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Accused of harassment, shielded MF Hussain and more: Meet Sanjay Kishan Kaul, former SC judge who has become the hero of Congress and the Left for targeting DY Chandrachud

Amit Kelkar
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Accused of harassment, shielded MF Hussain and more: Meet Sanjay Kishan Kaul, former SC judge who has become the hero of Congress and the Left for targeting DY Chandrachud

Former Supreme Court judge Justice Sanjay Kishan Kaul has triggered a political controversy after raising questions about former Chief Justice of India (CJI) DY Chandrachud’s approach to judicial appointments. According to Kaul, Chandrachud wanted to seek the government’s views on proposed judicial appointments before the Supreme Court Collegium formally deliberated on the names, a practice Kaul reportedly disapproved of as seeking the government’s “pre-approval”. The Congress has seized on these remarks to question the independence of the judiciary under the Modi government.

On Sunday, 25th October, Congress general secretary Jairam Ramesh cited a report based on Kaul’s forthcoming memoir, Without Fear or Favour, and accused the government of exerting pressure on the judiciary. Ramesh claimed the book raised “serious questions” about judicial independence and referred to allegations of government involvement in appointments, attempts to obtain approval before Collegium meetings, and questions raised about the caste of a judge belonging to a minority community.

In an interview with journalist Karan Thapar for the propaganda outlet The Wire, Kaul recalled an alleged incident in which Chandrachud took him aside during a Collegium meeting and asked whether he should telephone the government to ascertain its views on proposed appointments. Kaul said he opposed the idea of contacting the government while the Collegium was still deliberating on the names.

According to Kaul, the Collegium had agreed on five names, but Chandrachud wanted to include a sixth name that had been proposed at the last minute. Kaul suggested that the former CJI might already have obtained some form of government approval for the other names, including the sixth candidate. “Maybe he had already taken some kind of approval [from the Government] for the other names, including the sixth name,” Kaul said, according to the reported interview.

Ramesh also referred to Kaul’s account of a separate incident involving a Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA) case. He alleged that a matter was reassigned to another bench after a bench headed by Kaul raised the possibility of reconsidering aspects of an earlier ruling, without consulting Kaul. Ramesh described these accounts as evidence of possible interference in the Supreme Court’s functioning and argued that the judiciary must remain free from pressure from those in power.

“When there is pressure to obtain government approval for judicial appointments, and when benches hearing sensitive cases are altered, one must ask — in the interest of safeguarding democracy, if this does not constitute pressure on the judiciary and an erosion of its independence, then what does?” Ramesh said.

This public rift between two former senior judges of the top court has turned an intense spotlight on Justice Sanjay Kishan Kaul’s own past track record, judicial outlook, and long career. 

Who is Justice Sanjay Kaul?

While Justice Sanjay Kishan Kaul now positions himself as a staunch defender of judicial integrity and procedure through his upcoming memoir Without Fear Or Favour, a closer examination of his judicial track record reveals a career marked by deeply contentious rulings, persistent accusations of hurting public and religious sentiments, severe institutional conflicts, and questionable associations.

Justice Kaul’s rise to national prominence in legal circles in May 2008 came on the back of a deeply divisive judgment that shielded the controversial Islamist painter M.F. Husain from criminal proceedings. Husain had drawn widespread condemnation across India for his nudist depictions of ‘Bharat Mata’ (Mother India) as well as revered Hindu gods and goddesses. 

The depictions, showing a weeping, naked woman symbolising the country, alongside nude portrayals of sacred deities, sparked massive public outrage and criminal complaints across Maharashtra, Gujarat, and Madhya Pradesh filed by citizens aggrieved by the manifest disrespect toward national and religious symbols. Facing overwhelming anger from right-wing organisations and civic groups, Husain chose to flee the country into self-imposed exile in Dubai and Qatar.

The painting of ‘Bharat Mata’ which Husain claims was never titled by him (Image source- Hindujagruti.org)

Instead of holding the artist accountable for hurting the deeply held sentiments of millions of citizens, Justice Kaul quashed all three criminal cases against the 92-year-old anti-India Islamist painter. Dismissing the widespread public grievance, Justice Kaul claimed: “The allegations made against the painter are baseless, and it would not be proper to hold that he had a deliberate intention to manifestly insult Bharat Mata.”

In his 74-page judgment, Justice Kaul sought to legitimise explicit nudism under the garb of historical aesthetics, writing: “We have been called as land of Kama Sutra then why is it that in the land of Kama Sutra, we shy away from its very home. Beauty lies in the eyes of the beholder, so does obscenity.” 

He further defended eroticism by adding, “Ancient art has never been devoid of eroticism where sex worship and graphical representation of the union between man and woman has been a recurring feature.” By shielding Husain, who had previously compared Indian public opposition to Hitler’s regime, Justice Kaul’s ruling was widely criticised for setting a dangerous precedent where offensive, anti-national, and religiously insensitive depictions were given complete judicial protection at the expense of public morality.

Undermining community traditions: The Perumal Murugan ruling

Justice Kaul extended this controversial philosophy during his tenure as Chief Justice of the Madras High Court when he ruled in favour of Tamil author Perumal Murugan. Murugan’s novel Madhorubhagan (One Part Woman) had caused severe anguish among local community members and religious groups in Tiruchengode due to its derogatory depiction of local temple festival customs and traditions attached to childlessness. The outrage was so intense that Murugan publicly announced the “death” of his writing career on Facebook and withdrew his books.

Delivering the judgment alongside Justice Pushpa Sathyanarayana, Chief Justice Kaul dismissed the legitimate cultural concerns of the local communities. The bench famously brushed aside public objections by declaring: “If you do not like a book, throw it away. There is no compulsion to read a book. Literary tastes may vary — what is right and acceptable to one may not be so to others. Yet, the right to write is unhindered.”

Invoking controversial Indian-British authors like Salman Rushdie to justify his stance, Justice Kaul asserted that Indian society’s tolerance levels were declining and held that creative freedom overrode local community sensibilities. 

Justice Kaul consistently prioritised offensive artistic expressions over the protection of long-standing social, cultural, and religious values, repeatedly dismissing popular outrage as mere intolerance.

Allegations of administrative harassment and caste bias

Justice Kaul’s administrative leadership as Chief Justice of the Madras High Court was similarly embroiled in severe controversy, highlighted by a public conflict with fellow High Court judge, Justice C.S. Karnan. Justice Karnan formally wrote to the Chief Justice of India, the President, and Law Minister Sadananda Gowda, accusing Chief Justice Kaul of blatant administrative harassment, belittlement, and discrimination against a Dalit judge.

In his official letter, Justice Karnan openly confronted Justice Kaul’s arbitrary exercise of power: “Since your Lordship is solely in-charge of the Madras High Court and invested with administrative power, Your Lordship has elected to allot me insignificant / dummy portfolios while those juniors to me, have been allotted significant assignments, which is tantamount to belittling my capabilities as a judge of many years in this August Court. Being a Dalit do you expect me to take such treatment lying down? Or do you expect me to fight for my rights till the bitter end?”

Justice Karnan also exposed the murky underbelly of judicial appointments, attacking the Collegium system under Kaul’s leadership as a tool of nepotism meant “only to entertain their own favourites comprising close relatives, distant relatives and in the absence of the abovementioned choices, then the selection would go to close associates and good friends.”

The situation deteriorated further when Justice Kaul set up a judicial recruitment committee that excluded fair community representation. Justice Karnan issued a judicial order halting the selection process, citing administrative improprieties and revealing that judges from the same community and close relatives had been favoured. Justice Karnan went on to request financial audits into the potential misuse of government funds by Chief Justice Kaul and the Registrar General, exposing deep-seated administrative dysfunction and alleged high-handedness during Kaul’s tenure at the High Court.

Resurfaced optics: Socialising with CJP leader Saurav Das

Adding to the questions surrounding his personal conduct and objectivity, photographs have recently resurfaced online showing Justice Kaul attending the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) co-convener Saurav Das at his personal residence during last year’s Diwali celebrations.

The revival of these images has raised serious eyebrows given Das’s recent legal troubles. Saurav Das was recently released from Tihar Jail after being compelled to sign a peace bond before the Special Executive Magistrate (SEM), undertaking not to engage in activities that disturb public peace or tranquillity. The SEM (New Delhi), Ritu Raj, subsequently directed Das to produce official documents proving his residential address in Delhi.

Far from being an unblemished guardian of judicial ethics, Justice Sanjay Kishan Kaul’s career reflects a pattern of polarising decisions that repeatedly offended religious and cultural sentiments, severe allegations of administrative harassment and caste-based discrimination from within his own court, and questionable social connections with controversial figures. His recent attacks on former CJI D.Y. Chandrachud must therefore be evaluated against the backdrop of his own deeply controversial record on and off the bench.

From anti-Hindu slogans to assault on the Vice-Chancellor: What the SRFTI report says about unrest involving leftist student group SFI

OpIndia Staff
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From anti-Hindu slogans to assault on the Vice-Chancellor: What the SRFTI report says about unrest involving leftist student group SFI

Tensions broke out on 27th September at the Satyajit Ray Film and Television Institute (SRFTI) in Kolkata, West Bengal, following a violent clash between the leftist student organisation, Student Federation of India (SFI), and the Akhil Bharatiya Grahak Panchayat (ABGP), an organisation linked to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). Days after the incident, SRFTI under the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting submitted an internal report on 24th October, detailing how leftist goons indulged in anti-Hindu sloganeering and also attacked the institute’s vice-chancellor.

According to the claims made by the SFI attackers, members of the ABGP raised provocative slogans during their event. Conversely, members of the ABGP stated that individuals associated with the SFI forcibly disrupted their gathering, tore down official posters, and physically assaulted those in attendance.

The SRFTI Student Union, in a statement, later admitted that it was they who went to the auditorium to protest over the RSS-affiliated body organising a programme without their permission and created a ruckus. In a statement issued on 27th September evening, the SRFTI Student Union issued a statement, saying that they were not informed about permission being granted to the ABGP for conducting a programme at the Main Theatre auditorium. 

Findings of the SRFTI report on late September 2026 leftist violence

On 24th October (Saturday), the SRFTI, under the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, submitted an 18-page internal report detailing the attack and establishing a comprehensive timeline of events. OpIndia has accessed a copy of the report, which records the sequence of events beginning with the clash, the registration of a First Information Report (FIR), the constitution of a Special Investigation Team (SIT) by the West Bengal government and the subsequent measures taken by the institute.

The internal document begins by setting out the official sequence of events alongside the security measures implemented around the initial clash. Explaining the background of the 27th September incident, the report clarifies: “On Sunday, 27 September 2026, when no regular academic activities were scheduled, an external organisation conducted a programme in the Main Auditorium with the requisite permission and on a paid basis. The programme did not involve unauthorised entry.”

Referring to the RSS-linked ABGP, the document confirms that the event had full administrative clearance. Addressing the actions of the protesting student groups, the report states, “Students in protest unauthorisedly entered the theatre premises, resulting in confrontations and physical fights.”

The report explicitly condemns the actions of the SFI goons who breached the venue without authorisation, adding, “Illegal entry of students inside the ongoing programme and vandalism led to the spiral of events with subsequent violence and agitation.”

Regarding official legal proceedings, the document records, “An FIR was registered on a formal complaint, and the Government of West Bengal constituted a Special Investigation Team (SIT).”

It notes that the overall matter remains under active investigation by law enforcement authorities.

Detailing the immediate administrative updates and security protocols, the report highlights, “Following the incident, the Institute strengthened access control and internal security, maintained close coordination with local police, and facilitated interactions between student representatives and senior police officials.”

Furthermore, the document underlines that an internal fact-finding committee was established, initiating formal disciplinary proceedings over acts of vandalism and wall defacement committed on campus. The report emphasises that these actions represented specific acts of misconduct rather than peaceful demonstration. 

Disciplinary actions culminated in the rustication of six leftist students for a period of one year following their involvement in vandalism and physical misconduct directed at the Vice-Chancellor. The document confirms that academic activities at the institute remain suspended until 13th November, with all students formally directed to vacate hostel premises and leave the campus.

Timeline of escalation: Gherao and blockade of the Vice-Chancellor

The internal report shifts to a detailed timeline tracking the repeated disruptions caused on campus following the initial clash. The timeline highlights that on 28th September, 2026, while the Vice-Chancellor was performing official duties inside his office, SFI goons gathered inside his room, occupied the space, and used abusive language against him.

The situation deteriorated further in October. Following the dispersal of a gathering outside the main gate around 6:00 PM on 4th October, a group of approximately 250 SFI members surrounded and gheraoed the Vice-Chancellor until roughly 11:00 PM. The blockading group effectively held the Vice-Chancellor hostage for nearly five hours.

Image via I&B report

During these five hours, the goons raised slogans and used abusive and objectionable language against institutional leadership. The report observes that this prolonged obstruction of the Vice-Chancellor from leaving his office or carrying out official duties raised serious concerns regarding the safety and dignity of institutional authorities, noting that such behaviour remains entirely inconsistent with the principles of a peaceful demonstration. 

Image via I&B report

During the blockade, the SFI-led students’ union broadcast the entire incident live via their Instagram account under the username ‘srftioutloud’.

Image via I&B report

Defacement of institute property with derogatory and anti-Hindu slogans

One of the major issues highlighted in the report is the repeated defacement of the institute’s walls with abusive, derogatory and politically provocative expressions. As institutional walls were being defaced with derogatory, unparliamentary, and provocative wording, the institute received a formal communication from the Police Administration expressing serious concern that such expressions could aggravate public order.

In response, the institute administration issued an official notice to all students cautioning that any act of defacement or destruction of property would invite immediate disciplinary action under Academic Byelaws.

Despite the administrative notice, during the late-night hours preceding 6th October, SFI goons again defaced the outer walls of the institute using unparliamentary expressions. Subsequently, the Competent Authority constituted a committee to review the facts, identify responsible individuals, and proceed with appropriate disciplinary measures. The report stresses that property defacement and the use of provocative statements undermine the academic environment, institutional discipline, and campus safety. 

Based on the findings of the investigative committee, three students identified in connection with the wall paintings were issued show-cause notices requiring responses within 24 to 48 hours. The report notes that cursing words were explicitly used against the highest authorities in the Government and the Hindus.

Photographs included in the report show slogans targeting the BJP, the RSS, the ABGP and other organisations. Some of the writings contained explicit profanity. The slogans included “Jai Bhim”, “Fck BJP” and “Fck RSS”. The Vice-Chancellor was also personally targeted through phrases such as “Sanghi VC” and “RSS-sponsored VC”.

Image via I&B report

The Communists also made their ideological stance clear by painting slogans like “Lal Salam” across the institute’s doors, alongside phrases targeting religious identity and national concepts, including ‘F*ck Hindutva’ and ‘F*ck your Hindu Rashtra’. 

Additional defacement targeted political organisations and student unions, displaying phrases like “F*CK ABVP”, “F*ck ABGP”, “F*ck BJP”, and “F*ck BJYM”. Wall paintings also directly referenced state and national political leaders, including West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath.

Notably, a look at the social media presence of SRFTI reveals the extent to which radical ideology has permeated the campus environment. The institute’s Instagram page is filled with anti-Hindu slogans, explicit profanity, and severe hostility towards the BJP and RSS. Rather than serving as an objective academic platform representing a premier national film institute, the page functions essentially like an official mouthpiece for the SFI, regularly amplifying political rhetoric, hate speech, and confrontational campaign posts.

SFI goons gheraoed VC’s office again on 6th October

The report next describes another confrontation on 6 October, when at approximately 4:00 PM, a group of 50 to 60 SFI goons entered the Vice-Chancellor’s office without permission and occupied the administrative space. Members of the Staff Welfare Association subsequently entered the premises to offer support to the Vice-Chancellor against the abusive language being directed at him. 

During this encounter, the SFI members also shouted directly at the staff members present. The report notes that this unauthorised entry, combined with confrontational conduct, severely disrupted essential administrative functions.

The leftist students occupied the Vice-Chancellor’s office for nearly two full days, using the space for sleeping and playing recreational games like chess and carrom. The occupying group refused to clear the room despite persistent requests from administrative staff. Following the incident, three students were issued show-cause notices for unauthorised occupation of administrative facilities.

Vandalism, damage to official property, and physical assault on the VC

During the two-day illegal occupation of the Vice-Chancellor’s office, property within the room was damaged, including the Vice-Chancellor’s official chair. The occupying group also disrespected and damaged an official portrait of the Prime Minister, breaking the photo frame and throwing it near the bathroom area.

The destruction of property continued in the following days. On 16th October, housekeeping staff discovered a broken windowpane in the Vice-Chancellor’s office with shattered glass scattered across the floor. The office air conditioning unit and water pipelines were also found damaged.

Apart from vandalism, the report details the matter of verbal abuse and physical misconduct towards the Vice-Chancellor. According to the document, after a meeting involving heads of departments and other senior officials to condemn the vandalism of the VC’s office, students surrounded the Vice-Chancellor and abused him and other senior officers. The report specifically names a student, Shubham, revealing that he verbally abused the VC and physically manhandled him by kicking him. Other students joined in the verbal abuse. 

The administration has photographs and video footage of the incident. The report says that this material is available with the institute’s administration. 

The allegations of physical misconduct became a significant part of the disciplinary proceedings. The document states that six students were rusticated for one year under the institute’s academic by-laws following incidents involving vandalism and alleged physical misconduct towards the Vice-Chancellor.

Further security breaches occurred on the night of 23rd October, when SFI goons again bypassed security personnel, broke the lock of the new Classroom Theatre (CRT), and occupied the building without authorisation. The group used high-value institutional equipment, including the sound and lighting systems, to hold a late-night party. Additionally, the outer perimeter walls of the institute were defaced again with anti-Hindu slogans including “F*ck Hindu rashtra” and “Reject Hindutva”.

Institute strengthens security, initiates disciplinary action

Concluding its account, the I&B Ministry report details the steps taken by SRFTI to address the incidents and restore normalcy. The institute filed an FIR against unidentified persons in connection with the violence on 27th September 2026. The West Bengal government subsequently constituted an SIT to investigate the matter.

The report also states that the Joint Secretary (Institutions) communicated with the Chief Secretary of West Bengal regarding the safety and security of students and staff members. The institute increased the height of its main gate, installed fencing wire and deployed additional security personnel on campus.

The Vice-Chancellor and other senior officials also held discussions with students, urging them to restore normalcy and resume regular academic activities. At the same time, the administration issued notices warning students against defacing institutional property and threatening disciplinary action under the academic by-laws.

After the walls were defaced again in early October, a committee was constituted to establish responsibility. Three students were issued show-cause notices following the committee’s findings. Six students were subsequently rusticated for one year following incidents involving vandalism and alleged physical misconduct towards the Vice-Chancellor.

The report further states that the institute suspended academic activities until 13th November 2026. Students were directed to vacate their hostel rooms and leave the campus in accordance with the applicable rules.

The findings detailed a systematic sequence of unrest triggered at the Satyajit Ray Film and Television Institute (SRFTI). What began last month as an unauthorised entry by SFI goons and forcible disruption of a fully permitted, paid event hosted by the RSS-linked Akhil Bharatiya Grahak Panchayat (ABGP) escalated into weeks of continuous administrative paralysis and physical confrontations.

From the sale of Press IDs to creating AI footage to cause riots: How CJP, opposition ecosystem are weaponising alleged “independent journalists” to destabilise the country

Shriti Sagar
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From the sale of Press IDs to creating AI footage to cause riots: How CJP, opposition ecosystem are weaponising alleged “independent journalists” to destabilise the country

The recent protests organised by Cockroach Janata Party (CJP) and the opposition against the Election Commission’s Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise have shed light on the dubious methods being used to mobilise public opinion and attack the government. What was projected as a grassroots movement demanding accountability from the Election Commission has been exposed to be coordinated by political messaging, online propaganda and attempts to discredit the authorities. 

From organising demonstrations on the ground to amplifying anti-government narratives on the internet, the controversy has brought attention to the opposition ecosystem’s desperation to shape public perception in its favour.

One particularly disturbing aspect of these allegations concerns the sale of press cards and journalist credentials by organisations to represent the media. An investigation by India Today found that several websites and organisations were offering press IDs, membership certificates and other journalist-related credentials for a fee. The report has uncovered a deeply disturbing pattern where fake narratives are manufactured, funded, and weaponised under the guise of independent journalism. This engineered network goes far beyond depicting purported spontaneous public outrage, pointing toward a calculated design to target the government, mislead citizens, and manufacture artificial unrest.

The business of fake news: How self-styled “journalists” turned protests into a propaganda battlefield

The report revealed that the recent protests involved not just hired crowds, but also paid journalists deployed to build a narrative against the government and the Delhi Police. To mislead the public, a fake outfit called the “Indian Press Union” was set up. Press cards, fake profiles, microphones, and vehicle passes were distributed for prices ranging from just ₹599 to ₹1,799. There was no experience and no media background required, you could simply hang a ₹599 card around your neck and become an “independent journalist” for CJP.

The report highlighted that many of these individuals possessed press ID cards, microphones, and logos of suspicious, newly-emerged news websites created between February and March of this year. Organisations like the Indian Press Union (IPU), NEED24, and FNF were front and centre. 

While the IPU claimed operational history dating back to 2016, India Today found no supporting evidence. Further investigations revealed that these websites sold journalistic credentials for as low as ₹599, featuring AI-generated interview videos to create an illusion of authentic, established media houses.

Websites like Hind Media Network advertised press IDs and reporter profiles for ₹599 alongside microphone kits for ₹3,500. NEED24 News offered reporter profiles for ₹999 and State Bureau Chief designations for a ₹25,000 annual subscription. Similarly, the Indian Press Union offered printed press IDs and car stickers for ₹1,799.

OpIndia earlier reported how an undercover operation exposed these “independent journalists” who were ready to peddle Samajwadi Party (SP) propaganda for a few thousand. Similarly, a clip of an online chat group recently went viral on social media, showing its members discussing the media strategy to remove the democratically elected Modi government.

During the discussion, it was disclosed that about 5000 influencers, YouTubers, and content creators form part of their group, which also included “independent journalists.” Internet Freedom Foundation’s Founder Trustee, Apar Gupta, was part of the conversation. Interestingly, IFF has CJP leader Ashutosh Ranka’s sister, Khushboo Ranka, as a Trustee.

Delhi Police arrests “independent journalist” over AI-Generated Video

The gravity of this manufactured propaganda hit harder when Delhi Police arrested a 24-year-old “independent journalist” over an AI-generated video showing Assistant Commissioner of Police (ACP) Vivek Bhagat allegedly misbehaving with a woman protester. Delhi Police had detained one such “independent journalist,” who stated that CCTV footage was being edited and fabricated to portray the Delhi Police and the government negatively.

The fabricated video was circulated through an Instagram account, @news_aaina0776, presented as genuine CCTV footage. It showed an officer in inappropriate conduct with a woman while displaying a photograph, name, and designation of ACP Bhagat to falsely implicate him. The police social media monitoring unit flagged the reel on October 4, resulting in an FIR at the Cyber Police Station under multiple sections of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita.

Investigators traced the account to Nadeem Ahmed Ameen, a 24-year-old resident of Palwal, Haryana, who ran the Instagram news handle “News Aina Today” and was apprehended from Mewat on 5th October. 

During questioning, Ameen confessed that he created the video using AI tools on 3rd October to defame the Delhi Police, provoke protesters, and create unrest, having launched his handle in April and actively posting during the CJP protests at Jantar Mantar. Additional DCP Manjeet Sheoran noted that the deliberate goal was to spread anarchy and trigger riots.

The exposed agenda: Not an “independent journalist,” but an active CJP worker

Adding another layer of deception, the woman who claimed to be an independent journalist and accused ACP Vivek Bhagat was also not an independent journalist, but a CJP worker. The accusations had been under probe, but Rosy was revealed to be an active CJP worker.

She is an Instagram influencer with over 61k followers and a known CJP supporter, masquerading as an “independent journalist” while accusing ACP Bhagat of molesting her during the detention of AISA activist Neha Bora on 3rd October. Afterwards, CJP founder Abhijeet Dipke and co-convenor Saurav Das rushed to social media to label ACP Bhagat as a “sexual predator” and “Amit Shah’s blue-eyed boy.”

In a 6th September post introducing the CJP’s social media team, Rosy was listed as a coverage coordinator. Her feed is replete with pro-CJP propaganda, celebrating Abhijeet Dipke’s return, and even justifying offensive social media remarks against Hindu deities by figures like Nishu Azad. Far from being a neutral reporter exposing “Godi media,” she was a partisan influencer weaponising a false narrative.

A scary reminder of the anti-CAA protests and 2020 Delhi riots

It was all planned to fuel unrest and defame the government and Delhi Police, and serves as a scary reminder of the anti-CAA protests, which later converted into anti-Hindu riots.

Rather than a sudden outbreak, the events followed a deliberate trajectory. It began with intense university protests and provocative speeches, creating a perilous environment of extreme hostility in the name of an anti-government movement. This momentum was then channelled into localised sit-in demonstrations across several areas, turning those locations into active mobilisation zones. Over time, these protest sites incorporated speeches to target Hindus.

Eventually, the strategy shifted toward a much more sinister objective. Protesters began blocking major traffic corridors, creating widespread disruption for both the administration and common people. Police were targeted when they intervened to clear the blockades and restore order. The most horrifying culmination of these protests came in the form of anti-Hindu riots carried out by the Islamo-leftist faction.

During this orchestrated violence, IB staffer Ankit Sharma and Constable Ratan Lal lost their lives, and DCP Amit Sharma suffered severe injuries in targeted attacks. The mayhem left 53 people dead and hundreds injured.

The riots left large parts of Northeast Delhi under fear for days before normalcy returned. The Crime Branch of Delhi Police registered FIR No. 52/2020 to probe the larger conspiracy behind the violence. According to the prosecution, the riots were not spontaneous, but part of a deep-rooted conspiracy carried out under the cover of protests against CAA and NRC.

Umar Khalid, Sharjeel Imam, Tahir Hussain, Khalid Saifi, Ishrat Jahan, Gulfisha Fatima, Natasha Narwal, Devangana Kalita, Athar Khan, Safoora Zargar, and others were named in the FIR. Today, a similar playbook is being deployed, using digital deception and fabricated narratives to incite street-level conflict. Furthermore, CJP leaders have also been vocal in their support for these accused, including Umar Khalid.

When the ‘fourth pillar of democracy’ is made into a tool for political propaganda

The most worrying aspect of this controversy is the misuse of journalism itself. Journalists are widely regarded as the fourth pillar of democracy because they inform the public, question those in power and hold institutions accountable. Their credibility depends on accuracy, transparency and independence.

This is precisely why the sale of press credentials and the use of fabricated videos are so concerning. When almost anyone can purchase a press card and present themselves as an independent journalist, the public may struggle to distinguish genuine reporting from politically motivated content.

People often trust someone who identifies as an independent journalist because they assume that the person has no political affiliation and is reporting events impartially. That trust can be exploited if an individual conceals their political connections or circulates unverified claims as facts. The danger becomes even greater when AI-generated videos are presented as authentic evidence. The aim is evidently to sneak into restricted areas, flout the law, and forcibly push CJP and its political backers’ failed narrative into trending discussions on social media.

When trusted titles like “independent journalist” are sold for a few hundred rupees and handed to internet influencers with no media background, accountability vanishes. The rise of these seasonal, paid propagandists creates a profound crisis for authorities and ordinary citizens trying to separate factual reporting from orchestrated subversion. Safeguarding the nation requires recognising that these tactics are not freedom of expression; they are a calculated conspiracy designed to burn cities for political gains.

OpIndia earlier reported how some social media influencers and content creators turned into self-styled, ‘independent’ journalists overnight, driven by a desire to go viral and gain followers and views by covering the CJP-led protests. This sudden change was also triggered by the Delhi Police’s order making press accreditation mandatory for journalists covering the latest CJP demonstrations. 

Sharjeel Imam calls Indian Constitution ‘fascist’, secularism a ‘trap’, and Hindu nationalism a form of ‘Shirk’: Revisiting his anti-Hindu rhetoric

Balendu Singh Angad
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Sharjeel Imam calls Indian Constitution ‘fascist’, secularism a ‘trap’, and Hindu nationalism a form of ‘Shirk’: Revisiting his anti-Hindu rhetoric

So-called activist and certified anti-national, Sharjeel Imam, is back in the news for a recent interview with ‘The Quint’ published on 29 September, 2026. His Islamo-leftist defenders have defended this interview with bizarre justifications. According to them, his jail term is the reason for his anti-India stance.

In this interview, Imam calls the Indian Constitution “fascist” and a “roadblock to the dignified existence” of Muslims. He labelled secularism as a “lie and a trap,”. He denounces democracy as a contrivance. This is the same man whose interim bail was revoked in October 2026 for flouting court conditions, a detail his apologists prefer to bury.

For a self-proclaimed ‘Marxist’ man who claims to speak for the marginalised, Imam’s words about Hindus are highly venomous. He insisted that “all Hindus are the same,” united in denying Muslims political power. He reduces the entire Hindu civilisational ethos to a monolith of oppression. He claimed the secular framework is “actually a branch of the overarching nationalist framework, which the Hindutva framework is also a part of”.

According to him, the Constitution itself is a Hindutva document, a “roadblock” to Muslim dignity. He blamed “Brahminical forces in Congress” for Partition and gave a clean chit to the Muslim League. He called the secular framework “particularly Islamophobic and parochial”. And he dismisses the very idea of an ancient Hindu Indian nation as a “myth”.

He even shared his disturbing vision of creating a separate Islamic state for Muslims, offering a window into the rabid mind of an Islamist whom the opposition ecosystem has hailed as a “liberal hero,” while he views them with the same contempt reserved for “Hindutva.”

Under his Islamic doctrine, he explained Hindu idol worship as “Shirk” (idol worship), a primary source of oppression in human history. He regarded Hindus as the most inveterate polytheists – “Kafir”.

This is not a criticism; it is the old communal separatist Muslim League language of a Hindu conspiracy, recycled for a new generation. Let us look at what he said about Hindus in the past.

The 2019 Facebook post: Mocking Pujo and exposing the ‘Marxist’ hypocrisy

A glance at his old social media history reveals a deep-seated hatred for Hindu traditions, particularly the worship of idols. In a Facebook post dated 22 September, 2019, Imam made his contempt for Durga Puja abundantly clear.

According to his jihadi worldview, the grand Hindu festival is nothing more than a period of “superstition” that interrupts his grand “revolutionary struggle.” But his bigotry goes further, targeting the very core of Hindu faith: idol worship.

Here, the mask of the so-called secular, progressive activist slips away completely. Imam uses the deeply derogatory Islamic theological term butparasti (idolatry) to describe Hindu customs, and mocks the “beauty of idols” by calling them “husn- e-butaan, another Sunni Wahhabi derogatory term.

He then questions the authenticity of Marxist Hindus, wondering if they are merely “cultural Hindus,” if they have undergone a “ghar wapsi,” or if they are hiding their true feelings. His “Sarvhara ki Kranti (revolution)” apparently requires a complete erasure of Hindu cultural identity.

This brings us to the ultimate exposure of Sharjeel Imam’s hypocrisy. As a self-proclaimed Marxist, Imam theoretically subscribes to a fundamentally atheistic, materialist ideology. Yet, He writes “Insha Allah” (Allah’s will) and signs off with “fi amaanillah” (may you be in Allah’s protection). He looks down upon Marxist Hindus for embracing their cultural roots during Pujo. Still, he himself has no problem using his own religion, Islam’s religious terms, to spread venom against Hindu rituals.

He uses Islamic concepts like ‘shirk’ and ‘butparasti’ to demean Hindus, all while pretending to be a leader of the oppressed. Imam’s rhetoric is not about social justice; it is an openly Hinduphobic project that has no place in a democratic India.

The ‘Shirk’ Manifesto: When a Sharjeel Imam labels Nationalism and Humanism as supreme sin

If his 2019 Pujo post exposed his cultural bigotry, his subsequent social media activity exposes his deep-rooted ideological agenda to delegitimise the very foundations of the Indian Republic and Hindu thought. In a post dated 7 November, 2019, Imam presents what he calls the “bunyaadi ideological qismein” (basic ideological types) of shirk.

In Islamic theology, shirk is the ultimate, unforgivable sin: idol worship. Imam weaponises this concept to build a taxonomy of everything he despises, explicitly targeting Hindus and the Indian state:

  • Idolatry: but-parasti: A direct, theological attack on the core of Hindu faith. By labelling the worship of murtis (idols) as shirk, he reduces millions of Hindus to polytheists to be condemned.
  • Nationalism: watan-parasti: Here, he equates love for the nation (watan) with polytheism. For him, a Hindu’s reverence for Bharat Mata or the Indian nation is an act of sin.
  • Humanism: insaan-parasti: He demonises the very idea of humanism, showing utter contempt for the Hindu ethos of Vashudhaiva Kutumbakam (the world is one family). Because Muslims divide the world between ‘Momin’ (believer in Allah) and ‘Kafir’ (non-believer), considering only momins as family.
  • Secularism: dahr-parasti (zamana-parasti): He dismisses the secular, constitutional framework as a form of atheism. Because, as a Muslim, he can follow only Shariah law. Proving once again that he views the Indian Constitution as inherently illegitimate.

But this post also lays bare Sharjeel Imam’s intellectual fraud. He lists “materialism: maadda-parasti” as a form of shirk. This is a stunning self-inflicted blow. Marxism, the very ideology he claims to champion, is fundamentally rooted in dialectical and historical materialism. By declaring materialism to be shirk, Imam effectively excommunicates himself from the Marxist ideology he claims to embrace.

You cannot be a Marxist if you believe the materialist worldview is an Islamic theological sin. You can not claim to be a progressive fighting for “humanism” when you categorise humanism as shirk. And you certainly cannot claim to be a defender of the Constitution while labelling secularism and nationalism as supreme sin.

Conclusion

He calls himself a Marxist, but he exposes his hypocrisy himself. He mocks Hindus’ Puja and idol worship as “superstition,” yet frames his own politics with “Insha Allah,” “fi amaanillah,” and Islamic polemics against “butparasti.”

A self-styled ‘Marxist’ who invokes divine will and communal vocabulary is not fighting fascism. Rather, He is engaging in identity politics based on communal affiliation.

Imam is not a Marxist; he is an Islamist supremacist who uses the vocabulary of the Left as a Trojan horse. He demands secularism for his own community, but through terms like “but parsti and watan parsti,” etc. and by calling those terms “Shirk”, he makes it abundantly clear that his ultimate goal is the subjugation of Hindu culture and the rejection of the Indian nation-state.

His ideology is not about revolution; it is about raw, firm Islamic theological bigotry. He is not a revolutionary critic but a communal extremist Muslim posturing masquerading as leftism.

Bastar Dussehra: How the 75-day long festival is being celebrated in the region after the eradication of red terror

Aditi
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Bastar Dussehra: How the 75-day long festival is being celebrated in the region after the eradication of red terror

Chhattisgarh’s Bastar region is witnessing a grand 75-day-long Dussehra celebration. The festival commenced with Pat Jatra on August 12, 2026, and will formally conclude on October 27, 2026, with the farewell of Maa Danteshwari. President Droupadi Murmu is on a 2-day visit to the region to take part in the celebration.

Even though the festival is called Dussehra, the celebration is not centred on the defeat of Ravana by Lord Ram, unlike popular Dussehra festivities in most of India. Bastar Dussehra is organised in reverence for Danteshwari Devi, the presiding deity of Bastar, and the Kuldevi of the Bastar royal family.

Bastar Dussehra is one of the oldest festivals of the country with a history of over six centuries. It was started by the Kakatiya dynasty and has been preserved and promoted by the local tribal communities ever since. The festival is deeply linked to the spiritual beliefs of the tribes of Bastar.

A festival marked by diverse rituals

The festival is marked by a series of intricate rituals like Pat Jatra, Ratha Yatra, Kachan Gadi, and Muria (Muriya) Darbar, vibrant processions, and cultural performances. The core royal and tribal rituals of the festival take place every year in Jagdalpur, where tribals from nearby villages gather to attend the festivities.

Organised by the royal family of Bastar, the festival begins on Hariyali Amavasya in the month of Shravan, with Pat Jatra, which is a ceremonial worship of the first sacred timber. Villages across the region send their deities, priests, and craftsmen to take part in it. Over the days, the festival moves through a sequence of rituals, including the building of the great chariot, processions through Jagdalpur, the nighttime rites of the goddess, and the gathering of village deities.

In the closing days of the festival, a distinctive ceremony of Muria Darbar is organised, which marks the conclusion of the festival. The ceremony is held in Jagdalpur after the great chariot processions and the main Dussehra rituals have been completed.

Traditionally, the ceremony offered a platform for representatives of different communities, especially from the Muria tribe and Manjhi-Mukhiyas communities, to present their problems and community-related matters before the King. Even though the darbar system no longer exists in the modern democratic setup, the ceremony represents Bastar’s important traditional social system and highlights its social dialogue and community participation.

While the festival has been celebrated continuously for centuries, the festivities were dimmed by rampant Naxal activities in the region. Villages located in deeply affected areas such as Sukma, Bijapur, and Narayanpur were cut off from the celebrations due to Naxal violence. For decades, the villages that sustain this festival lay in the shadow of Maoist violence, but this year, the celebrations attracted a larger number of tourists and visitors to the region, which was long infested by red terror.

How the Bastar Dussehra festivities are different this year

Bastar Dussehra this year witnessed the participation of deities from around 50 villages in formerly Naxal-affected areas. This was unprecedented, as villages from the formerly Naxal-infested region participated for the first time in the historic festival since the region was declared to be free from Naxalism by the central government on March 31, 2026.

The tribals of the region, which was besieged by the Naxal menace for decades, are finally getting to lead normal lives, free from the shadows of red terror. This normalcy, which was once impossible to imagine in the region, has become a reality because of the Modi government’s declared mission for total extermination of Naxal terror in the country. The government and the security forces together undertook the arduous task of uprooting the Maoist ideology from the region in pursuance of the government’s zero-tolerance policy towards left-wing terrorism.

During last year’s Bastar Dussehra celebrations in Jagdalpur, Union Home Minister Amit Shah reiterated March 31, 2026, as the firm deadline to eradicate Naxalism from the region and the country. He urged local tribals associated with the Maoist ideology to give up arms and surrender to join the mainstream. To encourage tribals to renounce insurgency, the state government promised ₹1 crore in aid to each village declared Naxal-free. The government also formulated a policy for the rehabilitation of surrendered Maoists.

The end of Naxalism

For the complete eradication of left-wing terror from the region, the government adopted a multi-pronged strategy combining aggressive military operations, enhanced coordination between Central and State forces, and development efforts to address the root causes of Naxalism. While on one hand the government offered Maoist cadres an opportunity to bury their past and lead normal lives, on the other hand the security forces launched an offensive in the deepest Maoist strongholds.

In January 2024, the government launched Operation Kagar as part of its intensified efforts to deal a death blow to the Naxal menace. Under this operation, around 1 lakh paramilitary troops, including the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF), its elite CoBRA units, District Reserve Guards DRG), and state police, were deployed in the left-wing terrorism affected areas. The security personnel were equipped with modern technology like drones for information gathering, AI for intelligence gathering, and satellite imagery, among others.

Under the operation, the security forces neutralised Maoist cadres along with the entire remaining Maoist leadership. Top Maoist leaders like the General Secretary of the CPI (Maoist) and head of the Central Military Commission, Nambala Keshava Rao alias Basavaraju, and Central Committee member, commander of the People’s Guerrilla Liberation Army (PGLA) Battalion 1, and secretary of the Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee, Madvi Hidma, along with several others, were eliminated during the operation, crippling the Maoist organisations. During the operation, security forces carried out massive, intelligence-driven operations in Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, and Telangana, encompassing the entire Naxal-infected Dandakaranya region.

To further sniff life out of the Maoist cadres, the government launched a crackdown on all Maoist financial routes, which sustained their terror activities, starving them of funds as well as motivation. Raids and probes by government agencies led to the seizure of assets worth crores possessed by Maoist cadres. Over the last few years, strong political will combined with the on-the-ground efforts of the security forces has yielded the desired results. Hundreds of Maoist cadres laid down arms while several hundred were killed during the security forces’ operations.

Insurgency to normalcy

As a result of the sustained efforts of the government and the security forces, the tribals of the Naxal-affected areas are now able to breathe free air. In August this year, a group of women formerly associated with the Maoist ideology walked the ramp at a tribal fashion show in Raipur, Chhattisgarh.

The women walked the runway in traditional handloom outfits at the event, organised to mark National Handloom Day. The event marked a major leap for these women who once walked in the Naxal-affected forests, carrying weapons. The eradication of the Maoist ideology gave them an opportunity to join mainstream society and lead a life they could not have even imagined under the shadows of Naxalism.

The shift is visible in various aspects of the lives of people living in formerly Naxal-affected regions. In April this year, a remote village in the Narayanpur district received tap water connections for the first time. The region was previously designated as a “highly sensitive” zone because of persistent Naxal threats. The Maoist ideology prevented any form of development from reaching tribal villages, fueling resentment against the government. However, after the end of red terror, development projects of both the centre and the state are being implemented across the region.

Amruta Fadnavis trolling row: Social media users take sarcastic digs at Maharashtra CM’s wife after FIR against X users over her remarks on Muslim participation in Garba

OpIndia Staff
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Amruta Fadnavis trolling row: Social media users take sarcastic digs at Maharashtra CM’s wife after FIR against X users over her remarks on Muslim participation in Garba

A controversy erupted surrounding Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis’s wife, Amruta Fadnavis, after the Maharashtra Cyber Department issued a notice to X Corporation seeking details of multiple accounts and posts identified in an ongoing investigation.

The notice, dated October 19, 2026, was issued under Section 94 of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS), 2023, in connection with FIR No. 82/2026 registered at the Nodal Cyber Police Station in Navi Mumbai. It seeks account registration records, email addresses, mobile numbers, IP addresses, login timestamps, device identifiers and other information that could help investigators identify the account operators.

The document lists multiple X accounts and individual post URLs. It also directs the platform to preserve available electronic evidence, including account records, login logs and post metadata.

According to the notice, the investigation concerns allegations of defamatory content, offensive remarks and material capable of provoking public sentiment. The FIR invokes Sections 352 and 353 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), 2023, and Section 67 of the Information Technology Act, 2000.

Intriguingly, some of the accounts mentioned in the list have been suspended. The suspension has naturally sparked discussion of high-handed behaviour by authorities and whether police action is justified for criticising Amruta Fadnavis over her endorsement of Muslim participation in Garba celebrations.

How Amruta Fadnavis’s Garba remarks triggered the controversy

The controversy began in September 2026 after Amruta Fadnavis endorsed Muslim participation in Garba and Dandiya events during Navratri in Maharashtra.

The Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP) had called for Muslims to be barred from such events, a position backed by Maharashtra minister Nitesh Rane, who cited concerns of ‘Love Jihad’, a phenomenon where Muslim men lure Hindu girls into relationships while keeping their identity incognito. Amruta Fadnavis, however, expressed a different view, arguing that Muslims should be allowed to participate in Garba.

Speaking to reporters, she said:

“There is nothing wrong with a Muslim person attending the celebrations. If a Muslim also comes and enjoys the festival properly, I do not see anything wrong with it.”

Her remarks drew criticism from social media users who disagreed with her position and subsequently trolled her for her singing, public appearances and social engagements.

Maharashtra Cyber names multiple X accounts

The police notice identifies several accounts, including @kannadaveera, @Panditcasm, @RiseBharata, @Lawyer_Kalpana, @UnreservedMERIT, @aditya_pandit08, @wisenut and @Randomsenaog, among others.

Maharashtra Cyber has asked X to furnish information about account creation, registered contact details, login history, IP addresses, device identifiers, location-related information and metadata associated with the identified posts.

The agency has also sought information about linked accounts and third-party identities, where available, as part of efforts to establish who operated the accounts.

Posts deleted and accounts suspended as controversy over police action grows

Following the circulation of the FIR-related information and the police notice, several posts identified in the controversy were deleted. Some accounts mentioned in the list, including @randomsenaog, @tedha_memer, have been suspended, although it has not been independently established whether those suspensions were directly linked to the posts concerning Amruta Fadnavis.

The developments have prompted questions about the scope of the police action. If the investigation concerns threats, unlawful abuse or other independently actionable content, those allegations must be assessed on their evidence. If the action extends to legitimate criticism or satire, it raises a different set of concerns about how law enforcement is being used to suppress criticism of those in power and their family members.

Children seen hitting Amruta Fadnavis’s posters with slippers

The controversy took another turn when videos purportedly showing children hitting or slapping posters of Amruta Fadnavis with slippers began circulating online.

Social media posts linked the footage to incidents in Ahilyanagar and Kolhapur, portraying the acts as part of the backlash against her Garba remarks. It was then used by some to justify police action against social media users over their posts on Amruta Fadnavis.

Allegations of a coordinated smear campaign and a ‘hit job’

As the controversy exploded online and with many prominent influencers questioning the Fadnavis government for initiating action against ‘right-wing’ accounts criticising Amruta Fadnavis, some on social media presented a theory defending the Maharashtra government, claiming that the backlash against Amruta Fadnavis was not entirely organic and that there was a political conspiracy and public-relations networks linked to prominent leaders behind the ‘hitjob’ targeting Devendra Fadnavis.

According to this theory, her remarks were used as a pretext for a wider campaign involving distorted clips, unrelated photographs, personal attacks and videos of children striking her posters with footwear. Some have alleged that the broader objective was to portray Devendra Fadnavis as being at odds with Hindu sentiment by targeting his wife.

These claims have not been independently substantiated. No evidence was cited to establish that agencies linked to particular political leaders orchestrated the posts or videos.

‘Better than Lata Mangeshkar and Asha Bhosle’: Sarcastic posts flood X

The police notice has also prompted a wave of sarcastic posts ostensibly praising Amruta Fadnavis’s singing, with users comparing her to legendary singers Lata Mangeshkar and Asha Bhosle. A raft of social media users took to X to mockingly praise Amruta Fadnavis following the Maharashtra Cyber Department’s FIR on a critical post against the CM’s wife.

One user sarcastically described her as the greatest singer ever, claiming that she was better than Beyoncé and Taylor Swift and could sing in several languages.

Another declared that Amruta Fadnavis was better than Lata Mangeshkar and Asha Bhosle combined, sharing a montage depicting contemporary singers crying while she performed.

The exaggerated praise was obviously intended as mockery, while also drawing attention to the police investigation and the possibility of legal consequences for online posts targeting the Chief Minister’s wife.

Another user, @Being_humor, took a sarcastic dig at the BJP, suggesting that the party’s political calculations were so elaborate that they had left even its own right-wing (RW) ecosystem scratching its head.

The user came up with a tongue-in-cheek theory that the BJP had devised a “Chanakya-level” masterplan to protect right-wing influencers facing FIRs in opposition-ruled states. Since the party could not directly intervene in those cases, it was allegedly getting FIRs registered against its own influencers in BJP-ruled states instead.

The supposed masterstroke? If police from an opposition-ruled state arrived to arrest an influencer, they would discover that the person was already behind bars in a BJP-ruled state. The courts, according to the user’s sarcastic theory, would then refuse to let the other state’s police take the influencer away.

However, the controversy and ironic tweets in its aftermath reveal the growing disillusionment among a large section of ‘right-wing’ social media users with the Maharashtra government, resorting to dry, cutting sarcasm to express their disapproval.

Is Maharashtra police being misused to suppress dissent?

The Maharashtra Cyber investigation now raises several questions. What specific content forms the basis of the allegations against each account? Were the identified posts independently unlawful, or did some amount to criticism and satire? Were the reported account suspensions connected to the investigation? And is there evidence to support claims that the poster-slapping videos and online attacks were coordinated?

The police notice establishes that investigators are seeking information from X. It does not establish the guilt of the account holders or prove the existence of a political conspiracy.

The controversy, however, raises a larger question about the use of the police machinery by governments when criticism is directed at those in power or their families. While the authorities are entitled to investigate genuine threats, criminal intimidation and other unlawful content, that power must not become a means of discouraging criticism, satire or political disagreement. 

When social media users face FIRs and demands for their personal information over posts mocking a politically influential figure over their remarks, it can create a chilling effect, prompting others to self-censor for fear of police action. The distinction between unlawful conduct and unpalatable criticism must remain clear, regardless of who is being criticised.

Violence over 2009 Asiya-Neelofar rape hoax targeting Indian Army, silence over Kishtwar minor rape and murder case: Here’s what explains this hypocrisy  

Shraddha Pandey
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Violence over 2009 Asiya-Neelofar rape hoax targeting Indian Army, silence over Kishtwar minor rape and murder case: Here’s what explains this hypocrisy  

A society is inarguably in a deplorable state when outrage against a heinous crime is contingent on the identity of the victim and the perpetrator rather than the severity of the crime itself. The conspicuous silence of Kashmir and negligible outrage across India on the rape and murder of a 15-year-old tribal girl in the Chatroo area of Kishtwar by her government school’s teacher, Khalid Hussain, exemplifies this hypocrisy. The same Kashmir that burnt for over 45 days due to the fake 2009 Asiya-Neelofar ‘rape-murder’ case is demonstrating a profound moral decay and hypocrisy in the Kishtwar minor rape and murder case.

Kishtwar rape and murder case: The cover-up, social boycott threat against the victim’s family and complicit silence 

In August 2026, a 15-year-old Muslim Gujjar schoolgirl in the Chatroo area of Kishtwar was allegedly raped repeatedly for over months by her teacher and in-charge headmaster at the Government Middle School, Khalid Hussain, resulting in pregnancy.  

When the pregnancy was detected around 10th August at a local Public Health Centre, instead of mandatory reporting under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act, 2012, it is alleged that the accused teacher, his brother Tariq, doctors, hospital staff, a brother-in-law, a pharmacy owner, and two local community figures hatched a conspiracy to cover up the matter and arrange an illegal abortion. 

A junior staff member and two sanitary workers at the District Hospital Kishtwar were given money to aid the termination of the victim’s pregnancy.  

On the 19th and 20th of August 2026, the 15-year-old victim’s age was falsely recorded as an adult on hospital registration slips, and illegal and unsafe methods were used inside and outside the hospital to terminate the minor’s advanced pregnancy. 

However, as the victim’s health deteriorated, she was rushed in accused Khalid Hussain’s private vehicle to the Doda Government Medical College.  

The minor girl died on 20th August during the botched procedure. Reports say that the victim was referred to GMC Jammu in view of her critical condition. However, the 15-year-old died on the way at Udhampur. 

The police investigation revealed that Khalid Hussain’s vehicle, in which the victim was transported, was later washed to destroy evidence. 

As the matter came to light, Khalid Hussain was removed from service, and the contracts of two accused sanitation workers at the Kishtwar district hospital were also terminated after their arrests. 

Initially, a case was registered at the Chatroo Police Station. 

What followed as a local protest and shutdown in the Chenab Valley.  The case was transferred to the Special Crime Wing in Jammu. 

Meanwhile, the police arrested over nine people, including Khalid Hussain and his brother. 

Thereafter, Inspector General of Police, Crime, Sarah Rizvi, formed a special investigation team (SIT) led by Senior Superintendent of Police, Special Crime Wing, Jammu, Sanjay Kumar Parihar, immediately after the Crime Branch took over the probe. 

During the initial probe by the Kishtwar Police SIT, DNA samples of the minor victim and the newborn, collected at District Hospital Kishtwar, were sent to Central Forensic Science Laboratory (CFSL) in Chandigarh for comparison with samples from the main accused and his co-accused brother. 

In October 2026, the police filed a 1000+ page chargesheet against 15 accused persons, with teacher Khalid Hussain as the prime accused, relatives, doctors, hospital staff, community leader, etc. 

All the accused have been booked under BNS, POCSO, SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, and MTP Act, citing 143 witnesses. 

“Two doctors and another accused have been booked under Section 21 read with Section 19 of the POCSO Act for failing to report the matter to the police despite having knowledge of the minor victim’s pregnancy,” the police said. 

Meanwhile, the main accused remains in police custody. 

The local police have stated that the deceased victim’s father was prevented from approaching the police. Not only this, but he was also subjected to immense pressure and intimidation.  

Devastated by the death of his daughter, the victim’s father was also threatened with social boycott.  

“A settlement deed or Razinama was prepared in a local meeting at the residence of one of the accused. The SIT has seized this document, and the expert opinion of Forensic Science Laboratory (FSL) Jammu has confirmed the authorship of the writing and the signatures on it,” a police spokesperson said. 

While the mainstream political leaders across all parties have demanded a fair and speedy investigation into the matter, this disturbing case has somehow failed to shake the conscience of society at large. 

However, nearly two decades ago, Jammu and Kashmir witnessed violent protests, intense political theatre, sustained agitation, and international media attention over the Asiya-Neelofar rape and murder case, which actually was not a rape and murder case at all. 

The 2009 Asiya-Neelofar rape and murder hoax was concocted to exploit the accidental death of two women to target the Indian Army 

On 30th May 2009, bodies of a 22-year-old Neelofar Jan and her 17-year-old sister-in-law, Asiya Jan, were found in the Rambi Ara stream near Shopian. Even before a proper investigation, allegations spread that both women were raped and murdered by Indian Army officers. The two women had, in reality, died after accidental drowning on 29th May 2009. 

What triggered weeks-to-months-long intense protests and strikes across the Kashmir Valley, which attracted foreign media’s attention, was the postmortem reports. The postmortem reports by local doctors claimed that the deceased duo were raped and murdered.  

At that time, the Hurriyat or the separatist groups, played the central role in protest mobilisation and intensified their ‘demands’ for breaking Kashmir away from India.  

The death of Asiya and Neelofar back in 2009 had triggered violent protests led by Majlis-e-Mashwarrat. The situation could return to normal only after a Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) probe found that the two sisters, Asiya and Neelofar, were neither raped nor murdered. 

CBI, back in 2009, had filed a chargesheet against six doctors, two civilians, five lawyers and the brother of the victim for fabricating evidence. It was alleged that the lawyers had coerced two civilians to turn witnesses. The CBI has also rejected the Majlis’s claim of rape and murder, saying that the two women decided to cross the Rambi Ara river in Shopian as they were getting late. However, the two drowned in the river and died. 

CBI produced statistics from the state irrigation department indicating that the Rambi Ara river recorded increased water discharge in that specific month in 2009. 

In June 2023, the Jammu and Kashmir government terminated the services of two doctors Bilal Ahmad Dalal and Nighat Shaheen Chilloo who collaborated with Pakistan to falsify the postmortem reports of Asiya and Neelofar Jan. 

The doctor duo intended to falsely implicate the Indian Army officials in murdering and raping the two girls. Dr Bilal Ahmad Dalal and Dr Nighat Shaheen Chilloo wanted to spread disaffection against the Indian armed forces.   

It later emerged that the two teams of doctors who conducted the postmortem of the deceased girls had blatantly lied in their reports. The first team had claimed that Asiya died of cardiovascular arrest and Neelofar of neurogenic shock. The second team of doctors from Pulwama claimed sexual assault on both the girls. 

The CBI investigation questioned the entire operation, claiming that doctors had assembled a piece of the heart and labelled it as lung components. Furthermore, the second team of doctors tampered with the vaginal swab samples. It didn’t belong to one of the women. Dr Nighat Shaheen failed to inform the CBI of where she obtained the samples.  

In addition, the DNA tests on 47 officials whose samples were gathered came back negative. 

In 2010, India Today had published a report wherein they claimed to have accessed the call recordings of the doctors involved in the postmortem of Asiya and her sister-in-law Neelofar. According to the report, Dr Nighat Shaheen, who was a part of the second team of doctors, “had concluded that the girls were raped without even examining their vaginas.” 

Dr Nighat Shaheen and the other doctors had falsely stated in the report that Asiya’s hymen was ruptured.  

However, the whole rape and murder hoax fell apart when the doctors of AIIMS conducted the autopsy and concluded that Asiya’s hymen was intact. 

For nearly 45 days, Islamists and Kashmiri separatists led by the Hurriyat pushed the narrative that the Indian Army, the CRPF, the police, and “Delhi” had committed a horrific crime and thus were not worthy of their sympathy, let alone trust. 

The Indian and foreign Islamo-leftist media presented the Asiya and Neelofar death case as a quintessential example of how Indian security forces ‘torment’ Kashmiris. 

While the Kishtwar rape and murder triggered localised protests, political statements and standard media reporting, nothing on the scale of mobilisation and outrage, as well as national and international media coverage, was seen during the 2009 Asiya-Neelofar case. 

What explains the selective silence of the same coterie on Kishtwar rape and murder, which agitated for weeks over a hoax  

It is nothing but the narrative utility that explains the selective silence not only of the same groups that went berserk in 2009 over a fake rape and murder.  

The 2009 Asiya-Neelofar case fit in the pre-existing ‘Indian armed forces rape and kill Kashmiri women’ apocrypha.  

Blaming the accidental death of two young women on Indian forces, giving it a more provocative spin by alleging rape by fabricating medical evidence, weaponised the case for spreading anti-India hate, separatist mobilisation, and inviting external pressure on the Indian State.  

Remember the nationwide outrage over the 2017 Kathua rape and murder case? From locals, human rights bodies, intellectuals, Bollywood celebrities to international media, all were collectively outraged; several protests happened and social was weaponised by Islamo-leftists to highlight the religious identity of the victim and the perpetrators.  The whole placard gang had given a religious colour to the horrific crime. 

However, the Kishtwar rape and murder case does not fit these templates. The accused perpetrator is a local Muslim; the victim is a tribal Muslim girl from the Jammu region, while the cover-up involved local doctors and hospital staff rather than security personnel.  

In fact, various segments of that society, doctors, teachers, religious clerics, relatives, and even political leadership, all played a part in suppressing the matter. 

Essentially, the society collectively attempted to bury a genuine case of rape, and in the process of this suppression, the 15-year-old victim lost her life. 

However, beyond the performative outrage and a few social media posts, even a fatal cover-up involving teacher, medical, and community actors could not stir the collective conscience of those who claim to be the ‘true protectors’ and ‘champions’ of Kashmiris. 

This deliberate silence, though disturbing, is not surprising. Back in May 2019, during the widespread protests in Jammu and Kashmir over the rape of a three-year-old girl by one Tahir Ahmad Mir, the Shia-Sunni Coordination Committee (SSCC) called for an immediate end to the protests to prevent Shia-Sunni tensions. They advocated an end to the protests, arguing that it may turn into communal tension as the victim and accused belong to two different sects of Islam. 

In fact, for years, it remained an open secret that during the local Islamic terrorism in the region, women were frequently sexually abused by the Islamic terrorists in the valley.   

There is a prevalent mindset, perhaps, that crimes not how horrific they are, deserve maximum outrage only when it is convenient to target the perpetrators. But when the perpetrator is one of their ‘own’, he should get punishment, but there is no need to make a big issue out of it.  

Apparently, it is one of the reasons why the death and dignity of two Kashmiri women, Asiya and Neelofar, were turned into a tool for serving ideological-political means, but now the times have changed, and the degeneracy committed in 2009 can no longer be replicated; thus, silence is the only choice. 

It is understandable that the groups that enjoyed local power and influence in 2009 are no longer influential to the same level; neither can separatist sentiments be reignited, as the days of Azadi slogans and stone-pelting are gone. There is undoubtedly a deliberate, hypocritical and calculated silence. 

Apparently, the identity of the accused perpetrators and the victim(s) govern the extent and intensity of outrage, political-ideological utility, and not the severity of the crime itself. 

Civil Society Forum of Ladakh slams Sonam Wangchuk for hijacking safeguards agenda, demands elections in all eight districts

OpIndia Staff
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Civil Society Forum of Ladakh slams Sonam Wangchuk for hijacking safeguards agenda, demands elections in all eight districts

The Civil Society Forum of Ladakh has criticised the ongoing dialogue with the Centre over constitutional safeguards for the Union Territory, stating that the original agenda of protecting land, jobs, culture and the environment has been sidelined. At a meeting held in Leh on October 22, the Forum accused Sonam Wangchuk of dominating the discussions and expressed concern over what it described as delaying tactics and confrontational politics by certain members of the Leh Apex Body (LAB) and the Kargil Democratic Alliance (KDA).

The Forum has called for immediate Panchayat and Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council (LAHDC) elections across all eight districts, along with enhanced powers for elected councils. It has also demanded that the Leh Apex Body be reconstituted with democratically elected representatives from all districts, arguing that the existing leadership of the LAB and KDA no longer represents the inclusive voice of Ladakh.

The meeting was attended by former Ladakh MP Thupstan Chhewang, former Chief Executive Councillor (CEC) Rigzen Spalbar, former MLC Tsering Samphel, representatives of Thiksey and Thuksey Rinpoche, monks from various monasteries, members of the Ladakh Buddhist Association and GCM, Nambardars, retired officers and other civil society members.

Forum says original agenda of land, jobs and cultural safeguards has been hijacked

In its resolution, the Civil Society Forum expressed concern over the manner in which the dialogue process with the Government of India was being conducted. It said that despite several rounds of discussions and consensus reached between the Centre and representatives of the LAB and KDA, earlier agreements were being disregarded through shifting goalposts and delaying tactics.

The Forum claimed that the original agenda adopted by the Leh Apex Body, which focused on constitutional safeguards for land, jobs, culture and the environment, had been hijacked. According to the resolution, the dialogue has increasingly been dominated by Sonam Wangchuk and the KDA, compromising what it described as the interests of Leh’s Buddhist community and other districts.

The Forum argued that what should have been a dialogue to secure safeguards for Ladakh had instead turned into a confrontational process with the Centre. It maintained that such an approach was not in the larger interest of the Union Territory.

These are the Forum’s allegations as recorded in its resolution and reflect its position on the ongoing negotiations.

Thupstan Chhewang questions rejection of MHA draft proposal

Former MP Thupstan Chhewang raised concerns over the handling of the dialogue with the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA). He said that leaders of the LAB and KDA had rejected the Centre’s draft proposal without adequately examining the available options and had misrepresented the outcomes of earlier meetings, creating confusion among the public.

Chhewang also attributed the non-holding of the scheduled meeting with the MHA in New Delhi on October 22 to repeated delays, misinformation and disregard for earlier consensus.

He expressed concern over the possible consequences of the continued deadlock, particularly for Leh and its Buddhist community.

The Forum’s resolution further observed that securing a Union Territory-level democratic political institution with comprehensive constitutional safeguards would require detailed drafting, constitutional consideration and parliamentary processes. It argued that such a settlement could take considerable time, especially amid continuing disagreements.

The Forum maintained that people in Ladakh should not be left in a democratic vacuum while negotiations continue without a clear resolution.

Civil society body says LAB and KDA no longer represent all districts

One of the central demands raised by the Forum was the need to broaden political representation in Ladakh.

The resolution stated that the existing LAB and KDA leadership no longer represented the inclusive voice of all districts. It called for the Leh Apex Body to be reconstituted with democratically elected representatives from every district under its jurisdiction, including representatives of monasteries, women, tribal communities, youth and border nomads.

The Forum argued that representatives chosen by the people, rather than nominated individuals, would have greater democratic legitimacy to negotiate with the Centre on behalf of Ladakh.

It also stressed that the region’s districts have distinct ethnic, cultural and economic identities. The resolution referred to the Brokpa community of Dha-Hanu, the Changpa of Changthang, the Buddhists of Zanskar and the Shina community of Drass, arguing that a centralised arrangement dominated by one district or a limited group of representatives could fail to adequately address these differences.

According to the Forum, elected institutions at the district level would provide a more direct means of protecting local interests.

Forum demands Panchayat and LAHDC elections across all eight districts

The Civil Society Forum has urged the Government of India and the Union Territory administration to prioritise Panchayat elections and LAHDC elections in all eight districts of Ladakh.

The resolution specifically named Leh, Kargil, Nubra, Sham, Changthang, Zanskar, Drass and Sankoo.

It argued that strengthening district-level democratic institutions would provide a practical and immediate route to safeguarding land, culture, natural resources, recruitment, tourism and mining-related decisions.

The Forum maintained that elected Hill Councils could be empowered to protect local interests, including through safeguards governing land and employment. It also argued that strengthening the existing LAHDC framework would require an amendment to the LAHDC Act rather than a full constitutional amendment, making it a more immediate option.

The resolution further pointed to the absence of Panchayats over the preceding six years, arguing that this had stalled village-level development, MGNREGA-related work and the flow of funds to local institutions.

The Forum said elections would restore public confidence in democratic representation and create legitimate interlocutors for future negotiations with the Centre.

Forum appeals to PM Modi and Amit Shah to intervene

In its appeal to the Government of India, the Civil Society Forum urged PM Modi and Union Home Minister Amit Shah to take note of what it described as the ground reality that the existing LAB and KDA leadership no longer represented all districts inclusively.

It called on the Centre not to allow the dialogue process to be held hostage to delaying tactics and confrontational politics. The Forum also demanded the immediate announcement of Panchayat and LAHDC elections, with enhanced powers for the councils to function as interim but effective safeguards until a broader constitutional settlement is reached.

The resolution also urged the Centre to honour the agreement that the Forum said had been reached by consensus on the Ladakh issue.

The latest intervention highlights differences within Ladakh’s civil society over the leadership, direction and pace of negotiations with the Centre. While the demand for constitutional safeguards over land, employment and culture remains central to the wider debate, the Forum’s resolution places additional emphasis on democratic decentralisation and representation across the region’s districts.

Whether the demands lead to a change in the composition of the negotiating bodies or accelerate the election process remains to be seen. The Forum has for now made its position clear: the pursuit of constitutional safeguards, it argues, should not come at the cost of democratic representation at the district and village levels.

China’s AI boom loses steam, stocks enter bear market: Why Beijing’s economic troubles could benefit India

Jinit Jain
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China’s AI boom loses steam, stocks enter bear market: Why Beijing’s economic troubles could benefit India

China’s stock market is sending a warning that Beijing would rather not hear. After months of investor enthusiasm over artificial intelligence (AI), technological breakthroughs and expectations of government support, Chinese equities are sliding sharply, exposing the fault lines in an economy that continues to struggle with weak domestic consumption.

The CSI 300 Index, which tracks 300 major companies listed in Shanghai and Shenzhen, has fallen around 20% from its June peak, entering bear-market territory. Hong Kong-listed Chinese stocks have also taken a beating, with technology shares leading the decline. The Hang Seng Tech Index plunged 5% on Thursday, October 22, while the broader Hang Seng Index fell 3%.

The sell-off comes despite China reporting 4.6% economic growth in the first three quarters of the year, keeping the country within reach of its annual growth target. Clearly, headline GDP numbers are not enough to convince investors that China’s economic recovery is on firm ground.

The problem is that China’s growth story increasingly rests on a contradiction. Beijing wants to position the country as a global technological superpower, pouring resources into strategic industries such as AI, electric vehicles, batteries and advanced manufacturing. Yet beneath this ambition lies a domestic economy where consumers remain reluctant to spend, corporate earnings disappoint investors, and expectations of another major government stimulus package are fading.

For India, this presents both an opportunity and a warning. China’s troubles could strengthen the case for diversifying manufacturing supply chains away from Beijing. However, a prolonged Chinese slowdown could also unleash a fresh wave of cheap exports, intensify competition for Indian manufacturers and trigger volatility across emerging markets.

The question is not simply why Chinese stocks are falling. It is whether India’s policymakers and businesses can turn China’s economic vulnerabilities into a long-term strategic advantage.

China’s AI euphoria meets the reality of corporate earnings

For much of the year, Chinese technology stocks benefited from investor optimism surrounding AI. Beijing’s push for technological self-reliance, the emergence of domestic AI companies and expectations of breakthroughs in advanced computing helped fuel enthusiasm for the sector.

Investors were betting that China’s technology companies would emerge as major beneficiaries of the AI revolution, even as US restrictions and geopolitical tensions complicated Beijing’s efforts to access advanced technology.

However, the stock-market rally appears to have run ahead of what businesses can actually deliver.

Investors are now asking uncomfortable questions about valuations, profitability and the returns generated by enormous investments in AI infrastructure. A promising technology is not automatically a profitable business, and a company’s strategic importance to the Chinese Communist Party does not guarantee that its shareholders will make money.

This reassessment is not confined to China. Investors worldwide have begun questioning whether the enormous sums being committed to AI infrastructure will generate sufficient returns. Higher US Treasury yields have also made investors more cautious about paying elevated prices for growth stocks.

Chinese companies face an additional disadvantage. Their valuations are being reassessed at a time when domestic demand remains weak, and hopes of a substantial economic stimulus package have diminished.

The result is a double blow: global investors are becoming more selective about AI stocks, while China-specific economic concerns are making its technology companies less attractive.

The decline in shares of companies such as Alibaba and Tencent reflects these concerns. Both have significant exposure to China’s internet economy, where consumer spending and advertising demand are important drivers of business performance.

The experience is a reminder that technological ambition, however impressive, cannot indefinitely compensate for weak demand and uncertain earnings.

Beijing’s growth numbers cannot hide the weakness in domestic consumption

China’s economic predicament goes beyond the stock market.

The country’s growth figures have held up, but the performance of different parts of the economy remains uneven. Exports have been relatively robust, while domestic demand continues to languish.

That distinction matters because a sustainable recovery requires more than factories producing goods for overseas markets. Chinese households must also be willing to spend, businesses must be able to generate healthy profits, and consumers must have enough confidence in their economic prospects to increase discretionary purchases.

When households remain cautious, the effects spread across the economy. Retailers struggle to increase sales, e-commerce platforms face pressure on revenue growth, and companies find it harder to justify fresh investments.

This is particularly relevant for China’s major internet businesses, whose fortunes are closely linked to consumer activity.

The problem also complicates Beijing’s attempt to rebalance its economy. China has long relied heavily on manufacturing, investment and exports. Weak household consumption makes it more difficult to create a recovery driven by domestic demand rather than external markets and state-directed investment.

For investors, meeting an annual GDP growth target is therefore not the same as witnessing a broad-based improvement in corporate profitability.

Markets are forward-looking. They respond not merely to how quickly an economy has grown, but to whether businesses are likely to earn more money in the future.

Until China demonstrates a more convincing recovery in domestic demand, investors may remain reluctant to buy into the country’s growth story.

Government stimulus is no longer enough to excite investors

Another factor behind the sell-off is the fading expectation of a major new stimulus package.

Government support has played an important role in China’s economic and market narrative. Whenever investors feared that growth was weakening, expectations of policy intervention helped create optimism that Beijing would step in to stabilise the situation.

However, incremental measures have disappointed investors hoping for a more decisive response.

Chinese authorities have taken steps to support the stock market and curb selling pressure. Yet state-backed buying can only do so much. It may stabilise prices temporarily, but it cannot manufacture consumer confidence or guarantee better earnings.

Investors want policies that address the underlying problems: weak household spending, uncertain business prospects and inadequate momentum in parts of the economy.

The distinction is important. Supporting a stock index is not the same as strengthening an economy.

If investors believe that the government is unwilling to introduce measures substantial enough to improve the growth outlook, they may conclude that waiting on the sidelines is preferable to buying into a falling market.

This is particularly damaging when expectations of policy support have already been a major part of the investment case.

Beijing now faces a difficult balancing act. It must support economic activity without creating further distortions, while persuading investors that its policies can generate sustainable growth rather than short-lived rallies.

CATL’s slowdown exposes the limits of China’s industrial success

China’s difficulties are not confined to internet companies and AI developers. Its strategically important manufacturing sectors are also facing scrutiny.

Contemporary Amperex Technology Limited (CATL), the world’s largest battery maker, suffered a sharp sell-off after reporting slower-than-expected quarterly profit growth. Its shares fell heavily as investors reassessed its earnings momentum and the implications of fading policy support.

CATL is a particularly important example because batteries and electric vehicles have become central to China’s industrial ambitions.

Chinese manufacturers have developed enormous production capabilities, benefited from established supplier networks and built formidable positions in global markets. Yet even companies operating in industries backed by government priorities must contend with competition, pricing pressure and the challenge of maintaining profit growth.

The broader lesson is that industrial dominance does not make a company immune to market realities.

China’s manufacturing strength is genuine, but investors are increasingly distinguishing between the country’s ability to produce goods at scale and the ability of individual companies to generate attractive returns for shareholders.

This distinction will matter for India as well. Chinese companies facing pressure at home may become more aggressive in overseas markets, seeking additional customers to compensate for slower growth domestically.

For Indian manufacturers, that could mean greater competition from companies that possess scale, established supply chains and the capacity to cut prices.

What China’s stock-market decline means for India

China’s market turmoil does not automatically mean that India will emerge as the winner. However, it reinforces several strategic considerations for New Delhi.

1. The China+1 opportunity becomes more important

For years, multinational companies have explored ways to reduce excessive dependence on China. The objective is not necessarily to abandon Chinese manufacturing, but to avoid relying on a single country for critical production and supply chains.

Prolonged uncertainty surrounding China’s economic outlook could strengthen this incentive.

India has the potential to attract investment in electronics, pharmaceuticals, automotive components and selected industrial sectors. But companies will not shift production simply because Chinese stocks are falling. They need reliable infrastructure, efficient logistics, access to skilled workers, competitive costs and predictable regulations.

India must therefore compete on fundamentals rather than assume that China’s difficulties will automatically deliver investment.

The opportunity is substantial, but it has to be earned.

2. Cheap Chinese imports could become a bigger challenge

Weak domestic demand can encourage Chinese businesses to pursue overseas sales more aggressively. When manufacturers have large production capacities but struggle to grow sales at home, international markets become increasingly important.

For India, this presents a complicated picture.

Indian businesses dependent on Chinese components and industrial inputs could benefit from lower prices. Consumers may also gain access to cheaper products.

However, domestic manufacturers could face greater pressure if Chinese companies discount goods to defend or expand their market share.

This is particularly relevant in industries where Chinese producers enjoy substantial economies of scale and established supply chains.

India must ensure that lower-cost imports do not undermine the development of domestic manufacturing capacity. Trade policy, enforcement against unfair trade practices and the competitiveness of Indian businesses will all matter.

The objective should not be to shut India off from global trade. It should be to ensure that Indian manufacturers have a fair chance to compete while retaining access to essential inputs.

3. India must build manufacturing ecosystems, not merely attract assembly lines

China’s industrial strength was not created overnight. It rests on decades of investment, dense supplier networks, infrastructure, manufacturing expertise and the ability to produce components at scale.

India cannot replicate that ecosystem merely by offering incentives to companies willing to set up factories.

The country needs to move beyond assembly operations towards deeper domestic manufacturing, including components, machinery, materials and supporting industries.

This is especially important in sectors such as electronics, batteries, solar equipment and electric vehicles, where Chinese companies have developed considerable advantages.

If India wants to benefit from supply-chain diversification, it must make manufacturing commercially viable over the long term.

That means improving logistics, reducing avoidable compliance burdens, ensuring reliable power and making it easier for businesses to expand production.

China’s current troubles could create an opening. Whether India captures it will depend on its ability to offer an efficient alternative.

4. Indian stock markets could still come under pressure

There is a temptation to assume that money leaving China will automatically flow into India. That would be an oversimplification.

Global investors can move their money into US equities, bonds, other Asian markets or cash. They are not obliged to choose India simply because Chinese stocks have become less attractive.

Moreover, if China’s decline becomes part of a broader global risk-off episode, Indian equities could also suffer.

Foreign portfolio investors may reduce exposure to emerging markets, putting pressure on share prices. Companies linked to international demand, technology spending and global financing conditions could face additional uncertainty.

Indian investors must therefore distinguish between the long-term structural opportunity and short-term stock-market movements.

China’s weakness may strengthen India’s relative investment appeal, but it does not guarantee an immediate rally in Indian equities.

5. A Chinese slowdown could affect commodity prices

China’s enormous industrial base makes it a major consumer of industrial commodities. A deeper slowdown affecting construction, manufacturing and investment could weaken demand for materials such as iron ore and copper.

For India, lower commodity prices could reduce the cost of certain imported inputs and help ease inflationary pressures.

But the effects would vary across sectors. Commodity producers could face lower earnings, while companies dependent on Chinese demand could suffer.

If the slowdown spreads beyond China and weakens global economic activity, the impact could be more complicated still.

India should therefore view this development through the lens of both opportunity and exposure, rather than treating every negative development in China as a positive for its own economy.

China is not finished, and India should not become complacent

The temptation to declare the end of China’s economic rise whenever its markets fall would be misplaced.

A bear market is a measure of stock-price performance, not proof that an economy has collapsed. China retains considerable manufacturing capacity, technological expertise, infrastructure and established global trade relationships.

Its current difficulties may persist, but a market correction could also create opportunities for investors willing to buy selected companies at lower valuations. Beijing retains policy tools that it can deploy if economic conditions deteriorate further.

India should not confuse China’s present vulnerabilities with an assurance of its own success.

The Indian economy has its own structural challenges, including the need to create productive employment, improve manufacturing competitiveness and deepen domestic supply chains. These challenges will not disappear because Chinese stocks are falling.

Nor should India assume that every foreign company seeking diversification will automatically choose it. Other economies are competing for the same investments.

The real test is whether India can translate its relative advantages into sustained industrial growth.

India’s opportunity lies in turning China’s troubles into its own advantage

China’s stock-market sell-off exposes a growing disconnect between technological ambition and economic confidence. The AI boom has failed to shield Chinese equities from weak consumption, disappointing earnings and fading expectations of a major stimulus package.

The immediate consequences are visible in falling stock prices. The longer-term implications could be more significant, particularly if Chinese companies intensify their push into overseas markets or multinational businesses accelerate supply-chain diversification.

For India, this is a moment to strengthen its manufacturing base, attract productive investment and reduce excessive dependence on a single source of critical industrial inputs.

But the opportunity is not automatic. If India fails to improve its competitiveness, Chinese companies may continue to dominate key industries even while their domestic stock market struggles.

The lesson for New Delhi is clear: China’s weakness may open the door, but only India’s own economic performance can determine whether it walks through it.

From France to India, a transnational Islamo-leftist ecosystem is fueling and amplifying protests: Read about Progressive International, whose delegation met Rahul Gandhi, Indian Alliance Paris, and the Neville Roy Singham anarchist propaganda network 

Shraddha Pandey
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From France to India, a transnational Islamo-leftist ecosystem is fueling and amplifying protests: Read about Progressive International, whose delegation met Rahul Gandhi, Indian Alliance Paris, and the Neville Roy Singham anarchist propaganda network 

Anarchy is being packaged as ‘resistance’ and amplified as the ultimate solution for socio-political and economic issues across Europe and in India by a transnational Islamo-leftist ecosystem. Their modus operandi is picking up genuine issues in target countries, stirring protests or co-opting them and exploiting them for their own anarchist Islamist-Communist agenda. A Fox News investigation titled “Global Chaos Inc Grows to 101 Groups” has revealed that there are 101 organisations like Progressive International and various Islamo-leftist groups, across nine countries, including India, actively coordinating, organising, or amplifying protests. At the heart of this red-green protest ecosystem linking French and Indian protest messaging is the Indian Alliance Paris (IAP). 

It was recently reported that of the 50 organisations actively participating in the ongoing protests, only 15, about one-third, were student or youth groups. The majority, 35 groups, were adult-led: around 12 labour unions, 8 communist or socialist groups, 4 political parties, including La France Insoumise and the French Communist Party, leftist civil or human rights groups, and one Palestinian advocacy group.  

According to a Fox News investigation, these Communist and Islamist organisations include the Confédération générale du travail (General Confederation of Labour), Force Ouvrière (Workers’ Force), and Union nationale des syndicats autonomes (National Union of Autonomous Trade Unions). The CFDT Public Education, Training and Research; CGT Éduc’action; the National Federation of Education, Culture and Vocational Training–Workers’ Force; SUD Éducation; and Syndicat National des Enseignements de Second Degré, the National Union of Secondary Education, affiliated with the Unitary Trade Union Federation. 

In Paris and other protest-hit areas across France, hammer-and-sickle flags appeared alongside Palestinian flags and Keffiyehs. Far-left political leaders also joined protesters, and pro-Palestine ‘activists’ mixed into the actions.    

The fresh wave of protests across Europe and the recent Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) protests in India against Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar are in continuation of the Islamo-leftist/communist pattern of hijacking real issues and protests, resorting to violence, and pushing their own ideological-political agenda through mobilisation and propaganda.  

From France, Albania, the US, Brazil, and Greece to India, the transnational Islamo-leftist protest ecosystem with deep pockets is tapping domestic issues in target countries and turning them into a platform for broader political and ideological confrontation, with an announced or unannounced aim, in many cases, of regime change. 

One of the key players behind amplifying anarchist protests across France and India is Indian Alliance Paris (IAP). 

Indian Alliance Paris: The alliance of Islamo-leftist anarchy

The Indian Alliance Paris (IAP) is a France-based outfit comprising students, researchers, etc., claiming to have committed themselves to a “democratic and egalitarian” India. However, a deeper analysis of their activities reveals their true leftist agenda.  

In January 2023, the IAP co-sponsored an event in Manhattan which opposed the expansion of NATO, with The People’s Forum as its venue.   

The Indian Alliance Paris linked the protests in France, India, Albania and Spain, stating on its website on 16th October that it was working to “Support and Connect” the “new rebellions” to help them “change the conditions that produced them”. 

The IAP has demonstrated through its events and online commentaries that it is anti-Modi/BJP.  

Given its communist ideological roots, the IAP has also opposed action against Naxalites in India. In fact, the Indian Alliance Paris has ties with the CPI(ML) Liberation in India. 

It is interesting to note that Neha Bora, a key face of the anti-Gyanesh Kumar protests, is the leader of the CPI (ML) student wing, AISA.  

It is interesting to note that IAP’s Secretary Joy Banerjee has strong ties with the French Communist Party, which is at forefront of the ongoing violent protests in France. 

The IAP has a track record of indulging in anti-Hindu and anti-India activities. Recently, the Indian Alliance Paris (IAP) and three other organisations, including France’s CGT union, which is also actively involved in the protests in France, invited the French media to spew venom against the BAPS days before the Eiffel Tower women employee removal during the visit of celibate saints controversy erupted.  

The Indian Alliance Paris had screened a documentary riddled with the usual Islamo-leftist propaganda about ‘Hindu nationalism’, Hindutva, and painted BAPS as a ‘misogynistic’ outfit. 

However, weeks after the controversy, an investigation confirmed that “a collective dysfunction” occurred during the incident, and that BAPS did not, orally or via written request, seek removal of women from the Eiffel Tower premises. 

Unsurprisingly, both the Indian Alliance Paris and The People’s Forum are supporting and amplifying both the Islamo-leftist protests in France and the Cockroach Janta Party-led protests against Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar in India.   

Progressive International: Name is progressive, but agenda is Communist-Islamist propaganda

One of the 101 organisations the Fox News investigation highlighted for involvement in linking and amplifying the protests in France and India is Progressive International (PI). 

Progressive International is an international organisation that mobilises leftist activists and groups globally. “The Progressive International launched in May 2020 with a mission to unite, organise and mobilise the world’s progressive forces,” PI’s website states. 

This Islamo-leftist outfit has published numerous propaganda articles and issued statements peddling the insidious Muslim victimhood narrative to slander the Modi government. In one of its statements issued in 2023, the PI portrayed bulldozer action against houses of Muslim rioters after the anti-Hindu violence in Haryana’s Nuh as ‘demolition of India’s democracy’. The statement was signed by Islamists like British Labour MP Zarah Sultana and Jeremy Corbyn.  

Both the Islamist British politicians have, predictably, extended support to the ongoing protests against CEC Gyanesh Kumar. 

The Progressive International hosts a dozen anti-India, particularly anti-Hindu propaganda pieces. In one such briefing titled “Naked Hindu Supremacism”, PI vilified Hindus to peddle the Muslim victimhood bogey. 

The Progressive International has the likes of Harsh Mander as its council member. Mander has written several articles slandering Hindutva and, by extension, Hindus. In one such article headlined, Is India Lurching Into a Genocide?, Mander cited Gregory Stanton to falsely suggest that a “genocide of Muslims in India could take place”. 

Harsh Mander had worked in the Indian Administrative Service (IAS) for almost two decades and quit the service in protest against the ‘state-sponsored riots’ in Gujarat in 2002. After quitting as an IAS officer, Mander later worked in Sonia Gandhi’s National Advisory Council (NAC) that drafted the anti-Hindu Communal Violence Bill. 

Mander has also served as the Director of the Centre for Equity Studies (CES), which received funds from Christian Evangelical Organisations, and he has openly batted for religious conversions in the past.  

Harsh Mander’s article, designed to fuel the victimhood complex among Muslims, was shared by the Prime Minister of Pakistan, Imran Khan. He had written in the article published in 2018, “Muslims are today’s castaways, political orphans with no home, for virtually every political party. This is despite India being home to a tenth of the world’s Muslims, around 180 million people, making it the largest Muslim country after Indonesia and Pakistan. There has never been a harder time to be a Muslim in India, not since the stormy months that followed India’s Partition.” 

Harsh Mander is also a known Ishrat apologist, the female LeT operative who was killed in an encounter along with three others by Crime Branch Officials in Gujarat. 

Harsh Mander was also one of the forty ‘activists’ who had filed a review petition in the Court against the Ayodhya Verdict that paved the way for a Bhavya Ram Mandir at Ayodhya. He is also part of the coterie and has filed a petition against the Citizenship Amendment Act. Mander had also incited Muslims to riot during anti-CAA protests. 

The Progressive International also has former JNU professor and Islamic terrorist Afzal Guru’s fan, Jayati Ghosh, as its council member.  Back in 2016, Ghosh criticised the Modi government for suppressing protests organised to commemorate the death sentence of terrorist Afzal Guru. In addition, Ghosh has also been named alongside Sitaram Yechury and Yogendra Yadav in the supplementary chargesheet of the 2020 Delhi Riots case. 

In its “Cabinet”, the executive body, the Progressive International has Jeremy Corbyn, the former leader of the UK’s Labour Party. Corbyn is a man of controversy. Back in 2023, he refused to call Hamas a terrorist organisation during an interview with Piers Morgan. In 2009, Jeremy Corbyn invited terrorists belonging to the radical Islamic outfits, Hezbollah and Hamas, to the UK Parliament. Previously, Corbyn had supported the “Free Riaz and Qayyum Campaign”, which sought to get Mohammed Riaz and Abdul Quayyum Raja, convicted of kidnapping and murdering an Indian diplomat, Ravindra Mhatre, on British soil, released from prison. 

In 2022, Corbyn was photographed with Congress leader Rahul Gandhi during the latter’s controversial UK visit. A massive row had erupted over Gandhi meeting Corbyn as the former Labour leader has a history of supporting Kashmiri separatist narratives, echoing Pakistan’s position on Jammu and Kashmir, and endorsing calls for international intervention in India’s internal affairs. 

In February 2026, Varsha Gandikota-Nellutla, the Co-General Coordinator at Progressive International, labelled Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi ‘anti-national’ for signing the Israeli Knesset’s guests’ book. 

Notably, the PI’s “emeritus” advisory members comprise the likes of Noam Chomsky and NewsClick-linked Marxist journalist Vijay Prashad. 

Progressive International has been actively amplifying anarchist protests in India and France.  

Regarding the protests against imaginary ‘vote chori’, Progressive International issued a statement on 10th October, titled, “Red Alert: Delhi is militarised as millions mobilise against mass disenfranchisement”. 

Progressive International echoed the CJP and Opposition’s apocryphal narrative that the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of the electoral rolls across the country has resulted in ‘mass disenfranchisement’ which, it claims, offered electoral advantage to the BJP ” by removing voters from marginalised communities, including Muslim and Dalit voters.” 

However, contrary to the insinuation the red-green alliance players have floated that somehow 130 million or 13 crore voter names have been arbitrarily struck down from voter rolls, in a politically motivated mass disenfranchisement manoeuvre by the Election Commission of India, these are exclusions from the draft electoral rolls, not permanent final deletions.   

The SIR of electoral rolls across the country in recent months was conducted after a monumental gap of nearly 24 years.  The SIR was not an illegal mass disenfranchisement action but a constitutionally aligned house-to-house enumeration exercise to update and clean electoral rolls.  

The latest SIR was conducted across 30 states and Union Territories, scrutinising about 95.4 crore voters. Nearly 13.39 crore voter names were left out of the draft electoral rolls. These voter names were not singled out based on their religion, caste, gender or political leanings. These voter name deletions fall mainly under the ASDD, which means Absent, Shifted, Dead, and Duplicate voters.  

Of the 13 crore names removed from the draft electoral rolls, 6.30 crore were Permanently Shifted, 3 crore Absent or not traceable, 2.80 crore Dead, 1.02 crore Duplicate and 0.26 crore under other categories.  

Rules state that there is a claims-and-objections window after the draft is published. After processing claims, objections, and any related appeals, the final rolls are published; only then are the voter’s name exclusions for that revision finalised. 

Although the Opposition parties alleged malice over the Supreme Court’s remark that it has not approved any fresh changes to Form 6, the apex court recently clarified that it has not disapproved of it either.    

The ECI has stated that Form 6 has not been modified or replaced. It pointed out that a new declaration mapping the parents of a prospective voter in the previous SIR was introduced as a separate eligibility verification requirement, and it wasn’t a modification of Form 6.  

Earlier, the ECI had pointed out that the decision to introduce this new declaration was taken unanimously by the Chief Election Commissioner and both Election Commissioners Vivek Joshi and Sukhbir Singh Sandhu. It has maintained that prescribing additional information for eligibility verification falls within its residual powers.  

This interpretation was backed by the Supreme Court’s order dated 27th May 2026 in the Bihar SIR. The top court had recognised the Election Commission’s authority to prescribe documentation for verifying voter eligibility. 

Progressive International also has a Tides Foundation connection. The outfit has a pro-Hamas group, the Arab Resource and Organising Centre, as one of its members, which is sponsored by the Tides Foundation. Now, Tides Foundation has a Chinese Communist Party (CCP) stooge, Neville Roy Singham-funded NewsClick connection. 

Interestingly, in April 2025, Rahul Gandhi and Sonia Gandhi met a delegation from Progressive International in New Delhi. While this meeting did not trigger a proportionate outrage, it has gained public and political attention now as the Indian players of the global red-green alliance are giving open calls for regime change. 

It is notable that although Opposition parties led by Congress are actively involved in anti-CEC protests, it is mainly the communist-leftist student groups like the Student Federation of India (SFI), All-India Students’ Association (AISA), and their leaders like Neha Bora, who are leading the ground protests.   

Neville Roy Singham communist propaganda network 

Progressive Alliance, Indian Alliance Paris, Vijay Prashad, BreakThrough media and the extended Islamo-leftist coterie share a common link with an information laundering network, House of Singham, helmed by Neville Roy Singham, the US-born tech tycoon who sold his IT consulting firm Thoughtworks for about $785 million in 2017 before relocating to Shanghai.   

This network is a sophisticated “information laundering” or “narrative laundering” machinery that modifies raw activism into polished propaganda, which is then amplified by the Roy-Singham-funded network to sow discord in the US, France and other democracies while burnishing China’s image as a ‘benevolent’ counterweight to ‘imperialism’, particularly American imperialism. The left-wing activism in Cuba and violent protests in France perfectly exemplify this.   

This red-green alliance has propaganda and anarchy as its rudder and fuel. It exploits real grievances in target countries, co-opts and magnifies them into ‘revolution’ against supposed ‘fascism’ or ‘fascist government ‘, which is intended to, or carries the potential to, secure a violent regime change. 

Reports say that Neville Roy Singham has funnelled over $278 million directly into his pro-China propaganda network since 2017, with total money flows exceeding $591 million across 223 transactions spanning five continents through the year 2025. The massive amount was pumped into over a thousand interconnected organisations, of which around 200 are directly involved in generating and propagating pro-China and anti-America messaging at the behest of the CCP.  

Neville Roy Singham is alleged to have first established a system to funnel tax-exempt dollars via two shell entities and a donor-advised fund with links to Goldman Sachs, “GS Donor Advised Philanthropy Fund for Wealth Management Inc.” Goldman Sachs philanthropy arm “terminated” Singham’s donor-advised fund in February 2024. 

The House of Singham pro-China propaganda and activism network’s origins can be traced to Neville Roy Singham’s wedding to Jodie Evans, the co-founder of CodePink Women for Peace, in Jamaica in 2017. The wedding event was attended by more than 80 core leaders, including Vijay Prashad of “TriContinental: Institute for Social Research”. Vijay Prashad, a Marxist journalist, later populated other boards within the network across shell-like entities, including Mutod LLC and Likewise Conceptions LLC. Fox News investigation finds that many of these organisations are registered at generic locations like hotels or UPS stores, apparently to obscure flows.   

Eleven US non-profits are serving as a hub, redistributing funds, coordinating protests, generating media content, political education, and “Liberation Centres” that are similar to the infamous 20th-century Chinese leader Mao Zedong’s “united front” strategy of embedding ‘revolutionary’ actors in superficially independent social, media, labour, cultural, and educational groups to erode the targeted country’s state legitimacy from within.  

From three organisations, GS Donors Advised Philanthropy Fund for Wealth Management Inc., and the two apparent shell companies, Roy Singham pumped $278 million into six nonprofits.  

These nonprofit organisations include People’s Forum, which received $22.4 million; People’s Support Foundation, which received $167.5 million from Singham-linked sources; and Justice and Education Fund, which received $68.7 million. BreakThrough BT Media, CodePink, which is co-founded by Singham’s wife Jodie Evans, and Tricontinental Ltd, which has Marxist ‘journalist’ Vijay Prashad as its Director. 

BreakThrough Media: Neville Roy Singham’s top tool for glorifying and amplifying leftist anarchy

BreakThroughNews.org was registered online in December 2019. In March 2020, “Breakthrough / BT Media Inc.” was registered in Delaware as a new company. It secured IRS 501(c)(3) nonprofit status in June 2020 as Breakthrough BT Media Inc. Neville Roy Singham donated $1.1 million to BreakThrough BT Media Inc. in the name of ‘public service and medical/public services. While the outfit claims to be unbiased, it is a part of the International People’s Media Network, which regularly pushes pro-China propaganda.  

Source: Fox News

BreakThrough News produces and amplifies pro-Palestine, anti-Israel, pro-Venezuela/Maduro, pro-Cuba, and other such content, which are always aligned with China’s foreign policy interests.  

At present, the propaganda outlet has devoted its resources to peddling glorifying Islamo-leftist anarchists in France and India.  

BreakThrough News has published numerous propaganda pieces glorifying leftist anarchist Indian protestors. 

Source: BreakThrough News

In an interview with BreakThrough News, Jodie Evans, the wife of Singham, co-founder of CODEPINK, said: “I want people to look at France, Spain, and India and just say, ‘Where are we? Why are we not in the streets?’”  

Besides amplification and glorification of Islamo-leftist anarchy, journalists linked to the Roy Singham network actively participate in protests and extract high-impact content.   

In the US, the House of Singham has created a direct pipeline from American tax-exempt dollars to Chinese propaganda factories. Earlier this year, Fox News Digital reported that three US nonprofit organisations within the Roy Singham-led network sent $9.1 million across seven payments since 2021 to Shanghai Maku Cultural Communications Co., Ltd., which is a pro-CCP propaganda factory registered at Neville Roy Singham’s luxury building address and generating online content based on the CCP’s narratives. 

The People’s Forum: Kashmir separatism, anti-Hindu tropes, glorification of communism, and role in amplifying Islamo-leftist ‘protests’ 

The People’s Forum which like several other Roy Singham-funded propaganda factories, has been one of the major instigators of anti-Israel protests in the US since October 2023. CodePink, co-founder and Neville Roy Singham’s wife, Jodie Evans, donated over $20.4 million to the organisation between 2017 and 2022. However, People’s Forum’s propaganda peddling activities are not confined to the US alone; rather, they extend to India as well. The outlet has been pushing anti-India narratives since 2019.  

Over the years, ‘The People’s Forum’ has been organising teach-in sessions, seminars and movie screenings to disseminate a distorted idea of Jammu and Kashmir to its global audience.  

Previously, the pro-China propaganda outlet has called for the secession of an integral part of Jammu and Kashmir and extended support to extremist elements, calling for ‘Azadi ‘. On March 18, 2019, the organisation conducted a 1 hour 50 minute 50-minute-long session, presenting India as an ‘occupying’ force in Jammu and Kashmir. The Forum calls the integral part of the Indian territory “Indian occupied”, even as the only portion of Jammu and Kashmir that is actually illegally occupied is— the Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir.  

The outfit also has a history of platforming rabid India-haters and Pakistan’s ISI-linked elements to push anti-India narratives. One such is Hafsa Kanjwal, who had earlier downplayed the Pulwama terror attack in an opinion piece in The Washington Post.  

Back in 2019, Kanjwal appeared at a People’s Forum-hosted seminar as an instructor. Kanjwal has maintained close ties with convicted ISI agent Ghulam Nabi Fai through her organisation ‘Stand With Kashmir (SWK)’. She is an Assistant Professor at Lafayette College and featured prominently in several events of ‘The People’s Forum.’  

In September 2019, the Neville Roy Singham-funded organisation conducted another ‘teach-in session’ dubbed ‘Self-Determination and Solidarity in Kashmir.’ The anti-India event was sponsored by the likes of ‘Codepink’, founded by Neville Roy Singham’s wife, Jodie Evans.  

In March 2023, Hafsa Kanjwal was invited by ‘The People’s Forum’ to promote his book ‘Hostile Homelands: The New Alliance between India and Israel.’  

In the run-up to the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, The People’s Forum conducted a seminar by a Communist Party-affiliated Student Federation of India (SFI) leader, V Srinivasa Rao.  

The event titled ‘Make the land proud: India’s Peasant Struggles and the 2019 Election’ hoped to capitalise on the growing resentment of farmers towards the Modi government and impact the outcome of the polls.  

The pro-China and pro-Communist propaganda organisation funded by Neville Roy Singham also has a record of disseminating the myth of the ‘Kerala Model’ in one of its events since the government in Kerala was a Communist one.  

In October 2019, the Neville Roy Singham-financed organisation held a seminar on Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi and launched an attack on Hinduism under the pretext of condemning ‘Hindutva’.  

This event was co-sponsored by a group backed by a Hungarian-American philanthropist infamous for anti-India and anti-Hindu activities, in addition to orchestrating ‘colour revolutions’ in various countries: Hindus for Human Rights (HfHR).  

Hindus for Human Rights 

HfHR was formed in the year 2019 by the Indian American Muslim Council (IAMC) and the Organisation for Minorities of India (OFMI). , HfHR received backlash earlier for endorsing the Hinduphobic event titled ‘Dismantling Global Hindutva’ conference. 

Sunita Vishwanath, the co-founder of ‘Hindus for Human Rights’, had also tried to create hysteria and panic among Indian Muslims about the National Register of Citizens (NRC) in 2019.  Vishwanath has earlier been in the news for meeting Congress leader Rahul Gandhi during the latter’s controversial Hudson Institute visit. She had also backed Zohran Mamdani, who has an opprobrious history of peddling anti-Hindu and anti-India propaganda, for his New York mayoral candidacy. 

Recently, HfHR endorsed IAMC’s online petition asking people to take part in it to urge Secretary of State Marco Rubio to revoke Bhagwat’s US visa, insisting that otherwise it would “send the wrong message about America’s commitment to religious freedom and the safety of minority communities.” 

In late August, HfHR’s sister entity Hindus for Human Rights Action, in collaboration with SACRED Acts, secured a pledge from 100 politicians against receiving donations from RSS-linked entities or its supporters.  

Hindus for Human Rights has been organising ground protests in the US against imaginary ‘vote chori’ or vote theft in India. During the protests on 2nd October, HfHR members raised slogans created and amplified by anti-BJP political parties, particularly the Congress, in India.  

Vijay Prashad: The trust confidante of Neville Roy Singham linked to Progressive International and NewsClick, who loves Islamo-leftist anarchy  

The same Neville Roy Singham, who ran a pro-China information laundering network in the US, has also expanded his evil empire to India. Roy Singham’s Justice and Education Fund donated $10.5 million to Delhi-based pro-China propaganda outlet, NewsClick.  

A prominent member of Roy Singham’s pro-CCP propaganda and anarchy-fueling machinery is Vijay Prashad. He has contributed several propaganda anti-India articles to NewsClick. Prashad is the nephew of Brinda Karat, a CPI(M) leader and wife of Prakash Karat, also a senior CPI(M) leader, whose email exchanges with Neville Roy Singham earlier revealed their close ties in the NewsClick Chinese funding scandal.  

Interestingly, Vijay Prashad has also been a council member of Progressive International. 

Prashad also has close links with Urban Naxal P Sainath, whose propaganda portal PARI removed references to Singham after his connection with the Chinese propaganda arm had come to light.  

Vijay Prashad has, on social media handles, expressed joy at watching France being burnt by the Islamist and Communist rioters, the propaganda network he is a part of glorifies. 

Laying bare his delight over Islamo-leftist anarchy spreading across Europe and India, Prashad posted on X recently, ” Paris-New Delhi-Buenos Aires Let fury have the hour, anger can be power. (The Clash, Clampdown, London Calling, 1979).” 

OpIndia has regularly called out Newsclick’s anti-Hindu propaganda. Moreover, Newsclick has also faced scrutiny for its alleged connections with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). In 2023, an investigation by the New York Times uncovered an ecosystem of activist organisations, non-profits, shell corporations, and their intimate ties to China and Chinese propaganda, with Neville Roy Singham at its helm. A Delhi Police chargesheet filed in 2024 called the Chinese state the “ultimate paymaster”, with funds routed to stoke anti-India narratives, especially regarding Kashmir and farmers’ protests. The case is ongoing in court.  

Back in 2021, OpIndia conducted a detailed investigation into the links of NewsClick and uncovered how it was linked to several individuals who regularly spew venom against India, from Urban Naxals to those like Teesta Setalvad, Abhisar Sharma and several others.   

That investigation by OpIndia can be read here.’ 

In February this year, the Enforcement Directorate fined NewsClick and its founder-editor Prabir Purkayastha Rs 184 crore under the Foreign Exchange Management Act (FEMA) for violating foreign funding regulations.  

The NewsClick founder is accused of conspiring with Chinese Communist Party (CCP) member Neville Roy Singham to defame the Indian government and its efforts to contain the spread of COVID-19 and cast aspersions about the efficacy of the Indian vaccine ‘Covaxin’ developed by Bharat Biotech.  

NewsClick is alleged to have obtained funds from China to provoke disturbances in India, especially amid the anti-CAA (Citizenship Amendment Act) protests to topple the Modi government and has links to anti-India voices like Gautam Navlakha.  

Its founder faced allegations of having ties to LeT (Lashkar-e-Taiba) terrorists, giving money to anti-Hindu 2020 Delhi riots accused Islamist Sharjeel Imam and Naxals in Delhi Police’s chargesheet. 

Apparently, India is in the middle of a regime change operation orchestrated and amplified by a transnational Islamo-leftist ecosystem. This is a modern form of subversion, fueled by both ink and blood. While France, Albania and many other countries have fallen victim, it remains to be seen how the Modi government in India protects the nation from a violent anarchist regime change. 

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