The Apex Court on Wednesday (4th June) dismissed an appeal filed by Delhi Waqf Board claiming possession of a Gurudwara. The Waqf Board had appealed to the Supreme Court against an order of Delhi High Court which rejected its plea in 2010.
A bench of Justices Sanjay Karol and Satish Chandra Sharma, dismissed the Waqf Board’s appeal and said that the Waqf Board should voluntarily renounce its claim over the Gurudwara. Arguing for the Waqf Board, Senior Advocate Sanjoy Ghose, submitted before the Supreme Court that the lower courts had held that the premises were a mosque but “now some kind of Gurudwara is there”.
“Not some kind of. A proper functioning Gurudwara. Once there is a Gurudwara let it be. A religious structure is already functioning there. You should yourself relinquish that claim you see,” said the Supreme Court dismissing the appeal.
The Waqf Board contended that the premises in question was actually a mosque in Shahadara named “Masjid Takia Babbar Shah” which existed since time immemorial. The defendant, on the other hand, argued that the property was not a Waqf property and that he bought it from one Mohd Ahsaan in 1953.
Earlier, the Delhi High Court had passed an order in favour of the Gurudwara saying, “Defendant was admittedly in occupation of this property since 1947-48. It is also true that the defendant was not able to adduce any document of title to evidence the purchase of this property, yet this does not in any manner benefit the plaintiff who has to establish his own case and prove it to enable him to obtain a decree of possession.”
In a disturbing incident in Srinivasapura town in the Kola district of Karnataka, an 80-year-old woman was found raped and murdered on Monday (2nd June). Police have arrested a 37-year-old man named Baba Jaan, a resident of Gaffar Khan Mohalla in Srinivasapura, in connection with the crime. He also robbed ₹15,000 from the victim. The accused has been remanded to judicial custody, as per reports.
Victim had gone to visit a church
Police found the dumped body of the octagenarian at a garage near an open field on Mulbagal Road in Srinivasapura. A preliminary investigation revealed that she was raped before being killed.
The victim had reportedly left home a couple of days ago. She had told her family that she was going to visit the church at Srinivasapura. After staying in Srinivasapura for two days, she was leaving for home on Monday. The accused met her when she was waiting for a bus.
Accused confessed to committing the crime
Before targeting her, the accused first ensured that she was alone by talking to her. He then lifted her and took her to an isolated place where he raped her before strangling her to death. He also robbed Rs 15,000 from her bag.
The accused was identified by the police after examining the CCTV footage from a nearby shop in which he was seen lifting the victim and rushing away with her. The accused was reportedly nabbed when he visited the crime scene after the committing the crime. He later confessed that he committed the crime to rob the victim’s money and jewellery.
As floodwaters rise and landslides cut off entire communities, the Indian Armed Forces have launched an all-out humanitarian operation across the Northeast. Under the banner of Operation Jal Rahat-II, troops from the Army, Air Force, Assam Rifles, NDRF, SDRF and local administration are carrying out intense rescue and relief missions in multiple states including Manipur, Assam, Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh.
On 1st June, Indian Army and Assam Rifles troops under Spear Corps carried out relief operations in Tripura, South Assam and Jiribam, Manipur rescuing 100 civilians.
Troops of #IndianArmy and #AssamRifles under #SpearCorps carried out flood relief operations in #Tripura, South #Assam and Jiribam, #Manipur in coordination with the civil administration and rescued over 100 civilians from inundated areas.
— SpearCorps.IndianArmy (@Spearcorps) May 31, 2025
From Imphal to Itanagar, the forces are in action
Reportedly, over 1.6 lakh people have been affected in Manipur’s Imphal Valley alone. 944 civilians were rescued on just the third day of the operation. In Assam and Sikkim, similar efforts are underway in flood-hit zones where waterlogging and road blockades have left thousands stranded.
On Day-2 of Operation JalRahat-2, the #IndianArmy and Assam Rifles continued extensive rescue efforts across #Imphal East and West, evacuating over 500 civilians, from severely waterlogged areas of Wangkhei, Heingang, Lamlong, Khurai, JNIMS, and… https://t.co/1yOpR1huQepic.twitter.com/rIVBbkTl8k
In a post on X on 2nd June, Indian Army informed that on Day 2 of Operation Jal Rahat-II, Indian Army and Assam Rifles continued extensive rescue efforts across Imphal East and West. The armed forces evacuated over 500 civilians from severely waterlogged areas of Wangkhei, Heingang, Lamlong, Khurai, JNIMS, and Ahallup.
FUrthermore, at JNIMS Hospital, Army boats ferried stranded patients to safety. Nearly 800 bottles of drinking water and other essential supplies were distributed to displaced families across affected zones.
Indian Air Force also extended support in the operation. In a post on X, the Air Force wrote, “In response to the devastating landslides in Sikkim, #IndianAirForce Mi-17 helicopters rapidly launched HADR Ops—airdropping relief supplies, inserting NDRF teams, and evacuating 33 stranded individuals, including two US nationals, from the remote Chaten region. IAF remains committed to saving lives.”
In response to the devastating landslides in Sikkim, #IndianAirForce Mi-17 helicopters rapidly launched #HADR Ops—airdropping relief supplies, inserting NDRF teams, and evacuating 33 stranded individuals, including two US nationals, from the remote Chaten region. #IAF remains… pic.twitter.com/WGmHbKQTph
Medical camps, food and water supply across states
Dedicated medical camps have been established in multiple relief centres, including one at Wangkhei Angom Leikai, treating over 250 people. Food packets and over 4,000 water bottles have been distributed across camps in different states.
The Indian Air Force has been air-dropping emergency supplies to inaccessible areas. Special attention is being paid to children, the elderly, and chronically ill patients across all states.
On 2nd June, Eastern Command of Indian Army informed on X that 1000 civilians were rescued from the flood affected areas. They said, “Braving the calamitous weather and relentless rains, troops employed plant machinery to open highways blocked due to landslides. Food, water, medicine and shelter is being provided to all affected people as the operations continue.”
According to PRO Defence, Manipur, Nagaland & South Arunachal, 1560 people have been rescued. 584 from Wangkhei, 569 from JNIMS Hospital, 110 from Khaitai Chingangbam Leikai, 115 from Laishram Leikai, 65 from Lamlong and 75 from Heijang.
Amidst relentless rains and widespread flooding in Imphal Valley, the #IndianArmy has launched a massive relief and rescue mission across the region since 31 May 2025. Operating under extremely challenging conditions, Army columns have evacuated… pic.twitter.com/7gBrivmwte
— PRO Defence, Manipur, Nagaland & South Arunachal (@prodefkohima) June 3, 2025
As the rains continue, Operation Jal Rahat-II stands as a testament to the Indian forces’ resolve, bringing relief, hope, and healing to a region in crisis.
India has vehemently opposed any Asian Development Bank financing support to Pakistan, raising serious concerns about potential misuse of development funds for military expenditure and questioning Pakistan’s commitment to economic reforms.
According to sources, India expressed deep reservations to the ADB about Pakistan’s deteriorating fiscal performance, declining tax collection, and suspected diversion of international development funds toward defence spending rather than development priorities.
India highlighted Pakistan’s alarming fiscal trends as evidence of misplaced priorities. Pakistan’s tax collection as a share of GDP plummeted from 13.0% in FY2018 to just 9.2% in FY2023 – far below the Asia-Pacific average of 19.0%. Despite this revenue decline, Pakistan significantly increased defence expenditure during the same period.
“The linkage between Pakistan’s increase in expenditure on its military, as opposed to development, cannot be fully explained solely in terms of its domestic resource mobilisation,” sources told ANI. India warned that this pattern suggests possible diversion of funds from international financial institutions, particularly through fungible debt financing instruments like Policy-Based Loans.
India urged ADB management to adequately ring-fence financing to prevent such misuse of development resources.
India questioned the effectiveness of previous ADB and IMF programs, noting that Pakistan has approached the International Monetary Fund for its 24th bailout program despite years of institutional support. This track record, India argued, calls into question both program design and implementation by Pakistani authorities.
Sources pointed to Pakistan’s military’s entrenched interference in economic affairs as a fundamental obstacle to sustainable reforms. “Even when a civilian government is in power now, the army continues to play an outsized role in domestic politics and extends its tentacles deep into the economy,” India noted, highlighting the military’s leading role in Pakistan’s Special Investment Facilitation Council.
India expressed strong reservations about Pakistan’s governance system, describing it as “a continuing severe threat to regional peace and security.” The country’s policy of cross-border terrorism has worsened regional security and significantly escalated Pakistan’s macroeconomic risks, thereby heightening enterprise risks for the ADB.
India criticised Pakistan’s unsatisfactory progress on critical Financial Action Task Force (FATF) action items, particularly regarding terrorist financing investigations, prosecution of UN-designated terrorist group leaders, and freezing of criminal assets.
India argued that Pakistan’s heavy reliance on external support for policy reforms undermines local ownership and creates a dangerous dependency cycle. “Policy reforms in Pakistan have been largely driven by external support from IFIs, including ADB, in recent years,” sources said, warning this approach lacks sustainability.
Beyond development effectiveness, India raised concerns that Pakistan’s creditworthiness poses risks to ADB’s own financial health. Pakistan’s continued reliance on external debt, combined with its high debt-to-GDP ratio and poor credit rating, raises questions about the long-term sustainability of future exposures.
“India urged ADB to be vigilant to safeguard the bank’s financial health and long-term prospects,” sources said, emphasising the need for careful risk assessment given Pakistan’s economic fragility.
India’s comprehensive opposition comes as the ADB evaluates potential financing programs for Pakistan. The bank has not yet responded to India’s concerns, but the objections could complicate Pakistan’s efforts to secure additional development funding at a time when the country faces severe economic challenges.
India expects the ADB to closely monitor the implementation of any policy matrix to achieve intended outcomes and prevent misuse of development resources for non-development purposes.
(This news report is published from a syndicated feed. Except for the headline, the content has not been written or edited by OpIndia staff)
The Gandhi scion and his party has once more supplied Pakistan with ammunition to target India through their statements in order to gain some brownie points. Rahul Gandhi supported President Donald Trump’s assertion of mediating between New Delhi and Islamabad, which was categorically dismissed by India and subsequently exposed when his tariffs were annulled by a United States court.
Meanwhile, Congress also backed the same through a humiliating meme depicting Prime Minister Narendra Modi as receiving instructions from Trump to declare a ceasefire which was depicted as “surrender.”
The media in Pakistan quickly seized upon the opportunity provided by India’s largest opposition party and utilized them to advance their malicious narrative. A journalist on popular Geo.tv stated, “Congress was already criticing PM Modi’s silence over Trump’s claims of mediating ceasefire between India and Pakistan. Now, they have also started poking fun at him.” He then described the derogatory meme posted by official Congress handle and also showed the video in which Rahul Gandhi mocked PM Modi.
And it has happened yet again.
Pakistani Media is playing Rahul Gandhi's and Congress's narrative of "Surrender"
— Politics Pe Charcha (@politicscharcha) June 4, 2025
“India’s opposition is raising questions about whether the ceasefire was initiated at Pakistan’s request rather than as a result of Trump’s proposal. If that is the case, why did the government agree to it, especially since we were winning the war? If this is not accurate, then the claims made by the centre are misleading,” the anchor added throwing light on the petty politics of opposition leaders even in critical times.
“A call came from Trump and Narendraji immediately surrendered. History is witness to this. This is the character of the BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party) and RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh). I am well aware of the BJP and RSS people. Apply a little pressure and they run away in fear,” Leader of the Opposition of Lok Sabha claimed at an event in Bhopal on 3rd June.
ट्रंप का एक फोन आया और नरेंद्र जी तुरंत surrender हो गए – इतिहास गवाह है, यही BJP-RSS का character है, ये हमेशा झुकते हैं।
भारत ने 1971 में अमेरिका की धमकी के बावजूद पाकिस्तान को तोड़ा था। कांग्रेस के बब्बर शेर और शेरनियां Superpowers से लड़ते हैं, कभी झुकते नहीं। pic.twitter.com/RhdQWdRBtV
“Narendraji followed Trump who directed ‘Narender, surrender’ and he replied ‘yes, sir’,” the Raebareli MP jibed. “India broke Pakistan in 1971 despite threat of America. Lions and lionesses of Congress fight against superpowers and never bow down,” he added while drawing parallels with Bangladesh liberation war.
Notably, OpIndia already reported how Rahul Gandhi’s dangerous remarks will offer more fodder to the Islamic Republic for propaganda. His fallacious accusations against foreign minister S Jaishankar and his remarks that called into question the outcome of “Operation Sindoor,” were also reported by Pakistan.
“EAM (External Affairs Minister) Jaishankar’s silence isn’t just telling, it’s damning. So I’ll ask again: How many Indian aircraft did we lose because Pakistan knew? This wasn’t a lapse. It was a crime. And the nation deserves the truth,” he claimed on social media. “Informing Pakistan at the start of our attack was a crime. EAM has publicly admitted that GOI (Government of India) did it. Who authorised it,” he alleged in another post.
Jaishankar had conveyed, “At the start of the operation, we had sent a message to Pakistan saying we are striking at terrorist infrastructure. We are not striking at the military. So, the military has an option of standing out and not interfere in this process. They chose not to take this good advice.”
However, his statement was twisted by Congress and its stalwart. The Pakistani media promptly latched onto Rahul Gandhi’s post, declaring a false victory and attempted to portray “Operation Sindoor” as a defeat for India.
In the popular imagination, the Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs) have long stood as temples of technical excellence—producing engineers, scientists, and innovators who have powered India’s progress and made their mark globally. But behind the gleaming façade of STEM success, a silent ideological takeover is underway—particularly within the humanities and social sciences departments that have taken root in these institutions. What began as a noble attempt to integrate liberal arts into technical education has devolved into a machinery of ideological indoctrination, often at odds with India’s civilisational ethos and national interest.
An X thread by a social media user provides a glimpse into what’s ailing India’s premier technical institutes, where STEM education is increasingly being sidelined in favour of humanities and political activism.
Professor of Humanities (Policy Studies) at IIT Bombay. Our IITs have become trash due to humanities departments.
Case study: Anupam Guha — AI researcher or political activist?
One of the most glaring examples of this phenomenon is Anupam Guha, an Assistant Professor at the Ashank Desai Centre for Policy Studies at IIT Bombay. While Guha’s academic focus is on Artificial Intelligence, AI policy, and the future of labour as the official website of IIT Bombay describes him, his public statements on social media reveal a deep-seated ideological commitment to Marxist and far-left politics—often manifesting in open hostility towards Indian sovereignty, capitalism, and democratic processes.
In a recent tweet, Guha heaped praise on MIT student Megha Vemuri for using her graduation ceremony to launch a vitriolic anti-Israel tirade. Rather than maintaining the intellectual neutrality expected of a taxpayer-funded educator, Guha lionized her act as brave and exemplary, admitting he lacked the “courage” to do something similar in his youth.
Source: X
This wasn’t an isolated incident. Guha has also publicly endorsed an article branding the abrogation of Article 370—an act passed by the Indian Parliament and upheld by the Supreme Court—as “constitutionally illegitimate”.
Source: X
His views on capitalism are no less radical. During the violent Sterlite Copper Plant protests, which left nine people dead, Guha tweeted that “capitalism cannot function without state terrorism,” and referred to the deceased as “martyrs.”
His activism extended into the anti-CAA protests, where he actively urged people to hit the streets against a law that had been passed in Parliament, offering expedited citizenship to persecuted minorities from neighbouring Islamic countries. Despite being on a government payroll, Guha used his platform to fan unrest, often amplifying separatist voices and questioning India’s sovereignty over Kashmir.
Source:X
In one particularly telling tweet, he denounced the term “Tukde Tukde Gang”—a colloquial phrase used to describe secessionist and anti-national elements—as an act of “stochastic terrorism,” and suggested that those using the phrase should face prosecution. This is not the language of an academic, but of a political ideologue engaged in narrative warfare against the Indian state.
IIT Bombay’s humanities professor wants to persecute those who use the term ‘tukde tukde gang’.
In yet another striking incident, Guha haughtily projected himself as an unabashed communist, barely concealing his contempt for those who don’t subscribe to his worldview.
Source: X
An email has been sent to Anupam Guha from IIT Bombay seeking his comments on the above mentioned viral thread on X (formerly Twitter). In the interest of fairness, OpIndia has asked Guha to clarify whether the account and its opinions are indeed his—or if someone has impersonated him to malign him as a communist and supporter of anti-national elements. At of the time of publishing, OpIndia has not received any response from him.
Weaponising Academia: IIT Bombay’s centre targets OpIndia, employs dubious individuals to suppress voices of Hindus
In a glaring example of how taxpayer-funded institutions are being used to push ideologically driven narratives, the Ashank Desai Centre for Policy Studies at IIT Bombay commissioned a research paper titled “Delving deeper into OpIndia.com’s representation of Hindus and Muslims.” The paper analysed 54,580 articles published by OpIndia from 12 December 2014 to 15 May 2023, and unsurprisingly concluded that the portal “fosters anti-Muslim narratives” while positively portraying Hindus.
But what truly raises eyebrows is the authorship of this so-called academic research. Among the authors is Shinjinee Majumder, a staff member at the controversial and far-left portal Alt News, which has itself come under fire for peddling fake narratives, shielding radical Islamists, and selectively “fact-checking” based on political convenience.
The use of Indian government resources—funded by the taxpayer—by a technical institute like IIT Bombay for commissioning partisan political hit jobs disguised as ‘research’ is not just inappropriate; it is indicative of a deeper institutional rot. When political shills masquerading as researchers are empowered to carry out studies with pre-decided conclusions, it fundamentally undermines the academic neutrality expected of premier institutions like the IITs.
Rather than fostering critical inquiry, centres like Ashank Desai’s are now increasingly seen as echo chambers for political activism, producing output designed to delegitimise dissenting views while advancing a narrow ideological agenda. This development raises serious concerns over the integrity of academic research and the weaponisation of public institutions against non-left political voices.
Institutional rot: Humanities Depts as ideological weapons
Guha or the farcical ‘research’ against OpIndia are not outliers but a symptom of a deeper malaise. The humanities departments within IITs—originally introduced to provide well-rounded education to engineering students—have become bastions of far-left activism, often under the guise of academic inquiry. These departments, which are supposed to study history, culture, ethics, and society with balance and objectivity, are now increasingly promoting a worldview that undermines the very foundations of the Indian state.
Consider the case of IIT Gandhinagar, where the Humanities and Social Sciences (HSS) department has recently come under the scanner for seemingly promoting Islamic theology under academic pretenses. PhD topics included titles such as:
“Fishing With Faith: Islam, Indigenous Knowledge, and Ecological Sustainability in Lakshadweep”
“Robes of Authority: Sunni Ulama, Sartorial Tradition, and Embodied Piety in Malabar”
“From Gods to Jinn: Ontological Rewriting and the Islamization of Spirits in Kerala”
“Beyond Cultural Brokers: Speech Mediation and Ritual Efficacy in Mosque Speeches in Kozhikode”
These research subjects, far from offering a critical or comparative lens, appear to romanticize and propagate Islamic dogmas, often devoid of critical inquiry into their socio-political implications. It is a matter of grave concern that a premier government-funded technical institute is serving as a platform for theological glorification under the garb of social science research.
While the outrage over these thesis topics is yet to subside, a fresh controversy had emerged. Screenshots of purported WhatsApp chats of IIT Gandhinagar students had surfaced, suggesting that Hindu students are being threatened against leaking internal communications and discouraged from condemning terror attacks targeting Hindus. One such conversation, allegedly involving a Hindu student, indicated that after the Pahalgam terror attack—where Hindus were singled out and killed by Pakistan-backed Islamic terrorists—students were pressured not to speak publicly about the incident.
The chats further suggests that condemning Islamist violence against Hindus is suppressed, even as the institution appears to permit, and even encourage, political expression in support of global Islamic causes. Alarmingly, just seven days after Hamas—a designated Palestinian terrorist outfit—massacred civilians in Israel on 7th October 2023, IIT Gandhinagar reportedly held a “Sham-e-Azadi” candlelight march to express solidarity with Palestine.
This stark double standard—where Hindus killed in India are erased from public discourse, while Islamist extremists in other parts of the world are glorified—reflects not only ideological bias but also a growing atmosphere of hostility toward Hindu identity within these institutes.
To make matters worse, Associate Professor Nishaant Choksi of IIT Gandhinagar has allegedly threatened disciplinary action against students who questioned this ideological shift—using the ‘honour code’ as a weapon to silence dissent. The very students who should be encouraged to question and debate are being muzzled in the name of political correctness and academic decorum.
A dangerous convergence: Activism, ideology, and academia
This transformation of IITs into ideological factories mirrors similar patterns seen in Western institutions, particularly in the Ivy League, where critical theory, identity politics, and Marxist discourse have overtaken classical liberal education. In India, however, the stakes are higher. Unlike in the West, where private endowments and alumni donations fund universities, Indian institutions are funded by taxpayers—most of whom do not subscribe to these divisive ideologies.
The convergence of taxpayer-funded academia with anti-state activism creates a paradox: citizens are unwittingly financing intellectual subversion that seeks to delegitimise their nationhood, culture, and governance. Professors like Anupam Guha are not merely expressing dissent—they are embedding a political worldview into impressionable young minds under the sanctified halo of academic freedom.
Time for course correction
There is a pressing need to re-evaluate the structure, curriculum, and hiring practices in the humanities departments of technical institutes. While academic freedom must be preserved, it cannot be a license to promote ideological indoctrination, separatism, or religious glorification at the cost of national cohesion.
Some concrete steps could include:
Mandatory review of humanities syllabi by neutral academic panels.
Transparency in research funding and publication sources.
Accountability mechanisms for faculty promoting political activism under academic pretense.
Integration of Indian civilisational studies and comparative religion from a critical and balanced perspective.
India’s IITs should remain beacons of innovation, logic, and excellence—not echo chambers for imported ideologies or political theatre masquerading as scholarship.
Ideological corrosion of India’s premier institutes a reality
The ideological corrosion within India’s premier technical institutions is not a conspiracy theory but an observable reality. When a professor at a leading IIT praises anti-India activism, questions parliamentary decisions, and amplifies separatist views—all while being paid by the Indian taxpayer—it’s time to ask: are our institutions truly serving the nation’s interests, or have they been hijacked by those who fundamentally oppose it? The answer may well define the future of India’s intellectual sovereignty.
What makes this trend especially concerning is that IITs are globally respected for their excellence in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM). These institutes were established to fuel India’s technological advancement and innovation ecosystem. However, the increasing focus on political activism—particularly from ideologically driven faculty within humanities departments—dilutes the academic environment, distracts from core STEM priorities, and shifts the institutional culture away from scientific inquiry toward political agitation.
By allowing these institutes to become cradles of left-wing activism, we risk eroding the very foundation that earned them their international reputation. The infiltration of ideological agendas not only compromises the objectivity and focus essential to technical education but also deters serious students and researchers from pursuing excellence in a space that is increasingly politicised. Over time, this ideological creep threatens to undermine the quality of education, research output, and the global stature that IITs have worked decades to build.
A case involving love jihad has surfaced in the Mahakal police station area of Ujjain in Madhya Pradesh where Kurban Shah posed as Rohit and befriended a Hindu girl. He subsequently trapped her in a romantic relationship, leading to her estrangement from her family. During this time, he continuously deceived her in the name of marriage and sexually exploited her regularly for eight years.
On 2nd June, the Mahakal police station initiated legal proceedings against the young man, following her complaint. Neelu Chauhan, a leader of Hindu Jagran Manch provided details about the matter and disclosed that the Muslim youth met the victim who sold flowers near the Mahakal temple, in 2016. He proposed marriage to her.
She was so deeply deceived by him that she forsook her entire family and started living with him. He housed her in different rented places at Agar Naka, Mohan Nagar and Jaisinghpura. He constantly sexually exploited her by enticing her with the prospect of marriage. The accused eventually brought the girl to his place in Jaisinghpura when she asked him for marriage, in 2021.
Subsequently, they began staying with his parents and brothers. When she inquired about the presence of Muslim individuals at his home, he initially refrained from providing an explanation. However, on 20th November 2021 he revealed his name as Kurban Shah. Afterward, he exerted pressure on her and insisted that in order to marry him, she must convert to Islam and perform Namaz.
Furthermore, he ordered her to wear burqa and threatened to take her life if she did not adhere to this demand. He then assaulted her when she refused to comply. She had been residing at his residence since 2021, however, at first, she was unaware that the entire family practiced Islam and was concealing their faith from her.
She informed the authorities that his mother and grandmother acted like Hindu women. They donned sarees and used kajal and tikka, which led her to never suspect anything unusual. The girl mentioned that he abused her, forced himself on her and also thrashed her. When the issue escalated on 28th May, she managed to escape from there and made her way to the Mahakal police station to file a complaint.
A case has now been launched against the offender under Sections 296, 115(2) and 351(2) Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) and 3/5 of the Madhya Pradesh Freedom of Religion Act. It has come to light that the girl was so ensnared in his trap that she accepted everything he stated as truth. It is reported that she also has a four-year-old daughter born out of wedlock. According to other reports, the couple did Nikah (Islamic wedding ceremony).
The Supreme Court dismissed a petition challenging Chhattisgarh Auxiliary Armed Police Force Act, 2011 holding that the legislation did not amount to contempt of court. The decision arose from a 2007 contempt petition which was filed before the court challenging the 2011 Act as being contempt of a 2011 Supreme Court ruling that outlawed the Salwa Judum militia. In addition to that, the Apex Court also disposed of two writ petitions saying that the prayers made in the petitions were addressed in the same 2011 judgment of the court.
Refusing to strike down the law, a bench of Justice BV Nagarathna and Satish Chandra Sharma observed that mere enactment of a law by the state in exercise of its legislative power cannot be challenged as contempt. “Any law made by the Parliament or a State legislature cannot be held to be an act of contempt of a Court, including this Court, for simply making the law…The passing of an enactment subsequent to the order of this Court by the legislature of the State of Chhattisgarh cannot, in our view, be said to be an act of contempt of the order passed by this Court,” the court said. The bench noted the Act did not override its 2011 ruling that directed the state to desist from appointing local tribal people as Special Police Officers (SPOs) in anti-Naxal operations.
The petitioners, popular naxal-sympathiser Nandini Sundar, ‘historian’ Ramachandra Guha and former bureaucrat EAS Sarma argued before the court that the 2011 Act gave legislative backing to the arrangement of the state of appointing SPOs which was struck down by the court in its 2011 judgment.
Holding that challenging the 2011 enactment as an act of contempt was not legally appropriate, the top court advised the petitioners to mount an appropriate legal challenge to question the validity of the law. “…interpretative power of a constitutional court does not contemplate a situation of declaring exercise of legislative functions and passing of an enactment as an instance of a contempt of a court,” the court explained.
Supreme Court judgment that outlawed the Salwa Judum
In July 2011, the Supreme Court passed a judgment in the case of Nandini Sundar v State of Chhattisgarh, prohibiting the state from appointing local tribal youth as SPOs in counter-insurgency operations. Ordering disbanding of local civil militia like Salwa Judum and Koya Commandos, the apex court directed the withdrawal of firearms issued to SPOs, prosecution of those responsible for criminal acts committed under the aegis of Salwa Judum, and investigation by the NHRC and the CBI into human rights violations in Chhattisgarh.
The Salwa Judum was a civil militia, comprising local tribal youth, that emerged in 2005 as a grassroots movement against Naxalism in Chhattisgarh. The movement, which aimed to protect local villages and communities from Naxal attacks, later gained state. The state govrnment provided arms and training to the members of the group to stregthen their fight against Naxalism. However, in 2011, the Supreme Court banned Salwa Judum and other similar groups terming their activities as unconstitutional.
What is the 2011 Act?
After the Supreme Court ruling, the Chhattisgarh government enacted the Chhattisgarh Auxiliary Armed Police Force Act, 2011, which empowered the state government to establish as auxiliary force at the state level to assist the the security forces in maintaining public order, preventing and combating Naxalite violence, and combating insurgency. A three-member committee selects recruits the members of the auxiliary force among the locals who are familiar with the topography and the local languages and dialects.
The contempt petition claimed that the Act legitimised the state’s action of appointing local tibals as civilian combatants in anti-naxal operations and thus amounted to the contempt of the Supreme Court ruling that banned SPOs. The petition claimed that the legislation was an attempt to nullify the Supreme Court ruling and thus amounted to wilful disobedience.
Modi government’s resolve to uproot naxalism
Soon after coming into power in 2014, the Modi government expressed zero tolerance policy towards Naxalism and its resolve to uproot Naxal terrorism from the country. For achieving this objective, the government adopted a multi-pronged strategy which includes aggressive military operations to eliminate Naxal terrorism as well as development efforts to integrate the Left-wing extremism (LWE) affected areas and people into the mainstream as per the National Policy and Action Plan launched in 2015.
However, the reintegration of Naxalism-affected people is not possible without first eliminating Naxal terrorism. Therefore, the government adopted an aggressive military approach to counter Naxal terrorism which entered its last phase under Operation Kagar which was launched in January 2024 to eradicate Naxalism in Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra (Gadchiroli), Odisha, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh and Telangana as well as installing new camps as part of the military offensive by security forces.
Under the operation, around 1 lakh para-military troops, including the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF), its elite CoBRA units, District Reserve Guards DRG), and state police, equipped with modern technology, have been deployed in the left-wing terrorism affected areas to completely uproot the naxal terrorism from its last remaining strongholds. Since the inception of the operation, the security forces have eliminated over 400 naxal terrorists so far while more than 800 Maoists have surrendered.
In a major success under the operation, the security forces neutralised Maoist leader Nambala Keshav Rao alias Basavaraju along with 26 other Naxals last month, dealing a major blow to Naxal terrorism. As a result of the government’ aggressive anti-Naxal policy, the Naxal-affected areas in the country significantly shrank over the last 10 years from 106 districts in 2015 to just 6 districts (Bijapur, Kanker, Narayanpur, and Sukma in Chhattisgarh, West Singhbhum in Jharkhand and Gadhchiroli in Maharashtra).
With the government’s intensified anti-Naxal operations and its depleting cadre strength, Naxal terrorism in the country is facing an inevitable end.
Ahead of Eid-ul-Adha or Bakrid, African country Morocco, which as a 99 per cent Muslim population, has banned animal slaughter this year. The Moroccan authorities began shutting down livestock markets to prevent the sale of sacrificial animals after King Mohammed VI announced his decision to cancel the traditional animal sacrifice this year due to the country’s ongoing drought and economic challenges. These challenges have caused a sharp decline in livestock numbers in the country.
The Moroccan media reports say that various provinces have ordered the closing of all weekly sheep markets, banning gatherings related to the sale or slaughter of sacrificial animals. The Moroccan security forces are also reportedly taking away goats from houses.
In addition, temporary closure of municipal slaughterhouses is also being implemented. In some areas, the ban is extended even to the sale of animal slaughter tools.
This first of its kind decision comes after King Mohammed VI had asked Moroccan citizens earlier this year to refrain from performing Islamic animal slaughter or sacrifice to alleviate the financial burden as well as to preserve the country’s depleting livestock.
The King of Morocco will perform the animal slaughter/sacrifice on Bakrid on behalf of all Moroccans.
Notably, Morocco is grappling with severe drought for the past six years. This has resulted in the decrease in the number of sheep by almost 38 percent. Besides, rainfall has decreased by over 50 percent from the regular average, leading to a significant shortage of fodder and water for cattle.
Meanwhile, some reports claim that the Moroccan king’s ban on animal slaughter on Bakrid has sparked outrage and protests in the country with people accusing the government of violating core Islamic tradition. It is also being claimed that the slaughter ban is simply a tactic to deflect attention from surging inflation and other failures of the government.
The Supreme Court has recently slammed Trinamool Congress (TMC) workers and cancelled the bail of five person who were accused of targeted families for supporting BJP during the 2021 in West Bengal, saying such incidents were “grave attacks on the roots of democracy”.
A bench of Justices Vikram Nath and Sandeep Mehta said the allegations against the accused, who are the workers of the Mamata Banerjee-led TMC, are “so grave” that the same have an “adverse impact” on society at large and “shake the conscience of the Court”.
The apex court also noted it was revealed that around 40-50 heavily armed assailants vandalised and looted the complainant’s house, pulled his wife by her hair, forcibly undressed her and then sexually abused her. She was able to escape after she threatened to set herself ablaze by pouring kerosene on herself.
“The concerted attack on the complainant’s house was launched on the day of the election results with the sole objective of wreaking vengeance because he had supported the saffron party,” stated the verdict.
“This is a grave circumstance which convinces us that the accused persons including the respondents herein, were trying to terrorise the members of the opposite political party whom the accused respondents were supporting. The reprehensible manner in which the incident was perpetrated shows the vengeful attitude of the accused persons and their avowed objective to subdue the supporters of the opposite party into submission by hook or by crook. The dastardly offence was nothing short of a grave attack on the roots of democracy,” it added.
The apex court further said releasing the accused on bail is likely to “create a sense of fear and terror” amongst the society, or that the accused, while on bail, may abscond or tamper with the prosecution evidence.
“Releasing the accused respondents on bail is likely to create a sense of fear and terror amongst the society or that the accused, while on bail, may abscond or tamper with the prosecution evidence,” the bench said as it set aside bail granted by the Calcutta High Court order to five accused.
It further said that the accused persons have an imminent propensity to adversely affect the proceedings of the trial.
“Having regard to the facts enumerated above, we feel that the present one is a case wherein the allegations against the accused respondents are so grave that the same shake the conscience of the Court. Furthermore, there is an imminent propensity of the accused persons adversely affecting the proceedings of the trial,” it said.
It further noted that the officer in-charge had refused to register an FIR on May 3, 2021 and asked the complainant’s family to leave the village for their safety.
The bench slammed the West Bengal police for refusing to register an FIR linked to the 2021 post-poll violence wherein a BJP supporter’s house was vandalised, and his wife was sexually assaulted.
The top court said the local police’s approach lends credence to the complainant’s apprehension about the clout and influence that the accused have over the locality and even the police.
It noted that FIR in the case registered only upon intervention by the High Court directing on August 19, 2021, the CBI to investigate all the cases where the allegations involve crime of murder and crime against women regarding rape it attempt to rape.
The bench further recorded the submission of the CBI, which approached the apex court against the bail granted to six men, stating that CBI officials were not receiving the required cooperation from the local police. Thus, the culmination of the investigation took almost one and a half years.
It noted that the charge sheet in the case was filed in 2022, and to date, the trial has not budged an inch. The prosecution has alleged that this delay is mostly attributable to non-cooperation by the accused persons, whose fact is palpably established from the record, said the bench.
“In this background, we feel that there is no possibility of a fair and impartial trial being conducted if the accused respondents are allowed to remain on bail. Thus, on both counts, i.e., (i) the nature and gravity of the offence, which is nothing short of an attack on the roots of democracy, and (ii) the imminent likelihood of the accused adversely affecting a fair trial, the bail granted to the accused respondents has to be cancelled,” the verdict stated.
Hence, it asked six accused to surrender before the trial court within two weeks from today, failing which, the trial court shall adopt coercive measures to secure their presence.
The top court also directed the trial court to expedite the proceedings and try to conclude the trial within six months.
It directed the West Bengal’s Home Secretary and the Director General of Police to ensure proper protection is provided to the complainant and all other material witnesses so that they can freely appear and depose at the trial without fear or apprehension.
Several incidents of violence were reported at various places after the assembly poll results were announced on May 2, 2021.
(This news report is published from a syndicated feed. Except for the headline, the content has not been written or edited by OpIndia staff)
