevented any extensive bloodshed and violence in the valley but her primary concern was the mainstreaming of Islamists in the name of all Kashmiris while she ignored the regular atrocities committed by the Pakistani government in Pakistan Occupied Kashmir.

As expected, then prime minister of Pakistan Imran Khan also praised her comment and urged the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to establish an impartial commission to “probe” human rights abuses in the valley.

Bachelet also targeted India over the National Register of Citizens (NRC) in Assam. “The recent National Register of Citizens verification process in the North-East Indian state of Assam has caused great uncertainty and anxiety, with some 1.9 million people excluded from the final list published on August 31. I appeal to the government to ensure due process during the appeals process, prevent deportation or detention, and ensure people are protected from statelessness,” she added.

The government’s initiative to identify its citizens, aimed not only at fostering development but also at ensuring internal and border security was not well received by her either. Bachelet evidently wanted India to remain a center for infiltrators from neighbouring countries, particularly Bangladesh who not only alter demography and take over the rightful share of Indians over the nation’s resources but also perpetrate criminal activities.

She peddled the narrative of “Kashmiris under attack” after the Pulwama terror attack in 2019, utilising both India’s decisions and tragedies to portray the country negatively and deliver sermons to it.

Continuous rhetoric surrounding Kashmir and unwarranted aggression towards India

The former chief of human rights at the UN met with the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) contact group in Geneva concerning Jammu and Kashmir, in 2020. Afterward, she alleged that “human rights violations have worsened in the last year, characterised by excessive use of force” including “pellet guns, home demolitions, imprisonment of civilians, torture, demographic engineering, etc.,” in the state.

The nations where non-Muslims are deprived of fundamental rights and relegated to second-class citizenship as well as the worst violators of human rights accused India of imposing a serious human rights crisis in Kashmir and informed her about the same. Pakistan is also a member of the OIC and the human rights record of this nation, along with its treatment of minorities, is just as alarming as that of its peers.

Moreover, Bachelet was troubled by the potential loss of Muslim supremacy in Kashmir but advocated for India to welcome intruders into the country.

On 13th September 2021, she again sought to raise the issue of Kashmir amid the 48th session of the Human Rights Council. “The restrictions on public assembly and frequent temporary communication blackouts by Indian authorities continue in Jammu and Kashmir, while hundreds of people remain in detention for exercising their right to the freedom of expression, and journalists face ever-growing pressure,” she insisted.

Bachelet intentionally ignored the massive transformation of Kashmir following 2019 and focused on the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA) cases in India during the same speech. She even made efforts to subvert India’s laws in line with her whims and wishes, deliberately failing to acknowledge the critical ground reality in the nation and the robust judicial apparatus in the country.

However, she was confronted with a suitable reply from India, but it did nothing to diminish her disdain for the nation or her nefarious intention to intrude into India’s issues.

“India’s approach to global promotion and protection of human rights is based on our own experience as a pluralistic and inclusive society and vibrant democracy. Any shortcomings in upholding human rights must be addressed in a transparent and impartial manner, anchored in respect for national sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs of states,” countered the Ministry of External Affairs.

Cries of Muslim victimhood

How can any member of the leftist-liberal group refrain from attacking India on minority rights, particularly concerning Muslims, regardless of the truth? Hence, Bachelet also did not disappoint during her annual report to the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva in 2019.

“We are receiving reports that indicate increasing harassment and targeting of minorities – in particular, Muslims and people from historically disadvantaged and marginalised groups, such as Dalits and Adivasis,” she voiced.

Bachelet then called on the Indian government to review the “worrying” Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA) a year later and permit non-governmental organisations and “human rights” bodies to receive their funding and function freely in the nation.

“India has long had a strong civil society, which has been at the forefront of groundbreaking human rights advocacy within the country and globally. But I am concerned that vaguely defined laws are increasingly being used to stifle these voices,” she accused.

These entities had been involved in not only hindering developmental programs but also in religious conversions disguised as humanitarian aid. Therefore, this measure was intended to ensure transparency and accountability in the activities of these NGOs. The law introduced in 2010 by the Congress-led government was revised to prohibit the acceptance of foreign funds for any activities detrimental to the public interest.

“Violations of law, however, cannot be condoned under the pretext of human rights. A more informed view of the matter was expected of a UN body,” New Delhi retorted after Bachelet’s utterances. India maintained that it had a strong domestic grievance redressal system, an independent judiciary alongside category “A” National Human Rights Commission that complies with the Paris Principles as well as a dynamic and pluralistic democracy.

“These mechanisms are fully capable of addressing all allegations of violations of human rights anywhere in India. India has been at the forefront of the promotion and protection of human rights in line with its international obligations and remains committed to doing so in the future,” an official added, reported The Times of India.

Striking hypocrisy on CAA

Bachelet, who was “deeply concerned” about minority rights in India seemed to lack similar sentiments for the persecuted minorities of Bangladesh, Afghanistan and Pakistan as she approached the Supreme Court against the Citizenship Amendment Act at the beginning of March 2020. Her UN Human Rights Office filed a request for third-party status in a petition contesting the the act, ironically, in the name of human rights.

“The CAA is an internal matter of India and concerns the sovereign right of the Indian Parliament to make laws. We strongly believe that no foreign party has any locus standi (rights) on issues pertaining to India’s sovereignty,” the government lashed out at her move.

However, Bachelet continued her intrusion and alleged that the CAA’s religion-based standards run the risk of violating international commitments, as late as 2024. The oppression of Hindus and other non-Muslim minorities based on religion apparently does not breach any international obligations, but helping them does.

Another instance of her hypocrisy surfaced when Saudi Arabia sent hundreds of Rohingyas, including children, to Bangladesh and she remained silent but opted to attack India after the country deported just five.

Conclusion

Bachelet is a notably polarising figure and her tenure at the UN is marred by her actions driven by animosity towards India. Despite her grand statements and advocacy for human rights, her tenure and actions unmistakably showed that her concern was largely limited to the rights of a particular group of individuals of a specific religion.

Interestingly, George Soros received the Bernardo O’Higgins Order of Merit from Bachelet in 2009 in appreciation of his “unwavering commitment to democracy and open societies.” It is the highest civilian award given to non-Chilean citizens.

Soros’s malevolent agenda concerning India, which he has openly expressed on many occasions, is well-known to all. He is a leading instigator of engineered revolts in nations to set up his preferred puppet government and has been making efforts to do the same in India.

Now, for Congress, which has never hesitated to align itself with the detractors of India even during crucial moments, awarding Bachelet is clearly not a significant issue. Nevertheless, the BJP has rightly raised objections to the development as she has been quite critical of India unnecessarily and taken advantage of her position to interfere, influence and demean the country.

18 years before Delhi Red Fort blast, Al Falah University produced another jihadi: Read link to the 2008 serial bombings and Congress’ massive betrayal

As the investigation into the Jaish-e-Mohammad-linked terror module connected with the Red Fort blast deepens, the Al Falah University in Faridabad, Haryana, seems to be emerging as a haven for people involved in terrorist activities. After the arrest of multiple terror accused doctors working at the university in connection with the terror module and the blast, investigators have come across another terror accused associated with the varsity, who was involved in a series of blasts that happened in 2007 and 2008 across various Indian states. The terror accused is Mirza Shadab Baig, the main accused in the 2008 serial bombings in Delhi and Ahmedabad, who is on the run and is believed to be living in Pakistan.

Who is IM terrorist Mirza Shadab Baig

Mirza Shadab Baig is a native of Baridi Calganj village of the Azamgarh district, Uttar Pradesh. He is also said to have lived with his family in Raja ka Qila Mohalla in Azamgarh. Baig is an alumnus of Al Falah University. He completed his B.Tech. in Electronics and Instrumentation from the Al Falah Engineering College, Faridabad, Haryana, in 2007. His connection with the university was reportedly established by the investigating agencies after the 2008 Ahmedabad serial blasts, and now his association resurfaced amid the ongoing investigation in the terror module. Baig was last traced in Afghanistan in 2019 and carries a bounty of ₹1 lakh.

Mirza Shadab Baig in connected with the 2008 serial blasts

As per reports, Baig headed the Azamgarh module of the terrorist outfit Indian Mujahideen (IM)(formerly known as SIMI – Students Islamic Movement of India), whose founding members Riyaz Bhatkal (Riyaz Ismail Shahbandri) and Iqbal Bhatkal (Iqbal Shahbandri) are also believed to be in Pakistan. Baig, who briefly stayed in Saudi Arabia, played a key role in merging two terror groups: one from Azamgarh and the other from Delhi. He is also credited with recruiting several young people for terrorist activities.

Police records from he 2008 Delhi serial blasts reportedly show that Baig lived in the Zakir Nagar area of Delhi, where he used to host his terror associates and indoctrinate recruits with Jihadi ideology. He also conducted recce operations for the Delhi and Ahmedabad serial blasts and was directly involved in planting explosives at India Gate. His ID cards were found by the police in his rented accommodation in Zakir Nagar.

Baig’s terror network played a vital role in coordinating serial blasts in Delhi and Ahmedabad. In 2008, he travelled to Udupi, Karnataka, to obtain explosives for the Jaipur serial blasts. He provided a huge quantity of detonators to IM operatives Riyaz and Yasin Bhatkal. Baig was also among the conspirators of the German Bakery Blast case in Pune.

The serial explosions that jolted the entire country

The 2007 Gorakhpur serial blasts

In the years 2007 and 2008, the country witnessed a series of bomb blasts across some major cities, including the national capital. In May 2007, a blast occurred in Gorakhpur, Uttar Pradesh, in the Golghar Market area, located around 4 km away from the Gorakhnath Mandir. Three explosives packed in lunch boxes exploded in succession, leaving 6 people injured. The bomb blasts were carried out by IM and Harkat-ul-Jihad-al-Islami (HuJI). Notably, the then Samajwadi Party government in Uttar Pradesh unsuccessfully tried to withdraw the case against the two accused, Khalid Mujahid and his associate Tariq Qasmi, who were arrested for their involvement in the blast. The STF had recovered a large cache of explosives from their possession.

The 2008 Jaipur serial explosions

Next year, in May 2008, a series of 9 explosions, one after another, rocked Jaipur city in Rajasthan. Nine explosives detonated over busy marketplaces and tourist destinations such as Manak Chowk Khanda, Chandpole Gate, Badi Chaupad, Chhoti Chaupad, Tripolia Gate, Johri Bazar and Sanganeri Gate in 15 minutes. Authorities prevented another explosion by defusing another unexploded bomb that was found close to Chandpole Bazar. The bombings were executed with bicycles loaded with metal splinters, RDX, and ammonium nitrate to increase the number of casualties. Over 71 people were killed, and more than 185 were injured by the explosions. IM took the responsibility of the blasts, and the HuJI Bangladesh was also found to be involved during investigations. Four terrorists, Saifur Rehman, Mohammad Saif, Sarwar Azmi, and Mohammad Salman, were granted life sentences by a Jaipur special court in April this year. The mastermind of the explosions, Aatif Amin, was killed in September 2008 in Delhi during an encounter at Batla House.

The 2008 Ahmedabad multiple explosions

On 26th July 2008, a series of 21 successive bomb blasts wreaked havoc across the city of Ahmedabad. 21 explosions took place at 14 different locations in the city, including Khadia, Raipur, Sarangpur, Maninagar, Hatkeshwar Circle, Bapunagar, Thakkarbapa Nagar, Jawahar Chowk, Govindwadi, Isanpur, Narol, and Sarkhej in a span of 70 to 80 minutes. A big network of the Indian Mujahideen terrorists was exposed during the investigation of the blast. The Gujarat police had said that these explosions were executed as an attempt to take revenge for the 2002 post-Godhra riots. A total of 56 innocent citizens were killed in this attack, while 243 people were injured. Two of the explosions took place at the L. G. Hospital, Maninagar, and Ahmedabad Civil Hospital’s Trauma Centre, causing haunting visuals. In February 2022, a Gujarat court convicted 49 out of the total 77 accused in this case. 38 of the convicts were granted a death sentence, while the remaining 11 were sentenced to life imprisonment until death. 

The 2008 Delhi Serial Blasts

In September 2008, five synchronised explosions took place within a span of about 31 minutes at various busy and crowded locations in Delhi, including  Ghaffar market, Connaught Place and Barakhamba Road. Around 25 people were killed and over 90 were injured in the blasts. Four explosives were diffused by the police. IM took the responsibility for the blasts through an email. In the aftermath of the serial blasts, the Delhi Police hunted down the terrorists in the famous Batla House encounter, which was mourned by the Congress matriarch Sonia Gandhi.

The Batla House Encounter

Weeks after the 2008 serial blasts in the national capital, a team of seven Delhi Police officials, led by encounter specialist Mohan Chand Sharma, reached L-18, Batla House. The Police team was working on a specific input that some IM operatives wanted in serial blasts were hiding in Batla House in Jamia Nagar. An exchange of fire ensued between the police personnel and the terrorists in which Atif Ameen and Mohammad Sajid were killed. One of the terrorists, Mohammad Saif, was arrested while Shahzad and Junaid managed to escape. Unfortunately, Police Inspector Sharma was injured during the crossfire and later succumbed to his injuries. Head Constable Balwinder was also injured. One of the terrorists who escaped is believed to have become an ISIS recruiter.

Even though the country lost a brave cop in the Batla House encounter, it served the dual purpose of neutralising the terrorists and, at the same time, exposing the true colours of the Congress party and the entire Congress ecosystem, which started peddling conspiracy theories to suggest that the encounter was a false-flag operation. In the race to appease the Muslim community and whitewash Islamic terrorism, top politicians from major political parties, including the Congress, Trinamool Congress and Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) caste aspersions on the entire police action.

When the death of terrorists brought tears to Sonia Gandhi’s eyes

Congress heavyweight Digvijaya Singh outrightly claimed that the Batla House encounter was fake. Speaking during an election rally in Uttar Pradesh in 2012, Senior Congress leader Salman Khurshid went on to claim that Sonia Gandhi, the Congress President, cried bitterly after seeing the images of the slain terrorists. “When we showed Sonia Gandhi the images of the ‘incident’, she started crying bitterly and with folded hands, she said Please do not show me these pictures. Immediately go and speak to the Wazir-e-Azam (Dr Manmohan Singh) and discuss the matter. I talked to the PM and it was decided that the matter will be further investigated,” Khurshid said.

Congress ecosystem’s usual whitewashing of Islamic terrorism

While on one side, senior politicians tried to mislead the general public on the serial blasts and the subsequent police action, on the other hand, the so-called social activities ran a parallel smear campaign against the Narendra Modi government in Gujarat and the police action in the Batla House. The entire left ecosystem, as usual, blamed the security forces for failing to prevent the terrorist attacks and diverted attention from the main problem of Islamic terrorism.

A similar pattern of whitewashing the acts of Islamic terrorists and unfairly putting the blame on the government and the security forces was seen during the recent Red Fort blast. Soon after the blast, the Congress ecosystem became active and started justifying the act of terror. Unshockingly, Congress leader Husain Dalwai gave a clean chit to the terrorists behind the Red Fort blast and instead blamed the RSS for provoking the incident. Dalwai termed the blast as a “repercussion” of the “injustice” being inflicted in Jammu and Kashmir. He endorsed the opinion of the former J&K Chief Minister Mehbooba Mufti, who justified the attack, saying that the attack was carried out by terrorists frustrated with long-standing wrongs in the Valley.

Presidential reference case: Everything you need to know about the Supreme Court judgement on timelines for acting on bills, deemed assent and more

The Supreme Court on Thursday (20th November) struck down the timelines it had previously set for Governors and the President to act on Bills passed by state legislatures. The Constitution Bench held that prescribing rigid timelines or creating the idea of “deemed assent” amounts to overstepping judicial limits and interfering with the powers assigned to constitutional functionaries.

A Bench led by Chief Justice of India BR Gavai, along with Justices Surya Kant, Vikram Nath, PS Narasimha and Atul S Chandurkar, ruled that its earlier judgment from April, which required Governors and the President to take decisions within a fixed period, was “incorrect” and violated the Constitution’s separation of powers. 

The Court said that Articles 200 and 201, which deal with the assent process for state Bills, deliberately use flexible languages like “as soon as possible”, the court cannot convert this into strict deadlines. 

The Supreme Court also made it clear that the earlier concept of “deemed assent” which meant that a bill would automatically become law if the Governer of President failed to act in time, is unconstitutional. The Bench said this goes against the very structure of the Constitution, under which assenting to a Bill is a specific constitutional duty that cannot be bypassed or replaced by judicial orders. 

This ruling came in response to a Presidential Reference filed by President Droupadi Murmu under Article 143(1). She asked the Supreme Court to clarify whether the judiciary can impose timelines or create procedural rules for the Governor and President when the Constitution itself is silent.

The Supreme Court examined fourteen questions referred by the President. 

1. What are the constitutional options before a Governor when a Bill is presented to him under Article 200 of the Constitution of India?

The Court clarified the Governor has three clear options. They can give assent to the Bill, return the Bill to the legislature with comments for reconsideration, or reserve the Bill for the President’s consideration. The Bench emphasised that the Governor cannot “withhold assent” and simply sit on the Bill. If they choose to withhold assent, they must return it to the state legislature.

2. Is the Governor bound by the aid & advice tendered by the Council of Ministers while exercising all the options available with him when a Bill is presented before him under Article 200 of the Constitution of India?

No. The Court said that under Article 163, the Governor acts on the Cabinet’s advice except in matters where the Constitution gives them discretion. Assent to Bills is one such discretionary function. If the Governor were bound by the Cabinet in this process, they would never be able to return a Bill, because no Cabinet would advise against its own legislation.

3. Is the exercise of constitutional discretion by the Governor under Article 200 of the Constitution of India justiciable?

The Supreme Court clarified that courts cannot question the merits of why a Governor took a particular decision. That means, courts cannot review the wisdom of the decision. However, the Supreme Court ruled that “prolonged, unexplained, and indefinite inaction” is subject to judicial review. If a Governor sits on a Bill without taking any decision, the court can direct them to act.

4. Is Article 361 of the Constitution of India an absolute bar to the judicial review in relation to the actions of a Governor under Article 200 of the Constitution of India?

Article 361 gives personal immunity to Governors and the President, meaning they cannot be sued personally. But the Court said this immunity does not stop courts from examining the office of the Governor if there is constitutional silence or inaction. The immunity belongs to the person, not the constitutional role.

5. In the absence of a constitutionally prescribed time limit, and the manner of exercise of powers by the Governor, can timelines be imposed and the manner of exercise be prescribed through judicial orders for the exercise of all powers under Article 200 of the Constitution of India by the Governor?

No. The Constitution uses the phrase “as soon as possible”, and the Court said this flexibility is intentional. The judiciary cannot turn this into a fixed timeframe of one to three months. The April 2025 judgment was therefore incorrect.

6. Is the exercise of constitutional discretion by the President under Article 201 of the Constitution of India justiciable?

The Court said the President’s decision on a Bill reserved for their consideration cannot be reviewed on merits. Much like the Governor, the President’s decision-making discretion cannot be questioned by courts, except in cases of undue delay.

7. In the absence of a constitutionally prescribed timeline and the manner of exercise of powers by the President, can timelines be imposed and the manner of exercise be prescribed through judicial orders for the exercise of discretion by the President under Article 201 of the Constitution of India?

Again, the answer is no. The Supreme Court said it cannot prescribe deadlines for the President’s decision-making. Such timelines would interfere with constitutional design.

8. In light of the constitutional scheme governing the powers of the President, is the President required to seek advice of the Supreme Court by way of a reference under Article 143 of the Constitution of India and take the opinion of the Supreme Court when the Governor reserves a Bill for the President’s assent or otherwise?

No. The Court clarified that consulting the Supreme Court under Article 143 is completely discretionary. The President is not required to approach the Court for every Bill that is sent to them.

9. Are the decisions of the Governor and the President under Article 200 and Article 201 of the Constitution of India, respectively, justiciable at a stage anterior into the law coming into force? Is it permissible for the Courts to undertake judicial adjudication over the contents of a Bill, in any manner, before it becomes law?

No. Courts can review enacted laws, but not Bills. A Bill is not a law until it receives assent. So the Court cannot examine its contents at the pre-enactment stage.

10. Can the exercise of constitutional powers and the orders of/by the President/Governor be substituted in any manner under Article 142 of the Constitution of India?

No. The Court made it clear that Article 142, which allows the Supreme Court to do “complete justice”, cannot be used to override the Constitution. The idea of “deemed assent”, created by the April judgment, was rejected because it replaces the Governor’s constitutional role.

11. Is a law made by the State legislature a law in force without the assent of the Governor granted under Article 200 of the Constitution of India?

No, A bill becomes a law only after assent is granted. Without that, it has no legal existence. 

12. Is it mandatory for any Bench of the court to first decide whether the issues before it involve substantial questions of law that must be referred to a five-judge Bench under Article 145(3)?

The Court declined to answer. It said this question was irrelevant to the reference. Article 145(3) mandates that cases involving substantial interpretation of the Constitution be heard by at least five judges. The Court stated this query was irrelevant to the functional nature of the reference regarding legislative assent.

13. In view of the proviso to Article 145(3) of the Constitution of India, is it not mandatory for any bench of this Hon’ble Court to first decide as to whether the question involved in the proceedings before it is of such a nature which involves substantial questions of law as to the interpretation of constitution and to refer it to a bench of minimum five Judges?

The Court said the question was too broad but clarified one thing: Article 142 cannot be used to override provisions like Articles 200 and 201, which involve assent. The Governor’s constitutional role cannot be bypassed.

14. Does the Constitution bar any other jurisdiction of the Supreme Court to resolve disputes between the Union Government and the State Governments except by way of a suit under Article 131 of the Constitution of India?”

The Court declined to answer this question. Article 131 gives the Supreme Court original jurisdiction over disputes between the Centre and States. The Bench deemed this irrelevant to the specific issues regarding the Governor’s powers.

The background of the case

This reference to the Supreme Court came after President Droupadi Murmu, exercising the President’s power to consult the Supreme Court under Article 143(1) of the Constitution, referred a list of 14 questions to the Court seeking its advisory opinion on them. 

The controversy arose after a judgement delivered on 11th April by a two-judge Bench in the  case of State of Tamil Nadu v The Governor of Tamil Nadu & Anr. That ruling had set strict timelines for Governors to act on Bills and held that “constitutional silence” could not be used to delay the legislative process.

The April judgment said that Governors must act within “a reasonable time” and cannot indefinitely sit on Bills passedgover by elected legislatures. While acknowledging that Article 200 does not specify a timeframe, the Court nevertheless imposed its own: one month in some situations and three months in others. It even introduced a concept of “deemed assent” if the Governor or President failed to act within this period.

The verdict also said that the President’s decision under Article 201 must not be indefinitely delayed and should normally occur within three months.

This prompted the President to refer fourteen questions to the Supreme Court, asking whether these directions were constitutionally permissible, and whether imposing timelines or creating procedural mechanisms where the Constitution is silent amounts to judicial overreach.

Why the Supreme Court reconsidered the earlier judgement 

Following the April ruling, Solicitor General Tushar Mehta, representing the Union government, argued that the judiciart cannot direct a constitutional authority like the Governer in matters involving legislative discretion. Doing so, he said, would violate the principle of separation of powers. 

He also offered a hypothetical situation to explain why discretion is necessary: what if a State legislature passes a Bill declaring that the State no longer wants to be part of India? In such a case, the Governor must have the power to refuse assent.

Attorney General R. Venkataramani also told the Court that it is not the judiciary’s role to rewrite or “improve” Article 200. The structure of the Constitution, he said, intentionally gives the Governor some independent judgment.

Because of these concerns, the Constitution Bench was formed to review the matter and provide clear answers.

SIA raid at Kashmir Times: AK-47 cartridges and pistol rounds seized in Jammu office, even as liberals defend the newspaper accused of anti-national activities

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In a shocking development, several items related to firearms were recovered during a raid conducted by the State Investigation Agency (SIA) of the Jammu and Kashmir Police at the Jammu office of Kashmir Times on Thursday, 20th November morning. As per reports, AK-47 cartridges, pistol rounds and three grenade levers were recovered during the searches at thew newspaper’s office.

Officials said the raid was part of an ongoing investigation into activities that were found to be harmful to the interests of the country.

The SIA team arrived early at the English-language newspaper’s office and searched multiple sections, going through computers, digital devices, and documents. During the search, several materials were seized, and investigators confirmed the recovery of firearms from the premises.

A case has been registered against the newspaper and its promoters, including Executive Editor Anuradha Bhasin, under Section 13 of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) for promoting anti-national activities and spreading disaffection against the country. Sources said Anuradha Bhasin will be questioned by SIA officials about her links and her role in what investigators believe to be part of a coordinated publicity network.

Authorities described the operation as part of a broader crackdown on those involved in anti-terror propaganda. More summons and questioning sessions are expected in the coming days. The Kashmir Times, founded by veteran journalist Ved Bhasin and now run by his daughter Anuradha Bhasin, was under scrutiny earlier as well when its Srinagar office was sealed in 2020. The paper stopped its print edition a few years ago and has been operating solely in its digital format since.

Liberals rush to defend Kashmir Times

Soon after news of the raid broke, several journalists and activists rushed to defend Kashmir Times, framing the SIA action as an attack on press freedom rather than a security operation. Their social media responses drew sharp reactions.

Senior journalist Suhasini Haidar posted on X, “Criticising the government is not the same as being inimical to the state,” tagging the official handle of Kashmir Times.

Her statement suggested that the government was targeting the paper simply for being critical of its policies.

Meanwhile, Kashmir Times issued its own statement on X, writing, “SIA Raids: Another Attempt to Silence Us.” It called the accusations “baseless,” claimed that its Jammu office had been shut for four years, and described the raids as a “coordinated crackdown.” The post added that they had not received any formal notice or explanation from the authorities.

These reactions drew attention to how some media and political voices quickly portrayed the raid as a freedom-of-expression issue, even though firearms, pistols, and a grenade were reportedly recovered from the office.

Delhi Red Fort blast and linked investigations

Investigations are currently underway into the massive car blast that took place near Delhi’s Red Fort on 10th November. The explosion killed 13 people and injured more than two dozen. The prime accused behind the attack has been identified as Dr Umar un Nabi, a key member of a radicalised module that authorities say was planning larger acts of terror.

According to reports from the National Investigation Agency (NIA), the group was preparing to carry out a Hamas-style drone strike similar to the October 2023 assault in Israel. During interrogation and forensic checks, investigators discovered that the accused had been working on weaponising commercial drones and developing crude rockets to carry explosives.

NIA officials confirmed that another suspect, Jasir Bilal Wani alias Danish, was arrested in Srinagar for helping the module design long-endurance drones capable of carrying heavy explosive loads. He also reportedly helped modify drones to transmit live visuals during potential strikes. Investigators said the module wanted to weaponise drones for an aerial attack on a crowded area to cause mass casualties.

The NIA also found video material showing Umar un Nabi speaking about suicide bombing, calling it a “profound religious act” rather than an act of violence. The clip surfaced as part of the agency’s digital evidence collection and is being studied to understand the extremist motivations behind the Red Fort attack plan.

The agency continues to investigate links between the Delhi module and handlers in Jammu and Kashmir. Officials believe the same network may have had connections with groups attempting to spread propaganda through certain media channels that are now under scrutiny by the SIA.

US approves fresh Javelin missile deal with India: Everything you need to know about the $93 million package and why it matters

The United States has cleared a new $93 million weapons package for India on Wednesday (19th November), giving New Delhi access to another batch of Javelin anti-tank missiles and Excalibur precision-guided artillery rounds. The approval was announced after the Defence Security Cooperation Agency (DSCA) formally notified the US Congress about the proposed transfer. 

This is yet another forward step in deepening defence cooperation between the two countries at a time when India is upgrading its military capabilities to deal with modern battlefield challenges.

According to the DSCA, the fresh package includes 100 FGM-148 Javelin missiles, 25 lightweight command launch units, and 216 Excalibur artillery rounds. The request from India also covers lifecycle support, security inspections, operator training, refurbishment services for the launch units, and other elements needed to fully operate the systems. Washington said that India would have “no difficulty absorbing” the new equipment into its armed forces, given its experience with similar systems.

The agency also confirmed that the Javelin systems, jointly developed by RTX and Lockheed Martin, along with the Excalibur rounds will help India strengthen homeland defence and deter regional threats. The Excalibur sale alone is valued around $47 million, which brings the total package $93 million. 

At the same time, the DSCA stressed that the transfer will not upset the military balance in the region and that any potential offset agreements would be handled later between India and the defence manufacturers. 

What the new deal means for India

The DSCA said the sale fits directly into Washington’s broader foreign policy and security goals, particularly in the Indo-Pacific region. It noted that India remains and important defence partner and plays a major role in maintaining stability, peace and economic growth in South Asia. The new equipment, it added, will give Indian forces more accurate first-strike capability and improve their ability to respond to current and emerging threats. 

The US government also clarified that the deal will not require any additional American military or contractor personnel to be stationed in India. It will also have no negative impact on US defence readiness.

Understanding the FGM-148 Javelin missile

The FGM-148 Javelin is among the most widely used and battle-tested anti-tank guided missile systems in the world. It’s a man-portable, shoulder-fired weapon designed for the destruction of heavily armored targets: main battle tanks, bunkers, fortifications, and even low-flying helicopters. The missile entered service with the US military in 1996 and has since become a key part of infantry operations in several countries.

A Javelin missile fired from a U.S. Stryker Infantry Carrier Vehicle (Image via Lockheed Martin)

The particular popularity of the Javelin is based on its “fire-and-forget” capability. Once the missile is launched, it automatically tracks and hits the target with infrared guidance. The soldier operating the launcher does not have to guide it manually, nor does he need to stay exposed to enemy fire. In other words, this gives troops the freedom to fire the missile and immediately take cover or move to a safer location.

This missile came into the spotlight during the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine as Ukrainian forces used it extensively to destroy Russian T-72 and T-90 tanks. Its performance, proven in real combat, has given it a reputation as one of the best anti-tank weapons available in the world today.

The Javelin is also known for its top-attack mode: the missile climbs after its launch and then dives down on the target from above, hitting the tank’s roof, usually its weakest part. Its soft-launch system lets soldiers fire it safely from inside bunkers, buildings, or other enclosed spaces; it will be useful in both open-field and urban warfare.

Specifications and technical details

The FGM-148 Javelin is around 1.2 meters long, with a diameter of 127 mm, and weighs around 22.1 kg. The missile carries an 8.4 kg tandem-charge high-explosive anti-tank warhead, which is designed to pierce modern armour, including explosive reactive armour. Although exact penetration figures remain classified, US military documents say the Javelin is capable of cutting through armor well in excess of 762 millimeters of rolled homogeneous steel.

Its effective range is 2.5 km, extending to 4.5 km with a Lightweight Command Launch Unit (CLU) for most operational conditions. The missile cruises at a speed of about 140 m/s and at different altitudes with respect to the mode of firing, up to 150 meters in top-attack mode, or about 50 meters in direct attack mode.

The system utilizes a Command Launch Unit fitted with day and night sights. The infrared night sight features 4x and 9x magnification options, offering soldiers the ability to detect targets even in poor visibility. The CLU itself weighs 6.4 kg and can also be used independently as a surveillance device.

Image via CSIS

Javelin’s soft launch mechanism prevents missile exhaust from hitting the operator, enables fires from inside confined spaces and buildings, lowers recoil for shoulder-launched fires, and minimizes launch smoke trails that indicate launch locations and invite counterfire.

The weapon is shoulder-fired but can also be mounted on light vehicles. It takes roughly one minute to reload and reacquire a target, and only about 72 hours of classroom training is needed to become a qualified operator, much quicker than older systems like the M47 Dragon, which required up to 10 days.

How Javelin missiles will strengthen India’s Armed forces

For the Indian military, the addition of Javelin missiles brings several advantages that fit well into its current defence needs. India is steadily upgrading its infantry capabilities, especially to counter the growing presence of enemy armoured vehicles along sensitive borders. The Javelin’s ability to destroy heavily armoured tanks from long distances gives Indian troops a major edge during combat. 

The Javelin’s battlefield performance has already been proven in Ukraine, where it played a major role in neutralising Russian tanks. Its top-attack capability is especially important for India, as it allows soldiers to strike modern armoured vehicles in a way that bypasses their strongest frontal armour.

The missile’s soft-launch mechanism and fire-and-forget technology also make it suitable for India’s varied terrain, whether soldiers are positioned in mountain areas along the northern borders or operating in dense urban environments. The ability to fire from enclosed spaces gives Indian soldiers more flexibility and safety during operations.

The DSCA stated that the procurement will “improve India’s capability to meet current and future threats by providing precision capability equipment, which will increase first strike accuracy in its brigades.” The agency added that India will be able to integrate the systems easily into its existing force structure.

Overall, the Javelin systems and Excalibur rounds will not only improve India’s ground combat strength but also deepen military ties between India and the United States, an important partnership for the stability of the Indo-Pacific region. 

How Assam CM Himanta Biswa Sarma helped Nitish Kumar formulate the Rs 10,000 scheme for women: Inside NDA’s stunning Bihar victory

The Mukhyamantri Mahila Rojgar Yojana, which helped deposit Rs 10,000 each into the accounts of 1.5 crore women in Bihar before the elections, is being counted as one of the key reasons behind the NDA’s big win in the state. Much of the credit for this popular “das-hazari” scheme, as it came to be known, goes to Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, who helped shape the plan in coordination with the Nitish Kumar government.

Sarma said that it was Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s dream of making three crore “lakhpati didis” that inspired the idea. At the request of JD(U) national working president Sanjay Jha, Sarma sent his team of officers to Bihar about five months ago to make a presentation before senior officials, including the then Chief Secretary Amrit Lal Meena and current Chief Secretary Pratyaya Amrit.

The presentation was based on Assam’s “Jeevika Rs 10,000 model” and later became the base of the Mukhyamantri Mahila Rojgar Yojana.

While JD(U) acknowledges Sarma’s contribution, the party describes the scheme as a result of collective ideation. JD(U) chief spokesperson Neeraj Kumar said it was an expansion of Bihar’s existing plan, the Satat Jeevikoparjan Yojana, under which people from certain traditional occupations were already being given Rs 10,000 to shift to new sources of income, along with additional help of up to Rs 2 lakh to start small businesses.

According to a BJP leader who attended the Assam officials’ presentation, Sarma’s team suggested that Rs 10,000 should be offered to women as seed money to help them come up with a business idea. After further discussions by Bihar bureaucrats, it was decided that an additional loan of up to Rs 2 lakh could be given to each woman, provided she or her husband was not a taxpayer, depending on the viability of her plan.

Sarma said Assam’s experience with its own women empowerment project, the “Arunoday” scheme, had also inspired other state initiatives. He mentioned that Madhya Pradesh’s popular “Ladli Behna Scheme,” which gave Rs 1,000 per month to women, was also modelled on Assam’s program. That scheme helped the BJP return to power in the Madhya Pradesh Assembly elections in 2023.

JD(U) leaders said that the idea for a women-focused plan became urgent after RJD’s Tejashwi Yadav announced the “Maa Bahin Maan Yojana,” which promised Rs 2,500 per month to every woman if the Mahagathbandhan came to power. With women seen as strong supporters of Nitish Kumar, the NDA wanted a program that could both empower women and appeal to this voter base.

Nitish Kumar himself had been under some pressure to follow up on promises made when he was leading the Mahagathbandhan government in 2023. At the time, he had said that after the caste survey report, one member from every economically weak family earning below Rs 6,000 a month would be given Rs 2 lakh each year. With opposition parties questioning the delay on that front, the new scheme came as a major move ahead of the election.

Neeraj Kumar said the “das-hazari” scheme was an improved and broader version of the older programs that Bihar had been running in partnership with the central government’s National Rural Livelihood Mission. BJP spokesperson Kumkum Bhardwaj added that the credit should also go to the Modi government at the Centre since Jeevika programs in states are funded through the NRLM.

She said the Pradhan Mantri Jan-Dhan Yojana laid the foundation for real financial inclusion of women, while NRLM became the backbone of their economic empowerment.

Bhardwaj described the initiative as the beginning of a new period of women-led growth under Prime Minister Modi’s leadership. “This is a renaissance, with India’s women at the heart of the country’s economic progress,” she said.

However, the Opposition questioned the timing of the scheme, pointing out that around 1.21 crore women received Rs 10,000 just before the election code of conduct came into effect, while another 30 lakh women got the money after the polls were announced.

Jan Suraaj leader Prashant Kishor, reacting to his party’s poor performance in the Assembly polls, said that government resources, including Jeevika workers, were used during the campaign to attract voters. He claimed that in every Assembly seat, 60,000 to 62,000 people were promised Rs 10,000 immediately and another Rs 2 lakh later, and officials told them these benefits would continue only if the NDA came back to power.

Kerala: Mother and stepfather attempt to lure minor into ISIS; face stringent UAPA charges in Thiruvananthapuram

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On 14th November, a fresh case of ISIS recruitment emerged from Thiruvananthapuram, Kerala, adding to the state’s troubling history of radicalisation attempts. According to media reports, a mother and her second husband have been booked under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act as they attempted to push their 16-year-old son to join the Islamic State terrorist organisation.

An FIR has been registered at the Venjaramoodu Police Station on the complaint of the relatives of the boy, who accused his mother and stepfather of showing him ISIS videos when he was in the UK. An investigation into the matter has been initiated following the FIR and the National Investigation Agency (NIA) is also collecting intelligence inputs.

Mother and stepfather pushed teen to join ISIS

According to the police, the boy, who hails from the woman’s first marriage, travelled with her and her second husband, Ansar, to the United Kingdom in 2021. It was during that time the couple tried to push him to join ISIS. The boy told investigators that his mother and stepfather repeatedly showed him ISIS propaganda videos and pressured him to study the organisation’s ideology. They forced him to consider joining the terrorist outfit. The coercion attempts reportedly created friction within the household and the teenager resisted the extremist ideas being pushed on him.

The return to Kerala

After spending several years in the UK, the family returned to Kerala earlier this year. Soon after their arrival, the mother and stepfather admitted the child to a madarsa in Attingal. Media reports quoted unnamed police sources suggesting that the couple then left the country again and the boy stayed at the madarsa.

Behavioural changes noticed at the madarsa

It was at the Attingal madarsa that the first red flags were raised. Authorities at the institution observed a sudden and worrying change in the teenager’s behaviour. There were patterns that deviated from routine conduct and indicated distress. The institution informed the child’s relatives in Kerala and alerted them about the boy’s abnormal behaviour, suggesting he needed immediate attention. This communication became the turning point that eventually brought the matter before the police.

Child’s reletives filed complaint

Following the communication from the madarsa, the boy’s relatives visited him. They were shocked by what he told them about the attempts his parents made to push him to join ISIS. They immediately approached the Venjaramoodu Police Station with concerns about whether the teenager had been exposed to extremist content.

Police swung into action and questioned the child. He directly accused his mother and stepfather of attempting to push him to join ISIS by showing him propaganda videos. His statement became the basis for the UAPA case.

Investigators are being cautious

The FIR has been registered at the Venjaramoodu Police Station under various sections of the UAPA. Superintendent of Police KS Sudarsan said that the FIR has been registered on the teenager’s complaint. The investigators are verifying the claims made by the complainant before moving ahead. As the matter is related to an international terrorist organisation, and considering the previous cases of radicalisation in the state, the investigators are being cautious and carrying out the investigation in a confidential manner to determine if it is related to a broader international radicalisation network.

What teenager’s statement revealed

Kerala Police believe, based on the teenager’s initial statement, that the alleged coercion occurred entirely during the family’s stay in the United Kingdom. The boy told the police that there was repeated exposure to ISIS videos. His stepfather glorified extremist ideology and pressured him to join the terror group.

NIA has begun collecting intelligence inputs

Various units of the state police are mapping the family’s movements, digital activity and overseas associations. Meanwhile, the NIA has begun gathering information at a preliminary level. The agency has not taken over the case as of now. Kerala has witnessed multiple ISIS recruitment attempts in the past decade, and security agencies have been on heightened alert due to inputs suggesting renewed activity among banned organisations.

Kerala’s previous encounters with ISIS recruitment attempts and sleeper-cell alerts

Kerala has remained under the scanner of national security agencies due to repeated instances of individuals joining, attempting to join or being recruited by ISIS-linked networks. From cases involving youth from Kasaragod joining the Islamic State to multiple arrests linked to online radicalisation, the state has been navigating a persistent pattern of extremist influence. Reports of sleep cells active in Kerala also raised concerns in 2021.

The ISIS involvement in Kerala was initially traced in 2013. As early as 2014, ISIS established roots in Kerala, with modules encouraging religious conversions and aiming to attract professionals to join its troops in Afghanistan and Syria. Plenty of Kerala men and women are said to have joined the ISKP (Islamic State of Khorasan Province) in recent years. The United Nations warned in its 2020 terrorism report that there are a substantial number of ISIS terrorists in the Indian state of Kerala.

The banned terrorist organization Popular Front of India (PFI) is by large responsible for making Kerala a hotbed of ISIS recruitments. The radicalization of Muslim youths and the conversion of non-Muslims to Islam was spearheaded by the PFI terrorists. This was also cited in a report filed by the National Investigation Agency in front of a court in Kochi in September 2022.

The manufactured outrage over Amar Sonar Bangla shows how Bengal’s cultural icons have become convenient shields for Mamata’s political insecurities

The political theatre in West Bengal has never lacked melodrama, but the recent uproar over Rabindranath Tagore’s Amar Sonar Bangla sets a new bar for absurdity. A state that once prided itself on intellectualism now seems content with emotional manipulation every time the Trinamool Congress senses its ground slipping. And in the most predictable move imaginable, a simple question from the BJP about the political use of a cultural composition has triggered Mamata Banerjee into her favourite performance: the teary-eyed guardian of Bengali pride crying that the “BJP hates Bengal.”

The moment the controversy began, the usual script unfolded. TMC leaders launched their customary shrill accusations, and their friendly media outlets rushed to paint the BJP as a cultural outsider trying to defile Bengal’s sacred icons. The argument is tired and hollow, but TMC relies on it because it works. A commentary in The Quint followed this pattern exactly, portraying Mamata Banerjee as the protector of Bengali pride while depicting the BJP as a clumsy intruder. What it conveniently ignores, however, is that no political party has trivialized Bengal’s cultural heritage as consistently as the TMC. From Tagore to Nazrul to Bankim, these icons are brought out only when the ruling party needs emotional camouflage. The Amar Sonar Bangla uproar is simply their newest diversion.

For a party that has overseen industrial decline, rampant corruption, and deteriorating law and order, the TMC desperately needs distractions. That is why every time hard questions arise unemployment, syndicate activities, political violence Mamata instinctively retreats into the same stale emotional refuge. She does not present data, policy, or accountability. She presents hurt sentiments. She finds a cultural symbol, claims it is under attack, and demands that everyone look the other way. This time, she has chosen Amar Sonar Bangla, a Tagore masterpiece that is also the national anthem of Bangladesh. The BJP’s entirely reasonable inquiry about whether political rallies should invoke a neighbouring nation’s anthem was twisted instantly into an existential threat to Bengal’s identity. The outrage is not organic; it is manufactured, calculated, and cynically executed.

Let’s be very clear: Tagore does not belong to the TMC. Tagore does not belong to any political party. He is a national figure, a global figure, and a towering intellectual whose work transcends modern partisan opportunism. But Mamata’s supporters behave as though Tagore is a private asset of the TMC, to be brandished whenever the party needs to silence its critics. The same government that panics when anyone mentions Bangladesh in a political context has no problem courting Islamist organizations, engaging in selective vote-bank theatrics, and inventing bizarre cultural purity tests. When the TMC does it, they call it secular. When the BJP questions it, they scream “anti-Bengal.” The hypocrisy is breath-taking.

What the TMC’s reaction really reveals is insecurity. A confident party does not rely on emotional hostage-taking. A confident leader does not weaponize culture to cover administrative failures. Mamata Banerjee, however, has turned this into an art form. Whenever cornered, she does not talk about jobs, investment, safety, or governance. Instead, she performs. She sings poems, quotes Tagore, and unleashes dramatic accusations that Bengal’s culture is being assassinated by outsiders. It works because subnational pride is a soft spot easy to exploit, easy to manipulate. And the TMC has mastered that manipulation.

In contrast, the BJP’s biggest strategic mistake in Bengal may not be insensitivity but restraint. For years, it has attempted to engage Bengal on development, infrastructure, and national issues. Meanwhile, the TMC thrives on sentimental theatrics and emotional blackmail. In such an environment, even a mild question from the BJP becomes fodder for hysterical narratives of cultural “invasion.” The party is attacked not for what it says, but for daring to speak at all.

The tragedy is that as the state drowns in these artificially inflated cultural wars, Bengal’s real concerns are shoved aside. Industries continue to exit. Youth unemployment grows. Corruption allegations pile up. Political violence remains a grim routine. Yet none of these issues dominate public discourse because the ruling party ensures that the conversation never leaves identity politics. Who cares about factories when you can accuse the BJP of disrespecting Tagore? Who needs accountability when emotional outrage is easier to manufacture?

The truth is that cultural nationalism is not the problem. What Bengal suffers from is selective cultural nationalism a version that allows TMC leaders to declare themselves sole custodians of “authentic Bengali identity” while dismissing every opposing voice as foreign or hostile. This is not pride; it is cultural gatekeeping. It is political insecurity hidden behind Tagore’s silhouette. And it insults the very culture it claims to protect.

Bengal deserves better than this spectacle. It deserves leaders who do not treat its icons as political shields. It deserves a political environment where cultural expressions are celebrated, not manipulated. It deserves debates about future possibilities, not constant panic about imagined cultural threats. The Amar Sonar Bangla controversy is not about Tagore, not about culture, not about pride; it is about a ruling party that has mastered emotional distraction to avoid being held accountable for a decade of misgovernance.

The sooner Bengal recognizes that its cultural heritage is being used as a prop in this theatre of insecurity, the sooner it can reclaim its genuine legacy not one of fragility and victimhood, but one of courage, clarity, and intellectual honesty.

SC overturns its earlier order mandating demolition of infrastructural projects constructed without environment clearance: Read what the top court said

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The Supreme Court, on Tuesday (18th November), overturned its earlier judgment passed on 16th May, which declared the grant of ex-post facto or retrospective Environmental Clearances (ECs) by the Centre to building projects and constructions a “gross illegality” and an “anathema”. In the impugned judgment, the Apex Court had directed the demolition of public projects worth ₹20,000 crore, which had received ex-post facto ECs after paying a penalty. The projects included AIIMS in Odisha, a greenfield airport in Karnataka, and a huge effluent treatment plant.

The review order of a bench of Chief Justice of India BR Gavai and Justices K Vinod Chandran and Ujjal Bhuyan, with a 2:1 majority, was delivered in a review petition filed by the Confederation of Real Estate Developers’ Associations of India (CREDAI) seeking recall of the previous Supreme Court verdict. The impugned order annulled a notification, dated March 14, 2017, issued by the then Ministry of Environment and Forest (now the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change), which provided for ex-post facto ECs.

Demolition of public projects would cause hardships

The petitioner contentioned, inter alia, that the judgment would result in extreme hardships, including shutting down and demolition of already completed and operational infrastructural projects. The Solicitor General Tushar Mehta, appearing for the Steel Authority of India (Union Government), submitted before the Apex Court the details of central projects worth Rs 8,293 crore and another 29 projects worth Rs 11,169 crore in states, which have already received EIA (environmental impact assessment) clearance, are lagging due to a lack of final EC. He added that if these projects are demolished, it would have a devastating impact on public interest and the exchequer.

Demolition of large buildings will add to pollution and loss of public money: CJI Gavai

To arrive at the decision, CJI Gavai examined the question, “Whether it would be in the public interest to demolish all such projects and permit the money spent from the pocket of the public exchequer to go in the dustbin?” CJI Gavai allowed the petition, noting that it the earlier judgment of the court is not recalled, it will lead to the demolition of various buildings/projects constructed out of public exchequer to the tune of nearly ₹20,000 crore. “If the judgment under review is not recalled, it will have serious consequences in terms of demolition of projects which are either completed or about to be completed soon and which are of vital public importance constructed out of the public exchequer… and thousands of crores of rupees would go to waste,” CJI Gavai remarked, adding that demolition of a large number of buildings would create more pollution.

He pointed out that the earlier judgment of the Supreme Court suffered from a contradiction, as on one hand it permitted mining companies to halt their operations, seek ex-post facto ECs and then resume operations after paying compensation, and on the other hand, it straightaway ordered the demolition of public projects that obtained ex-post facto ECs after paying adequate penalty. Concurring with the CJI’s opinion, Justice K Chandran observed that the judgment under review was per incuriam as it did not take into account the aspects of the power conferred under the Environment Protection Act, 1986 (EP Act) and the legal principles regarding an undertaking given in derogation of the statutory provisions.

Justice Bhuyan wrote a dissenting opinion, criticising the majority’s decision

Justice Bhuyan, who was part of the bench that delivered the impugned verdict, penned a strong and lengthy dissent. Criticising the majority opinion, Justice Bhuyan termed the review judgment as a “step in retrogression”. “It is unfortunate that a false narrative is being created, pitting the environment against development… Environmental law cannot countenance the notion of an ex post facto clearance. This is contrary to both the precautionary principle as well as the need for sustainable development,” Justice Bhuyan said.

I would like to painfully observe that the deadly Delhi smog reminds us everyday about the hazards of environmental pollution. Supreme Court, as the highest constitutional court of the country has the duty and obligation under the Constitution of India and the laws framed thereunder to safeguard the environment. It cannot be seen backtracking on the sound environmental jurisprudence that has evolved in this country, that too, on a review petition filed by persons who have shown scant regard for the rule of law,” he strongly remarked.