On Sunday (16th November), the controversial Cable News Network (CNN) reported on rising anti-India racism in the United States but ended up quoting notorious Islamists and anti-India bigots.
The Amercian news media company, which otherwise has a history of pedding anti-India propaganda, published an article (archive) titled ‘Racists are now openly targeting Indian Americans.’
CNN highlighted how Indian-origin FBI Director Kash Patel, Nikki Haley, Vivek Ramaswamy were abused by white Christian nationalists for wishing their followers on Diwali.
Screengrab of the article published by CNN
“Some Indian American conservatives seem shocked that segments of the political right are now taking aim at them,” the article noted.
CNN atributed the rising anti-India racism to the ‘political right’, rise of ‘fringe figures’, and US President Donald Trump’s crackdown on immigration. “Some members of the MAGA coalition are openly suggesting that only white Christians belong in America,” it added.
While it was evident that the American news channel published the article to berate the Republicans and champion the cause of anti-racism, CNN roped in individuals known for anti-India and anti-Hindu rhetoric.
1. Raqib Naik
One of the experts quoted by CNN happened to be Raqib Naik. He was referred to as the Founder and Executive Director of the ‘Center for the Study of Organized Hate.’
“Raqib Naik, the center’s founder and executive director, said that his team recorded nearly 2,700 posts promoting racism and xenophobia against Indians and Indian Americans in October alone,” the American news company claimed.
For starters, Naik is an Islamist and a vicious fake news peddler. He is the founder of anti-Hindu disinformation outlet ‘Hindutva Watch,’ the Twitter account of which was withheld in India in January 2024.
HW started as a Twitter handle in 2019, & its website also became operational in the same year. It had no fathers until owned by Raqib Hameed Naik in 2023 with the help of WaPo journo Pranshu Verma. Verma didn’t even check the dates claiming it was founded in April 2021!
The anti-India radical is infamous for denying the Hindu genocide perpetrated by Islamists in the Kashmir Valley in the early 1990s. Naik had previously mocked the Hindu ‘Shivling’ found inside the Gyanvapi mosque in Kashi.
Despite this, CNN presented Naik as a researcher on ‘anti-India bigotry’ on social media.
2. Rohit Chopra
The American news media company also quoted one Rohit Chipra, who was introduced as a Professor at Santa Clara University in the US.
“(He) studies far-right online communities and…co-authored the reports for the Center for the Study of Organized Hate with Naik,” it stated.
Chopra runs a Hinduphobic X handle by the name ‘IndiaExplained,’ which was previously suspended for calling for the assassination of Indian Prime Minister Nanrendra Modi.
The Twitter poll ran by Rohit Chopra.
Chopra encouraged his followers to participate in a poll about how the Indian Prime Minister would be killed by his own Home Minister Amit Shah.
In one tweet, the vile Professor shared a picture of Narendra Modi and claimed, “Dressed like he’s headed to rape a devotee, murder a wife or start a riot.”
After his tweets went viral, he was de-platformed by prominent global think tank Observer Research Foundation (ORF).
Tweet by Rohit Chopra
According to NDTV journalist Shiv Aroor, the same ‘Professor’ was being investigated for child pornography several years ago.
This explains why he had gone all out to defend ‘Dismantling Global Hindutva’ conference and downplay the explicit Hinduphobia generated throught the single event.
Interestingly, CNN had no qualms to rope him in as an ‘expert’ on anti-India racism in the US.
Chopra who has consistently fuelled anti-India and anti-Hindu rhetoric told the American news channel, “This should serve as a kind of wake-up call — that racism that’s directed at people of color and minority groups, you are not exempt from. And maybe that should spark some kind of reflection about questions of solidarity with other vulnerable groups.”
3. Siddharth Venkataramakrishnan
Another controversial ‘expert’ quoted by CNN in its article happens to be Siddharth Venkataramakrishnan, who works as an analyst at Institue for Strategic Dialogue (ISD).
He had previously attempted to donwplay ‘love jihad’ as a conspiracy theory, despite 1000s of documented cases. For the unversed, it is a ploy to convert non-Muslim women to Islam under the pretext of love (often by concleaing one’s true identity).
The propagandist, who is yet to squeak a word about ‘Bhagwa love trap‘ campaign and its far reaching effects, had targeted OpIndia for a hit-piece by ‘TheWired’.
“Siddharth tells WIRED that the narratives in these articles are then picked up and spread on other platforms such as X and Telegram, noting how “in some of these places there’s even more explicit calls for violence against Muslims or for the removal of Muslims.” Such narratives fall under the umbrella of Hindutva, or Hindu nationalism, a political ideology which claims that India is a Hindu nation under threat from outside influences such as Islam and Christianity,” an article by ISD pointed out.
The Institue for Strategic Dialogue, where Siddharth Venkataramakrishnan works as an analyst, has peddled lies not only about Hindutva and attempted to blame ‘Hindu nationalism’ (albeit without evidence) for the 2022 Leicester riots.
Amidst surging Hinduphobia in the United States, a Christian nationalist outfit and the Islamist group, the Indian American Muslim Council (IAMC), have joined forces to further vilify the Indian American Hindus and their faith. The New York State Council of Churches (NYCOC), through its Religious Nationalisms Project (TRNP), has announced a series of interfaith seminars from 20th to 23rd November, in North Carolina’s Bay Area.
The events titled “The Weaponization of Hinduism in Northern Carolina and India and the Relationships to Global Religious Nationalisms” are being co-organised by the Islamist group IAMC. The additional sponsorship for these anti-Hindu events comes from the White Christian Nationalisms Task Force of the California-Nevada Conference of the United Methodist Church.
As per the promotional material of the scheduled events, the seminars will be held at several locations, including the United Methodist churches in Roseville, Alameda, and Santa Rosa; First Church Berkeley (United Church of Christ). One of the seminars will also be held at a Sikh Gurudwara Sahib in San Jose.
This series of seminars will be on the theme of Religious Nationalisms, with “a special focus on Hindutva as a central case study.” The events will have three presenters: The Reverend Peter Cook, The Reverend Neal Christie, and The Right Reverend Joshua Lickter.
American Hindu rights groups call out Christian-Muslim collaboration to peddle Hinduphobia
The collaboration of a church-linked Christian outfit and a rabid anti-Hindu Islamist IAMC has sparked outrage among American Hindus.
The Hindu American Foundation (HAF) criticised the anti-Hindu tour and highlighted that it comes at a time when hatred against Hindus is increasing in the US. The HAF also questioned the city authorities why such an event is being allowed in California and why public funding is involved in such an anti-Hindu propaganda event.
“A New York based Christian church group joining the Indian American Muslim Council on a “tour” in spewing provocative lies against Hindus when anti-Hindu hate is at its zenith is absolutely unacceptable. Why does your office fund this @GovKathyHochul? Is this ok in California @CAgovernor?” the HAF wrote on X.
Suhag Shukla, the Executive Director of the HAF, said, “The New York State Council of Churches is joining a Muslim group to tour California—not to promote solidarity & peace—but to target peaceful Hindu Californians. This isn’t interfaith solidarity, this is an ambush. @GovKathyHochul, your NY Office of Faith-Based and Community Initiatives is funding NYCOC when anti-Hindu hate is peaking. How is this ok?”
Meanwhile, the Coalition of Hindus of North America (CoHNA) also echoed the criticism of the anti-Hindu seminars and accused the NYCOC-IAMC-organised tour as a tool to “pontificate to practising Hindus on what their faith should and should not be.”
IAMC and its anti-Hindu/anti-India activities and past Hinduphobic collaboration with the New York State Council of Churches
The Indian American Muslim Council (IAMC) is a Washington-based Islamist outfit which has been involved in anti-India activities and pushing an anti-Hindu agenda for many years. In 2021, IAMC, along with the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), campaigned to designate India as a “Country of Particular Concern”.
During the India-Pakistan conflict in May this year, when the Indian Armed Forces eliminated Islamic terrorists and their infrastructure deep inside Pakistan, the IAMC and CAIR condemned India’s Operation Sindoor.
The Indian American Muslim Council is reported to have links with the banned Islamic terror outfit, Students’ Islamic Movement of India (SIMI). Besides, the Indian American Muslim Council has ties with Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) and Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI) through its founder, Shaik Ubaid. The IAMC is a Jamat-e-Islami-backed lobbyist organisation claiming to be a rights advocacy group. The IAMC has also been involved in promoting antisemitism.
The IAMC has also formed the Hindus for Human Rights (HfHR) group, which is an open anti-Hindu and anti-India organisation based in the US.
Not to forget, in 2021, ‘Hindus for Human Rights’ also endorsed the anti-Hindu event ‘Dismantling Global Hindutva’ conference. It also came up with a “special toolkit” to propagate against Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi during his State visit to the US in June 2023.
In June 2023, Congress scion Rahul Gandhi was seen sitting alongside Sunita Vishwanath during an event hosted by the Hudson Institute. In October 2023, the X account of HfHR was withheld in India in response to a legal demand.
In the past, the IAMC had reportedly collaborated with and even paid money to various groups in the USA to get India blacklisted by the USCIRF (United States Commission on International Religious Freedom). IAMC had been caught spreading fake news and misinformation to further the Islamist cause in India. It had also been slapped with the UAPA in 2021. The IAMC often publishes dubious reports and propaganda materials slandering American Hindus and Hindus in India, under the pretext of countering ‘Hindu nationalism’.
From seminars to surveys, reports to speeches, the IAMC has long been vilifying the American Hindus and their faith. In September 2024, IAMC conducted a ‘survey’ [pdf] with the ulterior motive to brand the religious minority group as ‘racist’, ‘intolerant’ and ‘Islamophobic.’ OpIndia reported how the IAMC survey passed off vague and subjective opinions from its respondents as absolute truth.
Unsurprisingly, the upcoming ‘Weaponization of Hinduism’ seminars are not the first anti-Hindu collaboration of the NYCOC and the IAMC. In August 2024, the Federation of Indian Associations NY-NJ-CT-NE decided to include a Ram Janmabhoomi Temple float in the India Day Parade to mark the 78th Independence Day of India. This, however, did not go well with the IAMC and the New York State Council of Churches, who, along with other Islamists, pro-Khalistan and other anti-Hindu groups, wrote a letter to the New York Governor Kathy Hochul and then Mayor Eric Adams, peddling lies to oppose the inclusion of the Ram Mandir float in the parade.
These organisations have claimed that VHPA, an offshoot of Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) “has been designated as a militant religious organisation by the Central Intelligence Agency’s World Factbook”. However, OpIndia reported back then that while it is true that VHP and Bajrang Dal were designated as “militant religious organisations” on 4th June 2018, the names were effectively removed from the list by 25th June 2018. It was a mistake to call these two organisations “militant”, and the CIA itself had rectified it in less than a month.
In June 2025, the NYSCOC and TRNP joined the IAMC in issuing a statement slandering an event hosting several Hindu activists in Dallas. These anti-Hindu groups linked Hindutva with violence and religious hatred. They also hurled sweeping allegations about religious freedom and tolerance in India, insinuating that somehow Christians and Muslims are under threat in the Hindu-majority country.
Amidst rising racism against Hindus and Indians in America, anti-Hindu elements attempting to ride the wave and further their nefarious designs
From the 1907 anti-Indian mob violence in Washington, the 1910 Detroit Times “Hindoos (Hindus) Continue to Flock to the US” article referring to Hindus as ‘Oriental scum’, the discriminatory Johnson-Reed Act of 1924, the Dot Busters group in 1980s which targeted Hindus Americans based on their religious and racial identity and assaulted them, to the individual cases of religiously-motivated hate crimes against Hindus post 2001, attempts at revisingCalifornia’s K-12 history-social science curriculum to include stereotypical representation of Hindus and Hinduism in textbooks, Hindus in the US, have faced hatred, discrimination and violence.
Earlier, these Hinduphobic attitudes found manifestation in anti-Asian racism and labelling of Hindus as ‘caste-ridden savages’ and ‘heathens’, and attacks. It manifests today in temple desecrations, school bullying, media propaganda and online hatred. A 2022 Network Contagion Research Institute report documented a 1,000% increase in anti-Hindu slurs online, blending white supremacist “replacement” fears with Islamist narratives accusing Hindus of “genocide” in India.
Just months back, White and Christian supremacists ignited the H1-B visas debate after Donald Trump nominated American-born Indian Sriram Krishnan as senior policy advisor for Artificial Intelligence at the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy.
What began as an online attack slandering Sriram soon snowballed into a full-fledged campaign against H1-B visas for highly-skilled Indians. This was followed by derision and insults directed at Hindus and Hinduism.
The Christian supremacists have normalised slandering and mocking Hindu deities, labelling them ‘demonic’ and ‘false gods’. In September this year, Alexander Duncan, the Republican Senate candidate for Texas, called Lord Hanuman a ‘false god’ and objected to the construction of his statue in the US, saying that America is a ‘Christian’ nation, although by law, America is not a Christian nation.
Weeks back, Donald Trump’s Trade Adviser, Peter Navarro, who Trump has unleashed as his attack dog to vilify India over its Russian oil purchases, resorted to slandering the Brahmin community. In an interview with Fox News, Navarro invoked caste and accused the Brahmins of India of “profiteering at the expense of the Indian people.”
OpIndia has been consistently reporting how the Anti-Hindu lobby in the US has been actively running a sinister campaign to push a caste discrimination narrative aimed at undermining and villainising the Hindu community in the US, particularly the Brahmins. Many universities, including Harvard University, Colby College, Brown University, and California State University, have even added caste to their non-discrimination policy. In 2023, the California State Senate in the US passed legislation (SB-403) that banned caste-based discrimination in the State, although it was later vetoed. Not to forget the 2019 CISCO caste discrimination case, which was widely used to vilify the Hindu community as casteist and incompatible with American values. This case was dismissed after no wrongdoing was found.
In 2021, the BAPS Swaminarayan Temple in New Jersey was raided by the American authorities after a lawsuit alleging forced labour and caste discrimination was filed. The American legacy media targeted the Hindu temple and its authorities; however, this too turned out to be a case of all propaganda, not facts, intended to malign the reputation of Hindus in America. The US authorities recently closed the investigation in this case as none of the allegations were found to be true.
In 2024, the anti-Hindu lobby opposed House Resolution 113, which condemned Hinduphobia in the US.
In recent years, hate crimes against Indian Americans have also been on the rise. According to the FBI’s 2020 data, hate crimes against Indian Americans are up by 500 per cent.
Besides, politics and social media, even the American media and academia perpetuate anti-Hindu bias through selective outrage and erasure. OpIndia has on numerous occasions reported how newspapers like the New York Times, among others, have also been complicit in spinning and amplifying anti-Hindu narratives.
OpIndia earlier reportedhow the DEI programs have been normalising hatred against Brahmins in the US. In their attempts to foment the same hate Nazis had for Jews, several DEI programs were creating prejudices against Hindus, particularly the so-called “upper-caste” Hindus like Brahmins, who are already at the receiving end of hate campaigns of the anti-Hindu elements.
The vandalism of Hindu temples in the US has become a disgraceful norm in the US. In September 2024, the BAPS Shri Swaminarayan Mandir in Sacramento, California, was desecrated with anti-Hindu and anti-India graffiti. This act of vandalism came just days after a similar incident occurred at the BAPS Mandir on Long Island, New York. While Khalistani terrorists have been the frequent perpetrators of these anti-Hindu crimes, now the Christian supremacists are also intensifying opposition to Hindu symbols, statues and temples.
It was reported last year that in California, anti-Hindu incidents ranked second only to antisemitism, with 23.3% of religious hate calls tied to Hinduphobia. In July 2025, a video of a White American berating an Indian man with “Why are you in my country? I don’t like you guys here. There are too many of you guys here. Indians! You guys are flooding all the white countries. I am tired of it. Americans are sick of this sh**. I want you to go back to India…”
Recently, in Irving, Texas, three masked men carrying “Don’t India My Texas” signs showed up in a suburb where thousands of Indian tech professionals reside.
Irving, TX. A group of masked men with “Take Action Texas” are seen holding signs calling Hindu deities “foreign demons,” peddling Hinduphobia and hate against Indian Americans. And running a X handle promoting this bigotry. @thecityofirving, we hope that you take note and… pic.twitter.com/yw49Nqhyy3
— CoHNA (Coalition of Hindus of North America) (@CoHNAOfficial) October 25, 2025
There has been a rising tide of racism and religious hatred against the Hindus in the US. While not all crimes against Indian Americans are driven by religious hatred, the online hate against Hindus has also contributed to this. It must not be forgotten that even the H1-B visas debate began with ‘Indians are taking over our jobs’, but soon turned into blatant Hinduphobia.
The hatred and racism against Hindus and Indians in the US have become so rampant that even the Hindu leaders in the Republican Party are not immune to such attacks. From vilifying FBI Director Kash Patel and US Director of National Intelligence, Tulsi Gabbard for wishingeveryone a happy Diwali, mocking the Trump administration for celebrating Diwali in the White House, attacking JD Vance’s Hindu wife Usha Chilukuri, and questioning Vivek Ramaswamy’s Hindu faith, to making absurd ‘Indians poaching wildlife in Canada and America’ claims, Indians and Hindus are facing attacks of all kinds just for existing.
FYI: >White men wiped out Cheetahs in India. From 10,000 cheetahs in 1600's, they went extinct by 1950. >White men killed 80,000 tigers in 50 yrs in India which brought them on the verge of extinction. Duke of Windsor shot 17 tigers in one week in 1921. British civil servant… https://t.co/feNREx6iAepic.twitter.com/dTpow44663
— Stop Hindu Hate Advocacy Network (SHHAN) (@HinduHate) October 19, 2025
These Hinduphobic attacks are not confined to mere online trolling and mockery, rather it extend to politics, academia and day-to-day life in the US. In a recent exposé, it emerged that the leaders of a Republican Party-affiliated group, Young Republicans, exchanged racist, anti-India, anti-Black, pro-Nazi, and homophobic messages in a Telegram group chat. From furthering hygiene stereotypes against Indians to suggesting that Indians are not trustworthy, the Republican leaders of the now-disbanded group demonstrated how India-hate has been normalised in the American political circle. The White racists and Christian supremacists have also been villainising Indian Americans to lend credence to their ‘White Replacement Theory’. Besides, ‘Nuke India’ calls by this lot online has also become a new ‘cool’ among American racists and Hinduphobes.
The growing pressure from White Christian nationalists to not come across as any less Christian hardliner is such that even US Vice President JD Vance had thrown his Hindu wife under the bus to prove his strict adherence to Christianity. From crediting Usha for helping him rediscover his Christian faith and respecting her faith to now wishing that she convert to Christianity, Vance changed his colour faster than a chameleon all to seek validation from Christian supremacist supporters.
Earlier this year, Rutgers University’s Centre for Security, Race and Rights (CSRR) put out a report and a roadshow around a familiar thesis that is “Hindutva in America”. It framed Hindutva as a far-right project, treated diaspora groups as RSS fronts, and claimed that Hindutva is a menace to American pluralism. Last month, they held a panel discussion with Sahar Aziz, Professor of Law at Rutgers, and two speakers, doctoral student Nikaytaa Malhotra and anti-Hindu “historian” Audrey Truschke panel discussion based on the report.
OpIndia reported earlier about Audrey Truschke’s track record of whitewashing heinous crimes committed by the Mughal tyrants against Indians. Through her books, articles and speeches, Truschke has constantly been vilifying the Hindus, Hinduism and India. In September, Religion Dispatches published Truschke’s propaganda piece titled: “WHAT IN THE WHAT?? Hindu Nationalism, Explained”,wherein she fuelled hatred against Hindus by lying about the roots of violence in the West.
Amidst rising Hinduphobia in the US in myriad forms, the Islamist and Christian outfits coming together to further exacerbate the already concerning situation in the US is intolerable. Hinduphobia is being institutionalised in the US with the tacit support of the ruling administration all while Hindu Indian-Americans remain law-abiding citizens contributing to the growth of the country they live in.
On 10th November, a massive car blast shook Delhi. The explosion was later found to be connected to the elaborate Islamist terror module that has been unearthed across Kashmir, Delhi and Haryana, involving doctors, former medical students, questionable funding channels and Al-Falah University whose Chancellor has a dubious past. However, instead of acknowledging the scale of the jihadi network, a section of social media rushed to seize upon one detail that fit their preferred script, that is, the brief detention of a Hindu woman doctor, Dr Priyanka Sharma. As the media caught whiff of the questioning of a Hindu doctor, channels ran the reports and speculations grew. However, after only a couple of hours, it was reported that Dr Sharma was released by the police after questioning.
But the ecosystem had got the card that could trump all the hate the Islamist terror module was getting. The ecosystem that consistently cries that “terrorism has no religion” was suddenly jubilant. They finally had a “Hindu name” to throw into the mix. Though she was not arrested, named as accused or placed under any restrictive legal custody, Dr Sharma became a target of vicious attacks. X user Alok Yadav said, “In the Delhi blast case, Dr Priyanka Sharma from Rohtak has been arrested. Among all the Hindus caught helping terrorists, 90% belong to one particular caste. Now if I name the caste, the mainstream will get upset.”
Source: X
X user Amock said, “BREAKING: Dr Priyanka Sharma has been detained by investigation agencies in Red Fort blast case. But ministry will not say a single word. Godi media will stay silent. Malware will pretend nothing has happened. She is Hindu and absolutely terrorism has no religion.”
Source: X
Social media user Nargis Bano claimed Dr Priyanka Sharma was arrested and said, “The people who defame Muslims by looking at the religion of criminals are silent on the arrest of MBBS doctor Priyanka Sharma.”
Source: X
Detention is not arrest, even if social media insists otherwise
It is important to spell out what should be obvious. Detention for questioning is not the same as arrest. It is a routine practice for police to detain or call individuals for brief questioning while investigating cases, especially when such a massive terror module has been busted linked to a terror attack in the National Capital. There were no charges filed against Dr Sharma, no formal arrest memo was issued and no accusation was levelled. It was a temporary interaction between her and the police that the law allows to collect information.
An arrest, on the other hand, involves formally taking someone into custody. Specific sections are invoked and the arrested person has to be produced before a magistrate to establish grounds for criminal suspicion. None of this happened in Dr Sharma’s case. Police merely questioned her because her name appeared in the phone trail of Adeel, a former GMC Amritsar staffer who has already been arrested. Dr Sharma was released by the police and her phone was, however, retained for forensic analysis, another routine procedure. Yet a few predictable commentators declared she had been “arrested,” “caught supporting Hindu terrorists” and similar falsehoods. They knew the difference. They simply did not care.
A multi-state jihadi network, not a communal scavenger hunt
What is actually unfolding is far more serious than the social media circus suggests. The Red Fort blast investigation and the “white-collar” module in Kashmir have exposed an interlinked jihadi network involving Adeel, an arrested staffer from GMC Anantnag, Dr Muzammil Ganai, already in custody, and Umar Nabi, the driver of the explosive-laden Hyundai i20. Two Haryana-based doctors from Al-Falah University have also been arrested by Delhi Police.
This is what a genuine counter-terror operation looks like. Agencies are leaving no loose threads, which is why they are questioning anyone connected academically or professionally with the arrested individuals. A Muslim doctor from West Bengal who studied at Al-Falah was also questioned and released and an entire MBBS batch may undergo routine questioning. But selectively amplifying the name of a Hindu woman and pretending it somehow “equalises” a jihadi module is not investigation, it is agenda.
The familiar game of absolving the guilty
The moment the module’s Islamist links became clearer, some commentators grew uncomfortable. So they desperately clutched at Dr Sharma’s brief detention to proclaim Hindu involvement, even insinuating caste angles. Their goal is transparent. They want to erase the words “Islamist module” from the discourse and replace it with a muddy, politically convenient grey zone. This behaviour is not new. Every time an Islamist terror network is exposed, a section of the commentariat scrambles to invent balance, to float red herrings, to falsely secularise what is an explicitly radical network.
Calling out the dishonesty
The police are doing their job. They are questioning anyone who ever worked with the arrested doctors. Most of them will be cleared and released within hours, as seen already. This is how terror cases are cracked in the real world. What must be called out is the intellectual dishonesty of those who are taking a detention and propagating it as a Hindu arrest, solely to shield a very real, very dangerous Islamist network. Such spin-doctoring does not just insult public intelligence, it undermines the fight against terrorism itself.
Social media has recently been abuzz with intriguing and captivating visuals of a mysterious celebration happening in the backdrop of snow-clad mountains. The dreamy pictures and videos showed masked people dressed in woollen attire with kaleidoscopic, intricate patterns and layers of ornate jewellery, dancing to the beats of local music.
Image via Instagram/@guyfrom_kinnaur
The pictures captured by travellers depict a winter festival called Raulane, celebrated in Kinnaur, Himachal Pradesh. The vibrant mountain festival is deeply rooted in the folklore and spiritual tradition of the local people, and offers a glimpse into their centuries-old culture. Raulane is a sacred tradition that is observed in honour of the mystical fairies, who are believed to protect the people living in the villages of Kinnar during piercing winters. Locals believe that mystical fairies, called Saunis, are celestial beings who descend from the mountains to offer protection and warmth to them during harsh winters. The festival forms a bridge between the locals and the mystical fairies and marks an expression of the former’s gratitude towards the latter.
Image via Instagram/@kanwar_photos
The locals, who take part in the celebration, are not just performers dressed in vibrant ensembles; they are people for whom the festival is a way to connect with their roots and preserve their unique culture. The celebration also marks a seasonal transition and offers a farewell to the mystical fairies as the spring season approaches.
mage via Instagram/@kanwar_photos
In the festival, men, selected through ancestral customs, dress as Raula, meaning ‘groom’, and Raulane, meaning ‘bride’, in heavy Kinnauri woollen fabrics. After donning the traditional attire, the participants transition into ritual figures, who act as intermediaries between the locals and the Saunis. The celebration begins with an announcement- “Two men will be married”. This is not an actual marriage between two men, but a symbolic ceremony to represent the union of mystical spirits.
The celebration includes a cheerful procession, filled with laughter, local songs and prayers. The laughter of the Raula represents an assurance of an abundant harvest in the coming season. After the festivities begin, the pair of Raula and Raulane visit the ancient Nagin Narayan temple. The celebration peaks inside the temple, filling the entire atmosphere with a deep spiritual energy. In the temple premises, the Raulas and the Raulanes perform a slow and intuitive dance, which is believed to open a gateway between the humans and the celestial Saunis.
For centuries, the ancient sacred festival remained a private communal celebration. However, with increased tourism and social media, the festival has now garnered the attention of the outside world. But the locals have been guarding the sacred tradition with great dedication and faith.
A major search operation in Gujarat’s coastal belt led to the recovery of deadly weapons from a dargah in Kodinar, located in the Gir Somnath district. The discovery was made on Sunday, 16th November, after police teams, including the Special Operations Group (SOG), launched a massive combing drive across sensitive villages and port areas after the Red Fort blast in Delhi on 10th November.
According to officials, the operation was ordered by District Superintendent of Police (SP) Jaideepsinh Jadeja, who directed teams to scan the coastline for illegal activities. More than 100 police personnel took part in the operation, including two DySPs, six PIs, seven PSIs, officers from SOG and LCB, and the bomb disposal squad. Police teams from Kodinar, Una and Veraval also conducted surprise inspections at Mul Dwarka port and questioned people living in nearby villages.
Weapons found inside the Dargah during inspection
During this extensive search, the SOG team reached the Hazrat Kachi Peer Baba dargah in Kodinar’s Mul area. While checking the premises, the police recovered sharp weapons, including an axe, knives, and swords. At the time of the inspection, the dargah’s caretaker (munjavar), Aminsha Ismailsha Kanojia, was present. Police found that he had no permission to keep any of these weapons.
The weapons were seized on the spot, and Aminsha Ismailsha was taken into custody for questioning. Later, an FIR was registered against him under Section 135 of the Gujarat Police Act. The complaint was filed by Head Constable Gopal Singh Mori from the SOG. A copy of the FIR has been accessed by OpIndia.
Police officials said the recovery of weapons has raised serious questions, especially about how these weapons reached the dargah, who brought them, and whether they were meant for any unlawful activity. These aspects are now being probed.
Police say more irregularities found in the area
SP Jaideepsinh Jadeja confirmed to OpIndia that the combing operation was launched after the Delhi car blast case. He said that while checking sensitive coastal areas, the team searched the dargah as well and found weapons kept without any kind of documentation.
He added that the police also found several other violations during the operation. In many areas, people from other states were living on rent without informing the police, which is mandatory under local regulations. Action has also been taken in cases where other rules were found to be violated. Jadeja said that similar inspections and combing operations will continue in the district.
Recent tensions in Gir Somnath over illegal structures
This incident comes at a time when tensions have already been high in the region. Last week, during a demolition drive in Gir Somnath, a team of police and district officials was attacked when they went to remove an illegal structure connected to a dargah. Cases were filed against several people, including women, after the incident.
Recently, a group of Kashmiri men living in the district were also detained for questioning. However, police said that nothing suspicious was found in that case. The SP clarified that these incidents are separate, and no link has been established with the weapons recovered from the Kodinar dargah.
Weapons hidden earlier in Kalol cemetery also under probe
This is not the first time that weapons have been found in shrines or graveyard premises in Gujarat. The report also highlights that Gujarat ATS had recently arrested three terrorists who had come to pick up weapons hidden inside a cemetery in Kalol, Gandhinagar.
Earlier, two terrorists from Uttar Pradesh had brought weapons from Rajasthan and buried them in the same cemetery. Another man from Hyderabad, identified as Syed Jaikar, had arrived to collect them. The ATS arrested the suspects before they could leave Gujarat, and interrogation is still underway.
The recovery of weapons from the Kodinar dargah has now added another angle to the series of security concerns in the state’s coastal and sensitive regions. Police say they are probing whether the seized weapons have any larger connection or were stored for local disputes.
On 16th November, when OpIndia visited Panjab University in Chandigarh, the scene on the ground did not match the feverish noise that has been doing the rounds on social media. Inside the campus, many students were sitting calmly at the protest site, repeating the same, simple demand, that is, announce the Senate election schedule. The students with whom OpIndia talked wanted to return to classes as soon as the dates are announced and resume their studies. The worry of missing important coursework was visible on their faces. The students at Panjab University wanted clarity, not chaos.
One student, Avtar Singh, made it extremely clear that the strike would end the moment the schedule was announced. He said the students knew it takes over 200 days to conduct Senate elections, and none of them were asking for an overnight miracle. They wanted the process to begin, which indeed has already begun as announced by the university a few days ago.
However, step outside the inner circle of students, and the scene changed completely. There were tractors, langar vehicles, loudspeakers (though they were quiet when we visited), political banners, farm union flags and groups that ideally had nothing to do with the university’s internal governance. Those groups and people, who called themselves union members, politicians and activists, had taken over the space that belonged exclusively to the university students, current or former.
Source: OpIndia On Ground Reporter
Just like what happened during the farmer protests, where farmers’ legitimate issues were drowned under political opportunism and identity mobilisation, the peaceful demand for Senate polls has now been dragged into a state vs Centre confrontation. And predictably, the loudest voices in this new swirl were not students, but those who piggybacked on the students’ protests for their own agendas.
From the moment the gates were broken on 10th November, it became clear that outsiders had come with their own agendas. The FIR itself documents that the crowd that forced open Gate No 1 had a large number of non-students. Police officials said in statements that while some PU students were at the front, the barrier breaking and pushing largely came from people who had nothing to do with the university. And yet, these very clashes are being projected as the natural consequence of the Senate issue. They are not. They are the result of opportunistic hijacking, and the students themselves know it.
Speaking to Times of India, even Vice Chancellor of Panjab University, Renu Vig, said that students admit it is no longer about senate. She said, “They haven’t said this directly to me, but through wardens and committee, students have conveyed a sense of helplessness.”
What the students actually want, and how fear is being seeded among them
If we look beyond the slogans, the political speeches, the farm union theatrics and the social media noise, the demands of the students are very clear. They want the Senate restored through elections. They want a legitimate governing body as defined by the Panjab University Act. And they want the uncertainty of the past one year to end. That is all. They are not the ones who raised the demands about Chandigarh’s ownership. They are not demanding identity-based claim over the university. They are not shouting about federalism. They are not asking the Centre to pack its bags and leave the Union Territory.
From the discussion OpIndia had with the people present at the protest site, it was evident that the students want clarity on Senate and want to go back to their classes as soon as possible. While the protests are against the Central Government’s decision to make Senate membership nomination based, a notification that has already been taken back by the Union Government, they are not against the Centre per se. They just want clarity about their future.
We noticed that a parallel campaign is being run within the campus to make students believe that the moment the Centre “takes control” of the Senate, the university will become a dictatorship, fees will be raised, and Punjab will lose the institution permanently. These exact lines were repeated to us by people who were not students but were present at the site. The fear is being manufactured. It is not organic. And it serves the political groups that have descended on the campus far more than it serves the students.
There are whispers that the notification was an attempt by the Central Government to “snatch” the university from the state. The situation, which should have been resolved on the day the Central Government revoked the notification, somehow has turned into an existential threat. The confusion, well, is not accidental.
It mirrors what we saw during the farmer protests, where several groups ran parallel narratives of fear, identity and distrust. The farmer protests created a deep valley between the farmers and the union. The original issues drowned under unrelated agendas. Here too, Punjabiyat, centre vs state politics, regional identity, and even religious identity narratives are being piggybacked on a student demand for internal university elections.
What are the Senate and the Syndicate?
The Senate and the Syndicate are the two statutory governing bodies of Panjab University. The Senate is the supreme authority, comprising over one hundred members, including elected graduates, professors, student representatives and nominees of the Centre and the state. It frames policies, approves budgets, oversees appointments and takes major academic and administrative decisions. The Syndicate functions as the executive body with around fifteen to twenty members. While the Senate takes decisions, the Syndicate implements them.
How political unions, kisan groups and majdoor organisations hijacked the protest
If anyone still believes that this is purely student driven protests, they have not been to the Panjab University Bachao Morcha protest site in the past few days. When OpIndia reached the campus, there were tractors, langar stalls, political posters and non-students all around the protest site.
This pattern is not unfamiliar. We saw it during the farmer protests as well. A specific set of actors specialise in identifying a legitimate grievance, stepping into the scene under the guise of “support”, and then shifting both the tone and direction of the movement until the original issue becomes unrecognisable. That is precisely what happened here.
What began as a Senate election demand slowly turned into:
A Punjab versus Centre issue
Punjab versus Haryana
Identity ownership of Chandigarh
Slogans of Punjabiyat
Political parties arriving in batches
During the clash between the outsider protesters and police on 10th November, SSP Kanwardeep Kaur climbed atop the gate and tried to reason with the crowd as the number of outsiders trying to enter was simply too large for the police to contain without escalating force. The gates were brought down by the protesters and a wave entered the campus. That day, tractors, trolleys, union representatives, political workers, and people carrying flags of organisations that have no stake in the university’s governance entered the campus.
Ideally, neither police nor outsider groups, organisations and individuals have a say in such protests and they are supposed to stay outside. However, things did not happen the way they should have.
Senior leaders of AAP, Congress and SAD chief Sukhbir Singh Badal showed up. Farmer union chiefs like Balbir Singh Rajewal, Harinder Lakhowal and Inderpal Bains arrived with cadres. Even the father of jailed MP Amritpal Singh and family members of historical radical figures reached the campus.
Figures like Lakha Sidhana, a gangster-turned-activist, singer Satinder Sartaj and many others visited the campus. The actual student leaders who should have been the voice of the protests the whole time were pushed aside so that these leaders could speak on the stage.
This infiltration brought with it an entirely different vocabulary. Slogans like “Chandigarh Punjab da” and “Raj Karega Khalsa” filled the air. These slogans have nothing to do with Senate elections, nothing to do with the Panjab University Act, and nothing to do with restoring democratic bodies. But they have everything to do with political positioning, identity signalling and creating the impression that the university belongs to a specific cultural group rather than to all of its students and stakeholders.
In the middle of this noise, the original student-led demand was almost lost. What the political players want from these protests is vastly different from what the students want. And the gap between those two agendas is what is causing the chaos.
The Nihang presence and the subtle introduction of pro Khalistani rhetoric
Among the many groups that appeared on campus that day were Nihangs. OpIndia spoke to one of the Nihangs present during the agitation. On the surface, he insisted they were there only to support the “children”. He repeatedly framed their presence as protective, even paternal. But during that conversation, he introduced a line that revealed a deeper undercurrent that has nothing to do with Senate elections.
He said, and we quote nearly verbatim, “When Hindus talk about making India a Hindu Rashtra, no one says anything. But when others demand something, it becomes a problem.”
He did not explicitly use the word “Khalistan”, but he did not need to. Anyone who has covered Punjab long enough understands exactly what “others demand something” implies in this context. It is coded language, used often by those who want to push separatist narratives without directly triggering legal scrutiny.
This is where the protest crosses into dangerous territory, far beyond elections and campus democracy. When individuals representing Nihang groups begin using unrelated national comparisons and subtly pushing identity-based grievances inside a university movement, it means the protest has become a vessel for wider ideological messaging.
The students leading the Senate movement categorically denied inviting any political party or union to the protests. But the moment the gates were forced open and external groups poured in, the space was no longer in the students’ control. The protest had become porous. And once that happens, narratives that have nothing to do with the issue at hand enter quietly, disguised as “support”. The students we talked to said these groups “should be present” as they support them, however, there were some voices who were confused, and even disliked the students’ movement being hijacked.
For instance, Hindustan Student Association (HSA) officials categorically refused to side with separatist slogans and claims of Punjab over the university.
Cracks within the Morcha as the Punjab versus Haryana narrative takes over
While the political circus grew louder outside the gates, the first real sign of discomfort came from within the Panjab University Bachao Morcha itself. On 12th November, Mohit Manderana, joint secretary of the PU Campus Students’ Council and one of the prominent faces of the earlier affidavit campaign, resigned from the Morcha. His resignation is a crucial marker because it signals what many students are whispering privately but are too afraid to say publicly, the movement has drifted far away from its purpose.
However, he did not step away from spreading fear of “BJP and RSS ideology”. In a statement, he said, “The struggle was meant to save Panjab University from political interference, especially from BJP and RSS ideology. But the November 10 protest became about regional ownership, not about saving the university.” His statement shows how fearmongering is being done from all channels possible.
In a video, he was seen saying it is a personal matter of “Punjab and Haryana” and they will resolve it at home. “We don’t need a Delhi agent,” he said.
On the other hand, a couple of students talked to OpIndia on condition of anonymity and said they were deeply uncomfortable with the explosions of “Chandigarh Punjab da” chants, the entry of leaders who had nothing to do with Senate elections, and the sudden flood of content online claiming that Haryana wanted to “capture” the university.
Notably, this Punjab versus Haryana narrative is not new. Since reorganisation of Punjab in 1966 that led to the formation of Haryana and Himachal Pradesh, this tussle between the states has been prominent but it did not enter the university campus the way it has entered now.
The Senate elections have never historically been reduced to a territorial fight. Students from both states have studied together for decades. Haryana has its own universities and does not fund PU. Himachal has its own institutions too. The governance issue was administrative, not regional.
But once political players entered the scene, it became convenient to push a narrative of “Punjab’s last symbol under attack”. The Senate issue gave way to slogans about land, identity and history. Predictably, Haryana based student groups responded, and the protest became a battleground for sentiments rather than statutes.
Manderana’s resignation was therefore more than a disagreement. It was the first visible rupture caused by this hijacking. And if insiders are not aligned, it is only a matter of time before students reclaim their space or the protest collapses under its own weight.
ABVP’s position on the ongoing protests
Akhil Bhartiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) Panjab University president Pavindra Singh Negi told OpIndia that while ABVP stands with the students and supports their genuine demand for the Senate election schedule, the organisation is not actively participating in the protests because they have been hijacked by outsiders. He said the government has already withdrawn the notification and even the High Court has asked students to return to classes, leaving little reason for continued agitation.
According to him, it is now outsiders who are turning the protests into something entirely different to suit their own agendas. He also expressed concerns over the postponed exams as it will delay results and create problems in placement. He said, “Students met us today as well. They were concerned over postponed exams. How will they match the placement dates if results are not out on time?” he questioned.
How fear is being manufactured among students, and who benefits from it
Fear is a powerful political tool, especially when injected into a young student population that is already living in academic uncertainty. Over the last week, a very specific set of fears has been deliberately circulated among students:
That a central takeover will bring dictatorship
That fees will skyrocket
That elections will never take place
That PU will be “snatched away” from Punjab
That Chandigarh will be altered permanently
That Punjab’s identity is under assault
That this is the “last chance to save the university”
Every one of these fears is factually questionable, but politically convenient.
These narratives did not originate inside hostels or classrooms. They came from outside, from farm union leaders who arrived with speeches loaded with emotion, from identity groups repeating the Punjabiyat slogan cycle, from political leaders hunting for a new anti-Centre flashpoint, and from ideological elements who saw the protest as a fresh battlefield for grievances that have nothing to do with Panjab University.
Source: OpIndia On Ground Reporter
When I asked one of the “supporters”, a well-versed legal aide, to explain how fees would be increased as other central universities also have very affordable fee structure, he could only explain it by saying “it happens like this only, doesn’t it”?
But fear spreads faster than facts, especially when thousands of people are standing outside a university shouting that “Punjab’s last institution is being taken away”.
It is important to underline that the Ministry of Education withdrew the contentious notification on 7th November. The Senate structure was restored. The university sent the schedule to the Vice President’s office on 9th November. Even the High Court acknowledged that the schedule must be processed, and elections must be held expeditiously. Yet, for reasons that have little to do with the PU Act, several groups want the protests to continue.
Why? Because the chaos serves them.
What is happening is systematic emotional amplification. And every extra day of fear helps groups who have no interest in Senate elections but have immense interest in keeping the agitation alive.
The High Court’s intervention and how it punctures the fear narrative
On 14th November, the Punjab and Haryana High Court delivered what might be the most rational voice in this entire situation. While hearing a petition filed by former Senate members, the bench led by Chief Justice Sheel Nagu made two points that should have immediately calmed the campus, if only the agitators were actually interested in calming it.
First, the Court made it abundantly clear that academic activity must resume. The judges stated, plainly, that students are in university to study and that education should not be halted because of an administrative matter. When the counsel said students are protesting because Senate elections are delayed, the bench cut through the noise:
“Please go back to your classes.”
This is not a minor remark. A constitutional court telling students to attend classes undermines the entire hysteria being circulated that the university is on the brink of collapse or takeover.
Second, the Court stated that the elections must be held expeditiously and that the university has already sent the schedule to the Chancellor, the Vice President of India. The Court also noted that the Panjab University Act does not actually require the Chancellor’s “approval” for the schedule. This means the process is already in motion.
The Additional Solicitor General representing the Centre confirmed that:
The contentious notification has been withdrawn
The government wants the elections held
The schedule is being processed
The exercise is massive, involving almost three and a half lakh registered graduate voters
He also emphasised the need for a “cordial atmosphere” for elections to proceed. This is common sense: no election of this scale can happen in the middle of barricade breaches, outsider mobilisation and political sloganeering.
In short, the High Court officially validated the students’ real demand that elections must happen and simultaneously dismissed the need for the chaos around it. The High Court’s words cut directly through the fear mongering spread by unions and political groups.
Why outsiders want the protest to continue, the political incentives at play
To understand why the protests ballooned far beyond the students’ original intent, you have to look at who benefits from keeping the campus in a state of unrest. And none of these beneficiaries are students.
Political parties
For parties like AAP, Congress and SAD, Panjab University is a convenient symbolic battlefield. With elections approaching and narratives shifting constantly, PU is being framed as the “last bastion of Punjab’s identity under threat”. The optics of marching through the campus, shouting slogans and attacking the Centre serve political mileage that has nothing to do with the Senate.
AAP ministers arrived. Congress MLAs gave emotional speeches. SAD leaders posed as defenders of Punjab. But where were these leaders when PU budgets were slashed, when hostels faced shortages, or when academic decisions were delayed? Their sudden affection for the university is more timed than sincere.
Farmer unions
After the splits within the Samyukta Kisan Morcha and dwindling mobilisation post 2021, several unions are eager to stay politically relevant. Backing student protests gives them the appearance of moral authority, even though Senate elections have nothing to do with agricultural issues.
Source: OpIndia On Ground Reporter
This is why Punjab saw union leaders arriving with entire contingents in tractors and trolleys. The optics of “sons of farmers fighting for Punjab” is emotionally powerful, but strategically disconnected from the students’ concerns.
Mazdoor unions and ideological outfits
These groups see protests as opportunities to push their overarching political narratives. Their slogans rarely match student demands. Instead, they mirror the same ideological spread we witnessed during the farmer protests, where multiple organisations attached themselves to the agitation regardless of the original grievance.
Many of these organisations benefit from chaos itself. The longer the crisis, the more airtime and visibility they gain.
Extremist-seperatist voices
The presence of individuals like the Nihang who subtly hinted at pro Khalistani parallels shows another layer. These actors see PU as a symbolic site. A place associated with Punjab’s cultural identity. If they can seed narratives about historical betrayal, state oppression or cultural ownership inside a student space, they get ideological returns far beyond the campus.
Opposition parties seeking an anti-Centre flashpoint
The Centre’s withdrawn notification is being used as a stick to beat the BJP with, despite the fact that the notification is no longer active. This is exactly what has been done with the farm laws. Though they were withdrawn in 2021, they are still a fearmongering tool for political parties, unions and so-called activists.
Content creators and activists
Let us not forget the new-age protest beneficiaries. Influencers, fringe activists, local agitators and some student leaders themselves gain social capital when chaos continues. A settled protest gets them nothing. A prolonged agitation gives them followers, visibility, and an identity as “youth leaders”, even if they have little to do with the core issue.
Across all these layers, one pattern emerges clearly. The students want clarity. The outsiders want crisis.
The simplest proof of this came from Avtar Singh, the PU student who told us directly that the moment the election schedule is announced, the strike will end. However, he supported the presence of Kisan and Mazdoor unions at the site, something that should have been avoided at the first place.
The students understand the 240-day timeline. They understand the administrative process. They are not afraid of the Centre. They are not trying to hold PU hostage.
It is the outsiders who want the protest to continue, because the Senate schedule ends their utility.
Conclusion – the real danger is the hijack, not the Centre
After two weeks of protests, barricades, FIRs and political theatrics, the real question is simple. What exactly is the threat? The Centre has withdrawn its notification. The High Court has pushed the Senate process forward. The PU Act is clear. The real danger is the ease with which a student demand for election dates was hijacked by kisan unions, majdoor groups, political parties and identity-based outfits. Students who only want to study are being fed manufactured fears while outsiders use the campus for relevance. The court wants classes to resume. Only those with political motives want the chaos to continue.
In Many Shades of Saffron, Chandrachur Ghose takes on one of the most popular and impactful institutions in modern India, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), and does so with scholarly patience, historical rigor, and a welcome willingness to avoid ideological grandstanding. The timing of this work is particularly significant: the year 2025 marks the centenary of both the RSS and the Communist Party of India (CPI).
Though both organisations emerged in the same historical moment of anti-colonial ferment, their worldviews, institutional trajectories, and relationships with the Indian state diverged dramatically. Ghose uses this moment of shared origin not to draw forced parallels, but to illuminate the deeper ideological, cultural, and political contrasts between the two.
The CPI arose from Marxist-Leninist intellectual currents, rooted in class struggle and global revolutionary consciousness. Many Shades of Saffron, however, begins with the founding of the RSS in Nagpur on the culturally significant occasion of Vijaya Dashami, a choice that demonstrates the value of civilizational symbolism and cultural memory in the organisation’s worldview. K.B. Hedgewar envisioned the RSS not as a political movement but as a long-term social and cultural force dedicated to national regeneration. Where the CPI built cadres through study circles, ideological training, and policy debates, the RSS relied on daily shakhas, personal discipline, collective identity, and character formation. Ghose makes clear that these differing pedagogies would, over time, shape not only the internal cultures of the two organisations but also their destinies.
One of the most compelling themes in Many Shades of Saffron is the contrast in documentation practices. The communist tradition has always been meticulous resolutions, congress reports, polemical texts, biographies, and ideological treatises, forming a vast and easily accessible archive. The RSS, however, was slow to document itself. Hedgewar believed that a living example carried greater power than a written declaration, and it was only after 1950 that the organization adopted a formal constitution. This lack of documentation contributed to a perception of secrecy and opacity, especially among scholars and political commentators. But as Ghose argues, the lack of documentation was less a deliberate strategy of concealment than a reflection of cultural priorities: the Sangh sought to live values rather than codify them.
Ghose’s treatment of the RSS leadership over a century is another of the book’s strengths. Figures such as MS Golwalkar, Balasaheb Deoras, Rajendra Singh, and Mohan Bhagwat are presented neither as icons nor as villains, but as thinkers and organisers shaped by the pressures of their times. The book tracks how the Sangh responded to major national developments, the struggle for independence, the trauma of Partition, the Emergency, the rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and the turbulent politics of the Ram Janmabhoomi movement. Throughout, the organisation’s ability to adapt while maintaining a coherent internal identity emerges as a key reason for its longevity.
If the CPI’s history is one of splits CPI(M), CPI(ML), and further ideological micronizations, the RSS story is one of expansion. Today, the Sangh Parivar encompasses dozens of affiliated organisations spanning education, labour, farmer groups, tribal upliftment, women’s participation, religious reform, and electoral politics. Ghose does not exaggerate this influence, nor does he apologise for it. He simply traces how the RSS, originally dismissed by both colonial administrators and nationalist leaders, grew into one of the most consequential cultural forces in the world’s largest democracy.
Significantly, Many Shades of Saffron addresses the polarised landscape of literature surrounding the RSS. Insider accounts have often been devotional, while outsider critiques have tended to be suspicious, even hostile. Both have contributed to a climate in which the RSS is either heroised or demonised, with little space for historical nuance. Ghose consciously avoids both traps. He neither glosses over contentious episodes nor indulges in ideological denunciation. His goal is not to judge but to understand a rarity in the study of Indian political organisations today.
The prose is accessible and measured, suitable for the serious general reader as well as students and scholars of contemporary Indian politics. Rather than overwhelming the reader with detail, Ghose selects key turning points and thematic continuities, always situating events in broader cultural and political shifts. His methodology respects both archival research and lived organisational experience.
Some readers may wish for deeper engagement with questions of secularism, pluralism, and minoritarian anxieties. Ghose addresses these issues, but he prioritizes historical context over ideological debate. Instead, he gives readers the historical and institutional context necessary to form their own opinions. This restraint may frustrate those accustomed to polemical writing, but it is the very quality that makes the book valuable.
Many Shades of Saffron is not just a study of the RSS, it is a study of modern India itself. To understand the Sangh is to understand a major force shaping the political and cultural imagination of the country today. Ghose’s work is thus a vital contribution to the ongoing conversation about national identity, civilizational continuity, and the meaning of democracy in India.
This book is a must-read for supporters and critics of the RSS alike, for scholars, journalists, students, and every citizen seeking to understand the forces that have shaped and continue to shape the Indian republic.
Congress and corruption have been closely intertwined as the party and its I.N.D.I. Alliance which are yet to recover from the humiliating electoral defeat in the Bihar assembly elections is likely to find itself in another predicament due to a potential major financial scam in Karnataka.
On 13th November, the Congress state government authorised the rental of 46 mechanical sweeping machines for seven years at a cost of ₹613.25 crore. The devices are going to be placed within the Greater Bengaluru Authority’s (GBA) boundaries. HK Patil, Minister for Law and Parliamentary Affairs, informed reporters that the equipment would be used in all five GBA corporations.
The self-propelled mechanical sweepers, dumper trucks and human resources will be rented. A technical committee’s advice served as the basis for the decision. These mechanical sweeping equipment will be used on 1,682.10 kilometre of arterial and sub-arterial roads within Bengaluru’s 12,878.89 kilometre road network to keep the area clean.
Each equipment is anticipated to cost the authority almost ₹2 crore annually and the five recently established municipal corporations of Bengaluru would provide all of the funding. GBA at first suggested renting 59 sweeping machines for a total of ₹781 crore. However, while presenting the proposal to the cabinet, the Urban Development Department (UDD) reduced the number of vehicles to 46 while raising the price of each vehicle by ₹10 lakh.
Opposition, netizens draw attention to a possible scam
The development not only prompted the opposition to raise its eyebrows, but many people pointed out that the substantial figures attached to the purchase trigger suspicions and suggest yet another scandal in the state.
Bharatiya Janata Party leader and Union Minister Shobha Karandlaje stated that the extent of expenditure raises “serious concerns” regarding who benefits from the inflated prices and asserted that a “significant financial scandal is unfolding” in Karnataka.
She noted that even if the municipality paid the salaries of 46 drivers and 100 helpers for seven years, the total would still only be about ₹60 to 70 crores. The government is shelling out ₹613 crores, but even after adding machinery, labour, and maintenance, the amount should not surpass ₹100 crores. However, ₹613 crores are being spent by the government.
“This raises serious doubts about where the remaining ₹500 crores is going and who is benefiting from this inflated expenditure. I strongly urge the government to drop this proposal immediately and ensure full transparency for the people of Karnataka,” she expressed.
A massive financial scandal is unfolding in Karnataka. The Congress government has hired 46 road sweeping machines for 7 years at a shocking cost of ₹613 crores. A self-propelled road sweeper costs about ₹50 to 80 lakhs, which means 46 machines would come to roughly ₹37 to 38… pic.twitter.com/68zQVGaqLN
Janata Dal (Secular) leader Nikhil Kumar remarked that there are 26 sweeping machines in Bengaluru’s Bruhat Bengaluru Mahanagara Palike (BBMP) yards that are not in use but the governemnt wants to spend ₹613 crore to rent 46 more machines at an annual cost of ₹1.9 crore each, despite the fact that the same machines only cost ₹1.3–3 crore to purchase outright.
Nikhil charged, “This is not bad math; this is math murdered, buried and cremated in broad daylight.”
He accused that while Boston Consulting Group (BCG) advocated a pay-for-performance model and the Expert Committee recommended buying the machines, “the DCMs’s (Deputy Chief Minister D K Shivakumar) team created a new economic theory: choose the most expensive option and label it governance.”
Kumar then urged that Kiran Mazumdar Shaw and Monhandas Pai give this government a crash lesson in simple maths before another 600+ crore vanishes under the pretence of “innovation.”
Bengaluru has 26 sweeping machines lying unused in BBMP yards, yet this @INCKarnataka government, headed by our finance-loving DCM, now wants to blow ₹613 crore to rent 46 more at ₹1.9 crore per machine per year, even though the same machines cost only ₹1.3–3 crore to buy… pic.twitter.com/yIWErpy7r7
An individual reiterated how the “math is not mathing,” and asked, “Rent 46 sweeping machines at 1 crore per year for 7 years. How does that add up to 613 crores?” The person added that the “bigger question” is whether these will be gathering dust like the 26 machines that are currently inactive because BBMP lacks the funds to “pay” the operator and staff.
The math is not mathing? ?
Rent 46 sweeping machines at 1crore per year, for 7 years.
How does that add up to 613 crores?
Bigger question – will these be catching dust as the current 26 machines lying unused, because BBMP does not have money to "pay" money to the employees…
Another user posed the same inquiries, accompanied by an image of a similar machine and stressed even if this is not the precise model, machines of this type usually cost approximately ₹60-70 lakh. “Why not buy outright and save public money? Something is seriously wrong here,” the account emphasised.
Why is Greater Bengaluru Authority spending ₹2 crore per year to rent a road-sweeping machine.
Even if this isn’t the exact same model, machines like this cost around ₹60–70 lakh to buy.
A person described the purchase as a “massive scam” and highlighted that experts asses the cost of each machine to be around 40-50 lakhs. Therefore, it would cost about ₹20 crores if the government were to buy them directly. “Big joke on those who threw out BJP from Karnataka,” he added.
Massive scam in Karnataka ? CONg govt hires 46 sweeping machines for 7 years for a whopping ₹613 Crores
Experts estimate the cost of each machine to be max 40-50 lakhs, so if the Govt were to purchase them outright it would cost approx ₹20 Crores
A netizen mocked that people are supposed to think there is no corruption by pointing out that the daily cost of operating this machine is ₹53 thousand for a single vehicle.
The Karnataka government approved renting out 46 mechanical sweeping machines for a period of seven years at a cost of ₹613 crore.
>46 Machines >On Rent >Seven years >₹613 Crore
That means the daily cost to run this machine is ₹53k per day for one vehicle, and people are… pic.twitter.com/JBJrryFG9p
Meanwhile, the government appears to proceed with the decision in spite of the mounting controversy.
How the decision was reached
GBA engaged in an extended discussion about whether to hire or buy sweeper vehicles outright, beginning in April. Two consulting firms were later hired for further evaluation after a technical committee led by R Selvamani, managing director of the Karnataka Urban Infrastructure and Finance Corporation (KUIDFC), was initially established.
The technical committee pitched purchasing the equipment and hiring a different agency for operations and maintenance in its August report This strategy has been used till now bu the prospect of renting was rejected by the committee.
Afterward, GBA formed an internal committee and asked BCG and Rail India Technical and Economic Service (RITES) Limited for assistance. According to BCG’s suggestions, an outright purchase would necessitate a significant financial outlay because each sweeping equipment would cost ₹3 crore, together with hook loaders and containers.
Hence, it recommended paying the suppliers 40% up advance, with the remaining amount to be reimbursed according to performance per kilometre. The company reportedly looked into the cost of renting the machineries, which came out to be more expensive per vehicle at ₹50 lakh. Due to the alleged “huge initial expenditure” associated with buying the devices, the cabinet decided to rent them instead.
Bengaluru now has about 26 cleaning machines, but their performance has been subpar and commuters frequently complain about the city’s deteriorating air quality index and dusty roads. Despite the former BBMP’s repeated attempts to acquire new equipment, the plan was put on hold for a number of reasons.
Another potential scam on the cards
Notwithstanding the assertions made by the government, both netizens and the opposition have already outlined significant flaws in the cost calculation and levelled grave allegations of financial fraud. Their apprehensions cannot be dismissed in light of the compromised history of the Congress governments, even in Karnataka.
This was reinforced in September when the Karnataka State Contractors Association (KSCA) expressed that corruption in several departments under the Congress has “doubled” compared to the earlier BJP rule.
“When you were leader of the opposition, you told us that after you come to power, no commission (kickback) would be sought by your government to clear pending bills. We regret to inform you that the commission has doubled now compared with the previous government,” the body charged in a letter, resulting in a massive embarrassment for Chief Minister Siddaramaiah’s government.
Moreover, KSCA President R Manjunath reported that Congress workers and supporters of elected officials were winning projects from government institutions which were subsequently “sub-contracted” to “senior contractors” in return for a specified share of the amount.
Now, the recent allegations have placed the Karnataka government in a challenging situation and more importantly, highlighted the likelihood of yet another possible scam involving the Congress.
The BJP-led NDA registered a landslide victory in the Bihar assembly elections. The Congress party’s ‘Vote Chori’ narrative failed spectacularly and RJD’s big bet on Tejashwi Yadav did not turn out very well. While Congress continues to cast aspersions on Election Commission’s integrity, the family of RJD patriarch Lalu Yadav has come with a rather emotional coping mechanism against a humiliating electoral defeat.
After Lalu Yadav’s daughter Rohini Acharya snapped ties from her family and announced departure from politics, Lalu Yadav’s other four daughters, Rajlakshmi, Ragini, Hema, and Chanda have also reportedly ‘left’ the family. The four of them travelled to Delhi along with their children, hinting a wider rift within the family that is out in the open as Bihar rejected RJD.
#WATCH | Patna, Bihar | Lalu Prasad Yadav's daughters Ragini Yadav, Chanda Yadav, and Raj Lakshmi Yadav leave for Delhi along with their families. pic.twitter.com/crLWfcdzvh
Reports say that the RJD chief’s daughters are disturbed by the events that unfolded in the recent days. The alleged rift in the Yadav family comes at a time when the Rashtriya Janata Dal was reduced from 75 to 25 seats in the recently concluded Bihar assembly elections.
The first from the Yadav family to vent out frustration over the massive electoral loss was Rohini Acharya, who publicly announced her decision to quit politics and RJD.
On 15th November, Acharya put out a social media post wherein she named Sanjay Yadav and Rameez, hinting that they are the reason behind all hostilities within the Yadav family and RJD’s abysmal poll performance.
“I am quitting politics and I am disowning my family… This is what Sanjay Yadav and Rameez had asked me to do… and I am taking all the blame,” she wrote.
Notably, Sanjay Yadav, whom she mentioned in her post, is an RJD Rajya Sabha MP and considered a close political aide of Tejashwi Yadav. Rameez, who was also named in the message, is an old friend of Tejashwi and belongs to a political family in Uttar Pradesh.
As Rohini Acharya’s announcement of quitting politics abruptly stirred a political storm, she in a media interaction revealed that she has disowned her family after she was subjected to filthy abuses, physical intimidation and was asked to leave her father’s house. Acharya directly blamed her younger brother Tejashwi Yadav and his two closest aides, Rajya Sabha MP Sanjay Yadav and political advisor Rameez Ahmad, for orchestrating her expulsion from the family.
#WATCH पटना, बिहार: RJD नेता रोहिणी आचार्य ने राजनीति छोड़ने पर कहा, "मेरा कोई परिवार नहीं है। उन्होंने ही मुझे परिवार से निकाला है। उन्हें जिम्मेदारी नहीं लेनी है… सारी दुनिया सवाल कर रही है कि पार्टी का ऐसा हाल क्यों हुआ है?…" pic.twitter.com/XcgyhKV8RA
In an X post, Acharya wrote, “‘Yesterday, a daughter, a sister, a married woman, a mother was humiliated, filthy abuses were hurled at her, a slipper was raised to hit her. I did not compromise on my self-respect, I did not surrender the truth, and solely because of this, I had to endure this insult… Yesterday, a daughter was forced to leave behind her crying parents and sisters and move away; they separated me away from my maternal home… They left me orphaned… May none of you ever walk my path, may no family ever have a daughter-sister like Rohini.”
कल एक बेटी, एक बहन , एक शादीशुदा महिला , एक माँ को जलील किया गया , गंदी गालियाँ दी गयीं , मारने के लिए चप्पल उठाया गया , मैंने अपने आत्मसम्मान से समझौता नहीं किया, सच का समर्पण नहीं किया , सिर्फ और सिर्फ इस वजह से मुझे बेइज्जती झेलनी पडी .. कल एक बेटी मजबूरी में अपने रोते हुए…
She also posted a couple of emotional messages on Facebook narrating how she was humiliated after she refused to compromise her self-respect and stood by the truth. Acharya, who gave her kidney to save her father’s life in 2022, also said that she was accused of giving a ‘dirty’ kidney to her father.
The conflict in the Yadav family has been brewing months after Tej Pratap Yadav’s photos and videos with a woman named Anushka Yadav appeared on social media, leading to his expulsion from the RJD. Tej Pratap formed his own party Janshakti Janata Dal and contested the Bihar Assembly Elections.
The whispers in the political circles of Bihar suggest that Rohini Acharya was opposed to Tej Pratap Yadav’s expulsion from the party. However, the ‘decision-maker’ Tejashwi Yadav did not heed her opposing viewpoint and things only turned bitter from thereon.
Despite allegedly being opposed to Tej Pratrap’s expulsion, Rohini was seen campaigning for her younger brother Tejashwi, who was the Mahagathbandhan’s chief ministerial candidate. This raises question as to what would have been Rohini Acharya’s position if the RJD had performed well in the assembly elections and the MGB had won the election. Would there still have been a public outburst the way it happened or victory would have covered it up?
Last month, Acharya unfollowed her father, Lalu Prasad and brother Tejashwi on X, triggering speculation. She had also supported criticism of Sanjay Yadav, who was seen by many as becoming too powerful within the party.
Back then, Tej Pratap came out in Rohini Acharya’s support and echoed his sister’s allegations against Sanjay Yadav. He alleged that Sanjay Yadav wants to “usurp” Tejashwi Yadav’s chair.
Now as the rift between Rohini Acharya and Tejashwi Yadav intensifies, Tej Pratap has again extended support to Acharya. In a statement posted on Instagram by his party, Janshakti Janta Dal, Tej Pratap Yadav said that he tolerated his own insult silently, but he would not tolerate the humiliation of his sister. He added that he is enraged by the incident and that the people of Bihar would not forgive the people who misbehaved with Rohini.
“Yesterday’s incident has shaken my heart to the core. I tolerated what happened to me, but the insult inflicted on my sister is unbearable under any circumstances. Listen, Jaichands— if you attack the family, the people of Bihar will never forgive you. Ever since I heard the news of my sister Rohini being hit by a slipper, my heart has been filled with rage. When public sentiments are hurt, the dust on the intellect is blown away. These few faces have clouded even Tejaswi’s intellect. The consequences of this injustice will be extremely dire. The reckoning of time is very harsh.”
Tej Pratap further appealed to Lalu Prasad Yadav to give him a ‘signal’ to expose the ‘Jaichands’ or traitors behind the issue. He said, “I request the Honorable RJD National President and my father, my political guru, Shri Lalu Prasad Ji, Father, give me a signal… just one gesture, and the people of Bihar will bury these Jaichands themselves. This is not a fight for any party, it is a fight for the honor of the family, the dignity of the daughter, and the self-respect of Bihar.”
In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, Rohini Acharya contested from Saran and lost to BJP’s Rajiv Pratap Rudy. Now, Acharya was reportedly eyeing a ticket in the assembly elections, however, the party was not in favour of this. Attempting to put all speculations at rest, Acharya posted that she has no political ambitions, and for her, her self-respect is of supreme importance. However, her continued criticism of Sanjay Yadav and his growing clout in the RJD came across as a confirmation that there Rohini Acharya indeed had political ambitions and perhaps Sanjay Yadav stood in her way.
While this is undeniably a rough patch for the Lalu family, it comes across more as a drama to deviate discourse from the RJD’s humiliating electoral loss. Tej Pratap’s expulsion, Rohini Acharya’s public outburst, and now Lalu Yadav’s other daughters moving out of the family indicate a full-blown feud within the family, and a hurried rush among the ‘aggrieved’ members to cash in on the narrative of victimhood and gather public support in their favour. The disputes and the power tussle within the family may be real but the ongoing drama in the past few months has only appeared as a TV serial-style ploy to attract attention and even sympathy towards the three factions (Rohini, Tej Pratap and the Lalu-Tejashwi) within Lalu family.
While this public attention did not translate into votes, the fresh melodrama of heartbroken daughters being allegedly forced to leave their maternal homes seems a new episode in the saga of the once-powerful family.
The investigation into the Delhi Red Fort car blast has opened up a complex web of terror links, financial trails, and university connections. It began as a probe into the explosion near one of the capital’s historic landmarks and has now turned into a large-scale national security investigation spanning Delhi, Faridabad, Nuh, Lucknow, and even links traced abroad. It has also been established that the recovery of huge amount of explosives from doctors a week before the blast was link to the same nexus, with its epicentre at Al Falah University in Faridabad.
The blast, which occurred on 10th November near the Red Fort, killed 13 people and injured several others. Investigating agencies later confirmed that the man who carried out the explosion was Dr Umar Un Nabi, a medical professional associated with Al Falah University in Faridabad. Subsequent forensic tests matched his DNA samples with those of his mother, confirming his identity. Two doctors from the university were already arrested days before the blast after explosives and weapons were recovered from them.
Cartridges recovered, but no weapon found
Forensic teams investigating the site made a puzzling discovery. Three 9mm cartridges, two live and one empty were found at the scene. Officials said these cartridges are of a type prohibited for civilian use and are generally meant for security forces or those with special permission.
What made the finding even more mysterious is that no pistol or firearm parts were recovered from the area. Investigators are now working to understand how the cartridges reached the spot and whether they were used during the blast or planted later to mislead the inquiry. Experts are also examining whether these were fired on-site or brought to the location afterwards.
Focus Turns to Al Falah University and Nuh
The Crime Branch of Delhi Police quickly turned its focus towards Al Falah University, where Umar and his arrested colleagues, Dr Muzammil and Dr Shaheen, worked. The University’s Okhla office was searched on Saturday, 15th November, and officials seized several documents after issuing formal notices. Two more doctors have also been detained for questioning, while another doctor from West Bengal, who did MBBS from Al-Falah, was detained but was later released after questioning.
Police said two FIRs have been registered against the university under sections of fraud and forgery, following findings from the University Grants Commission (UGC) and the National Assessment and Accreditation Council (NAAC).
Investigations revealed that Umar had rented a house in Nuh’s Hidayat Colony for about ten days before the blast. The house was arranged by Shoaib, an electrician working at Al Falah University. Shoaib’s sister-in-law owned the property and has been untraceable since the incident. Police have barricaded the entire house and deployed personnel in the area while continuing their search for additional leads.
CCTV footage collected from near an ultrasound centre in Nuh shows Umar’s i20 car, a vehicle later used in the blast, parked in the area for several hours. Another footage from 30th October shows the same vehicle entering and leaving the Al Falah University campus, proving he used it regularly.
₹20 Lakh Hawala trail and use of Fertiliser
A crucial lead in the investigation surfaced when intelligence agencies uncovered a funding trail of around ₹20 lakh. Agents believe that the money was sent from a Jaish-e-Mohammed handler through hawala channels to Dr Umar, Dr Muzammil, and Dr Shaheen.
#BREAKING In the bomb blast near Delhi’s Red Fort Metro station area, investigating agencies are probing a major hawala link. Intelligence sources say ₹20 lakh was routed to Dr. Umar, Muzammil and Dr. Shaheen, suspected to have come from a Jaish handler. Around ₹3 lakh was… pic.twitter.com/vMf2x1rkCV
Out of this amount, around ₹3 lakh was reportedly spent on purchasing 26 quintals of NPK fertiliser. Though commonly used in agriculture, this chemical compound contains ingredients capable of producing explosive materials. Sources revealed that tension had developed between Umar and Shaheen over the handling and use of this money.
Further questioning of Dr Muzammil helped agencies track the financial links, which exposed the deeper connection of the three with Jaish operatives.
NIA takes over as the Terror module is uncovered
Following initial findings, the case was officially handed over to the National Investigation Agency (NIA). Investigators discovered that a terrorist module had been operating out of Faridabad, using Al Falah University as a cover for recruitment and logistical support.
Officials stated on Thursday, 13th November, that around eight suspects were preparing to execute coordinated explosions at four different places, with each group assigned to a particular target city. Every pair was meant to carry improvised explosive devices (IEDs) for simultaneous attacks.
The National Medical Commission later cancelled the registration of four doctors on Friday, 14th November, from Jammu and Kashmir: Dr Muzaffar Ahmad, Dr Adeel Ahmad Rather, Dr Muzammil Shakeel, and Dr Shaheen Saeed, citing their involvement in terror activities. Delhi Police have already arrested Dr Adeel, Dr Muzammil, and Dr Shaheen.
Dr Shaheen’s Radical path and Jaish links
Investigations further revealed the story of Dr Shaheen Shahid, the Lucknow-based surgeon who had been connected with Jaish-e-Mohammed since 2015. According to the NIA, she began by sharing sensitive information with the group and, within a year, became an active member.
Her shift in ideology reportedly began around 2010 when she came into contact with an Indian-origin doctor living abroad who sent her videos and documents about religious and community causes. Soon after, she began wearing a hijab and expressed a strong desire to move abroad.
In 2021, a relative questioned her about leaving her husband, children, and job. Shaheen replied, “I have lived enough for myself. Now it’s time to repay the community. Something big is being planned, and you’ll all be proud.” Officials later learned that she met a Pakistan-based ISI handler, Abu Ukasha, in Turkey between March 1 and 18, 2022.
Before the Red Fort blast, Shaheen applied for a passport in October to flee the country, but delays in verification hindered her escape. Terror operatives within the group referred to her as “Madam Surgeon.”
The “Doctor Module” and Operation Hamdard
Investigators uncovered a shocking “doctor module” that included medical professionals, led by Dr Shaheen, who were radicalised and recruited over the past few years. They discovered a diary belonging to Dr Muzammil that mentioned “Operation Hamdard,” a plan aimed at training young Muslim women for attacks. The network reportedly included 25-30 members spread across Jammu & Kashmir and Faridabad.
Notably, while Dr Shaheen and Dr Muzammil from Al-Falah have been arrested, the another doctor from the university, Dr Umar un Nabi, died in the blast as he was driving the car packed with explosives. Two more doctors from Al-Falah, identified as Dr. Mohammad and Dr. Mustakim were detained from Nuh in Haryana by a Delhi Police Special Cell.
Agencies also found out that Dr Umar had created an explosives lab at his home near Al Falah University. Using Telegram, he received bomb-making manuals and videos from handlers abroad. He mostly worked alone, testing devices and assembling explosives.
Investigators have also found that the module was searching for a suicide bomber for last one year to carry out terror attack. Inerogation of arrested people have revealed that Umar was a hardcore radical and said that suicide bombers were essential for their operations.
In fact, the module had already recruited person named Jasir alias ‘Danish’, a bachelor in political sciences, to become a suicide bomber. He has been arrested on the basis of statements of Dr Adeel Rather and Dr Muzzaffar Ganaie. During questioning, Jasir said that he met the ‘doctor module’ in October last year in Kulgam, from where he was taken to a rented accommodation at the Al Falah University in Faridabad, Haryana.
He said that while other members of the module wanted him to become a over-ground worker (OGW) for the banned Jaish-e-Mohammed, Umar was brainwashing him for several months to become a suicide bomber instead. However, Jasir refused, citing his famiy’s poor economic condition, also because of the belief that suicide was forbidden in Islam.
It has been understood that Dr Umar had no plan to become a suicide bomber, and even the Red Fort blast was not part of the plan. It was a sudden decision in desparation, after around 3,000 kg of Amonium Nitrate was found by police from the Doctor’s module and 4 doctors were arrested. He may have wanted to use the explosive he was having before police finds them, and also wanted revenge for the arrests.
The investigation has widened to multiple states. Two individuals, Rizwan and Shoaib, were arrested from Nuh’s Shahar Hayat Colony for providing financial help to the module. Their names surfaced after agencies traced money transfers connected to the terror activities.
Another man named Dinesh alias ‘Dabbu’ have been arrested for selling fertilisers without a license. Notably, Amonium Nitrate, which has been recovered in huge quantities from the terror network involving doctors, is a fertiliser product.
Several politicians from Nuh-Mewat have also come under the scanner for suspected involvement. Police and central agencies have now inspected over 200 hotels, PGs, and dharamshalas in Faridabad to locate possible hideouts used by module members. Around 100 vehicle dealers have also been checked after authorities confirmed that the i20 car used in the blast was purchased from a Faridabad dealer.
To ensure no link is missed, the police have started verifying documents of over 500 Kashmiri tenants and collecting information on 1,700 other tenants from different states living in the region.
The role of Al Falah University and campus insights
Students and staff from Al Falah University described Dr Umar, Dr Muzammil, and Dr Shaheen as close associates who often disappeared for months without explanation. Many students pointed out that those with Kashmiri backgrounds seemed to receive preferential treatment in promotions and postings.
Dr Umar, known for his conservative mindset, often objected to male and female students interacting freely and discouraged casual conversations between them. Classmates said he was particularly caring toward Kashmiri students, often lending his hostel room or sharing space with them.
Financial web around Dr Muzammil
Investigators found that Dr Muzammil had financially trapped several people. He reportedly gave ₹35,000 to install a submersible pump at a madrasa, ₹50,000 to a student whose father was unwell, ₹1 lakh to a student’s family for a wedding, and ₹5,000 to a labourer-all transactions used to gain loyalty or recruit helpers for assembling explosives.
Audio recordings recovered from his phone revealed him persuading people to “help in the path of Allah, everything will be fine.” Many of those who took money from him are now in custody.
UP and Lucknow connection
The trail does not stop at Haryana and Delhi. Security agencies traced major activities to Uttar Pradesh, particularly Lucknow, from where five doctors, including Dr Shaheen, were caught. Investigators are also questioning her brother, Dr Parvez, for more input.
Authorities believe this network, rooted in professional circles like medicine, signals a worrying new trend where educated individuals are targeted and radicalised. Agencies are now determining whether a new extremist group has formed in the 2020s, focusing on professionals.
Ongoing Investigation and tightened security
Following the blast, police presence around the Red Fort and nearby areas has been intensified. Entry and exit points are under strict surveillance, while teams from the NIA, Delhi Police, UP ATS, and Haryana Police remain stationed at multiple locations. The civil hospital run by Al Falah University remains closed, admitting only emergency cases.
Forensic labs continue to test explosive residues, samples from the site, and digital evidence. Investigators are piecing together communications between the doctors and foreign handlers to fully expose the operation’s scale.
What stands out in the entire investigation is how a group of educated individuals turned into handlers of destruction. As agencies follow the financial and communication trails, the Delhi Red Fort blast has become one of the most significant cases uncovering the rise of a sophisticated white-collar terror module in India.
