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More votes don’t always mean more seats: Read how RJD winning just 25 seats with highest vote share in Bihar is not evidence of ‘Vote Chori’

Raju Das
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More votes don’t always mean more seats: Read how RJD winning just 25 seats with highest vote share in Bihar is not evidence of ‘Vote Chori’

NDA has returned to power with a landslide victory in Bihar, with the alliance winning 202 out of 243 seats. The opposition Mahagathbandhan, on the other hand, won just 35 seats, with Congress reducing to seats. Rashtriya Janata Dal managed to win 25 seats.

While there is a huge difference in seats won by the two alliances, the vote share numbers tell a different story. As per the results, RJD had the highest vote share at 23%, as the party secured 1,15,46,055 votes. Next was BJP with 20% share and 1,00,81,143 votes, and JD(U) won 96,67,118 votes, a 19.25% share.

This ‘discrepancy’ has made some people to question how RJD won 25 seats despite winning the highest number of votes. Some of them also alleged that this is ‘vote chori’, that RJD should have won based on vote share.

Suraj G Naik of Congress Sevadak called it “pure #VoteChori in Bihar, not victory”, asking people to make him understand the issue.

Another person called it ‘vote chor’, ‘gaddi chor’.

Similar posts were made by many ther social media users. Some called it manipulation of numbers by the Election Commission, while others asked to explain the’magic/mystery’.

However, despite sounding confusing at first glance, there is no foul play in the results, and this is how India’s election system has been working since the adoption of parliamentary democracy. Two factors are important in terms of Indian elections, first is, results depend on the numbers in individual constituencies, and India has First-Past-The-Post (FPTP) system.

The Election Commission website has detailed results of all the constituencies, where the votes secured by each candidate in every constituency can be seen. In each constituency, the candidate that won the higher number of votes won the election. The winning margin does not matter, it can be 1 or 1 lakh, the result is same, candidate with higher votes wins.

As most seats in India see multi-cornered fights with several candidates, the winning candidate generally gets around 30-35% of the vote. There is no requirement of 50 % + 1, and there is no proportional adjustment afterwards, which is followed in some other countries.

The total votes a party gets across the entire state matter far less than how efficiently those votes are distributed across the constituencies the party actually contests. This is why a party (or alliance) can poll fewer total votes than its rival yet win many more seats, or vice-versa. The phenomenon is not unique to India, it happens regularly in the UK, Canada, and every other country that uses FPTP.

However, multi-party competition and seat-sharing alliances make the distortions especially visible in Indian state elections. In most western countries, there are only 3-4 major countries, therefore this phenomenon is less visible.

The reason why RJD polled more votes is that they contested in far more seats. Even through they didn’t win most of the seats, they got substantial number of votes in those constituencies, hiking up the total vote number for the party. While RJD contested in 143 seats, BJP and JD(U) contested in 101 seats each. This means, votes of 42 additional seats were added to RJD’s total vote, making a direct comparison with BJP or JD(U) in terms of total vote meaningless.

An analysis of average votes per seats makes it clear, as it shows that average vote per seat of BJP and JD(U) are much more than RJD’s, explaining the difference in seats won.

PartySeats ContestedSeats WonVotes PolledVote ShareAverage Votes per Contested Seat
BJP101891,00,81,14320.08%99813.30
JD(U)1018596,67,11819.25%95714.04
RJD143251,15,46,05523.00%80741.64
Congress611943,76,4798.71%71745.56

There several factors that disconnect vote share from seat won in Indian elections. A party that fights fewer seats but concentrates its efforts and loyal voters in those seats will usually record a higher average vote per contested constituency and therefore win more of them. If a part contests in all the seats, even in those where it can’t win, it will still win some votes in those seats. This will increase the total votes polled by the party, but not the seats won.

Another factor is that among opposition parties, RJD has performed much better compared to its allies. This means, even on seats it lost, it came second with significant number of votes. This increases the vote share for the party without increasing the seats won.

Another issue is unequal distribution of voters across constituencies. The number of voters in different constituencies vary widely. Therefore, when a party loses a seat with high population with low margin, a large number will be added to its vote share, without any impact on the final result.

It can be seen that RJD contested 42 more seats than BJP and JD(U), but got only 14 lakh more votes than BJP and 18 lakh more than JD(U). As RJD’s vote was spread over many more constituencies, its average vote per seat it fought was lower than BJP and JD(U). The gap of average 15,000-20,000 votes is significant.

Another issue in Bihar was that there were much more ‘friendly fights’ in the MGB compared to NDA. Therefore, while the entire NDA vote went to a single candidate in most of the seats, the MGB votes were split among 2-3 candidates from the alliance in the same seats.

All these make it clear, there is no mystery why RJD won only 25 despites polling highest vote share in Bihar. This happened because that is how India’s election system works. RJD candidates lost their individual seats, and that is the only thing that matters, not the total votes won by the party.

If any candidate or party thinks there is foul play in the counting process or the declaration of results, they can file petitions. It is notable that the entire election process including the counting is done in presence of agents of candidates and parties, and therefore they require some strong reason to contest the results.

During the SIR exercise in Bihar and then the polls, no petition was filed against the processes, despite the noise created around them by Rahul Gandhi and others. Similarly, it is expected that almost no RJD or Congress candidate will appeal against the results, and the ‘vote chori’ allegations will remain in political rallies, press conferences and social media.

Therefore in conclusion, there is no ‘mystery’ over how RJD won so few seats despite wining highest number of votes in total, and it does not point to any ‘vote chori’ or any wrongdoing. This is as per the electoral system adopted by the constituent assembly, and will remain in place unless the constitution is changed and India adopts and different election method.

Media hype does not translate into votes: As Prashant Kishor’s Jan Suraaj Party gets a big zero, here is why ‘Kingmaker’ PR and tall claims got no support from voters

Shriti Sagar
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Media hype does not translate into votes: As Prashant Kishor’s Jan Suraaj Party gets a big zero, here is why ‘Kingmaker’ PR and tall claims got no support from voters

The Bihar Assembly election results turned out to be a disappointing reality check for Prashant Kishor and his Jan Suraaj Party (JSP). The party had contested 239 out of 243 seats, but could not win even a single one. As per the poll results on Friday, 14th November, Jan Suraaj could manage only around 2–3% of the total votes. Across the state, it polled roughly 3.4% of the vote share. Not a single JSP candidate won; only one candidate reached second position, 115 candidates came in third, and 122 finished below third place.

Screengrab from the ECI website

In simple words, the party did not emerge as a winner, the runner-up, or even the “vote cutter” that some analysts imagined it would be. Many expected that Kishor’s aggressive campaigning and statewide yatra might, at the very least, eat into someone’s vote share. 

But that also didn’t happen. The party’s overall performance placed it just slightly ahead of NOTA, which got 1.8% of votes. For someone who spent more than two years touring Bihar and building momentum, always making headlines, being constantly interviewed, the final numbers were nowhere close to the hype.

Image via X/JitendraJain_

The hype PK enjoyed never converted into votes

Right after the results, one thing became clear, the way the media hyped Prashant Kishor did not translate into votes on the ground. For months, TV channels, YouTubers, and commentators treated him like a strong challenger with the ‘kingmaker’ image,  someone who might change the election dynamics in Bihar. Much of this came from Kishor’s past reputation as a successful poll strategist who had helped various parties win elections across India.

However, the Bihar Assembly results proved that popularity in media interviews and online conversations does not automatically mean popularity among actual voters. The energy around Jan Suraaj was mostly driven by discussions, podcasts, social media clips, and PK’s own sharp statements. On the ground, when the votes were counted, the hype simply did not match reality.

“Debut election” can’t be an excuse: PK has been in politics for years

Some Jan Suraaj supporters will try to defend the poor performance by saying that this was the party’s debut election. But this argument does not hold much weight in Kishor’s case. PK wasn’t entering politics for the first time. In fact, he has been a known name in Indian politics for more than a decade.

Prashant Kishor shot to prominence after helping Narendra Modi‘s successful Gujarat campaign in 2012. His work also played a significant role in the BJP’s massive 2014 Lok Sabha win. Later, he changed sides to help the Mahagathbandhan in Bihar sweep the 2015 Assembly election. He also guided Captain Amarinder Singh in Punjab, Jagan Mohan Reddy in Andhra Pradesh, MK Stalin in Tamil Nadu and Mamata Banerjee in West Bengal – all of whom won big.

He even joined the JD(U) in 2018, served as its national vice president, and helped the party revive its Lok Sabha fortunes in 2019. So, it is clearly not a “debut” when one has been deeply involved in Indian politics, helped leaders win elections across the country, and held a high post in a ruling party. Bihar voters did not see him as a newcomer at all.

Other parties did much better in their first election

Many new parties have performed far better in their debut elections in other states. The biggest example is the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), which had a historic entry into Delhi politics. In its very first Assembly election in 2013, AAP won 28 seats, shocking both the BJP and the Congress.

In smaller states too, regional parties like the Sikkim Democratic Front (SDF) showed strong performances early on, dominating state politics for years. These parties proved that good debut performances are possible if the public truly trusts a new political force. Compared to them, Jan Suraaj’s failure to win even one seat shows that Bihar voters were not convinced enough to give Kishor a chance.

Why the media hype around Kishore didn’t work

For more than two years, Prashant Kishor travelled across Bihar, held meetings, spoke about unemployment, migration, and education, and gave hundreds of interviews to national media, regional media, and YouTube channels. His padyatra drew crowds, and many people online saw him as a serious contender. He projected himself as a wisened ‘Kingmaker’ who understood Bihar at the grassroots and would offer long-term solutions.

Media headlines hyping Prashant Kishor
Media headlines hyping Kishor as a big player in Bihar Elections

But despite the noise, voters did not choose him on polling day. Political analysts say this is because Kishor’s campaign created more attention than trust. Many expected him to contest the election himself, but when he refused to enter the fray, people started questioning his seriousness. His big claims, like saying Nitish Kumar would not return to power, or promising to quit public life if JD(U) crossed 25 seats, also backfired. These bold statements angered many JD(U) supporters and even fence sitters, who then voted even more strongly for their party.

Another issue was PK’s habit of constantly giving interviews and making big promises. While this kept him in the headlines, it may have made voters feel that he was trying to build his image more than to build a political organisation.

A campaign full of promises, and no impact on poll day 

The Jan Suraaj campaign had several big ideas. One of Kishor’s most talked-about promises was that he would scrap Bihar’s liquor ban “within an hour” of coming to power. He argued that the ban had only encouraged black markets and illegal supply chains. His team claimed that lifting the ban could bring in ₹28,000 crore every year, which they would use to improve education, welfare, and administration in Bihar.

He also spoke about giving loans to women, increasing pensions for the elderly, creating jobs for the youth, and bringing merit-based politics instead of caste-based politics. His candidate list also included Bhojpuri singers, retired officers, teachers, and experienced leaders.

But when the results came out, all this talk failed to convert into even a single win. The voters simply did not see Jan Suraaj as a practical alternative to the parties they already knew.

Counting day gives the final blow to the JSP

In the end, the counting day showed a completely different picture from the confident interviews and claims made during the campaign.

Jan Suraaj could not open its account. Its candidates remained far behind in most seats. The JD(U), which Kishor had confidently predicted would do badly, actually performed much better, winning 42 more seats than it did in the 2020 election. The exact opposite of Kishor’s predictions happened.

When he was asked earlier what he would do if his party failed, Kishor had said that he had committed 10 years of his life to Bihar and that he would continue to work for the next five years even if the results were disappointing. Now that the verdict is out, his real test begins: whether he will continue his political journey with patience or whether Jan Suraaj’s future will fade like many other overhyped political experiments.

‘Mother of trees’ Saalumarada Thimmakka, passes away at 114, leaving a legacy of thousands of trees raised as her own children

Divya Bharti
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‘Mother of trees’ Saalumarada Thimmakka, passes away at 114, leaving a legacy of thousands of trees raised as her own children

India has lost one of its most respected environmentalists. Saalumarada Thimmakka, known as the “Mother of Trees,” passed away in Bengaluru on 14th November, at the age of 114. Thimmakka was admitted to Apollo Hospital in Jayanagar with breathing problems and age-related weakness, where she remained under care until her final moments. Her passing marks the end of an era in grassroots conservation, and tributes have poured in from leaders, citizens, and environmentalists who admired her selfless devotion to nurturing thousands of trees.

Early life and family background

Thimmakka was born on June 30, 1911, in Gubbi Taluk of Tumakuru district, Karnataka. She grew up in a poor family and didn’t have the chance to go to school, instead taking on labour work from a young age to help her family. In 1928, she married Sri Bikkala Chikkaiah, a daily wage worker from Hulikal village in Ramanagara district.

The couple could not have children, and this hardship sparked a new purpose in Thimmakka’s life. Instead of falling into sorrow, Thimmakka decided to plant saplings, raising them with the same love she would have shown her own children. Years later, she adopted a foster son named Umesh, but her strongest bond was with the rows of trees she planted and protected throughout her life.

The journey of tree planting

Thimmakka’s environmental journey began on a stretch of road between Hulikal and Kudur in Ramanagara district. She and her husband started with just ten banyan saplings, grafting and planting them along the roadside using their own limited resources, and gradually increasing the number each year. They carried water from distant sources by walking 4 kilometres each day and spent their earnings to care for the trees, protecting them from cattle and drought.

Over several decades, they raised 385 banyan trees along a 4.5-kilometre stretch, earning her the affectionate name “Saalumarada,” meaning ‘row of trees‘ in Kannada. Altogether, Thimmakka is credited with planting and nurturing over 8,000 trees, creating green corridors where there were once barren lands.​

The Padma award and more

Thimmakka’s tireless work brought her national and international recognition. She received the Padma Shri, India’s fourth-highest civilian honour, in 2019 for her outstanding contribution to the environment. Thimmakka was also given the Nadoja Award by Hampi University in 2010, the National Citizen Award in 1995, the Indira Priyadarshini Vrikshamitra Award in 1997, and an honorary doctorate from the Central University of Karnataka in 2020.

When receiving the Padma Shri at Rashtrapati Bhavan, Thimmakka blessed the President of India, a gesture of humility that was widely celebrated across the country. Even the President remarked at the Padma awards ceremony that he was honoured to be blessed by Thimmakka, the 107-year-old awardee that year, and shared a tweet in admiration of her life and legacy.​

Work in later years

Thimmakka’s husband passed away in 1991, but she did not slow down. Even after his death, she remained active in many tree-planting and environmental programs across India, continuing her lifelong mission to green the environment. Beyond planting trees, she also participated in social initiatives like building a water tank for her village fair, showing her commitment to community welfare alongside nature conservation.​

She also dreamed of building a hospital in memory of her husband, and a trust was set up to realize this vision, reflecting her enduring dedication to her family and community. Her inspiring life was captured in a documentary titled “Thimmakka Mathu 284 Makkalu”, which was screened at the International Film Festival of India in 2000 and helped spread her message far and wide.

Recognition and contribution

Thimmakka’s work became a benchmark in grassroots environmental conservation. She is often known as “Vriksha Mata,” which means ‘mother of trees’, and her life has inspired countless individuals to plant trees and protect the environment. Her story is taught in schools, and a US-based organisation, Thimmakka’s Resources for Environmental Education, carries her name, helping spread her message beyond India’s borders.​

During her life, she also fought fiercely to protect her trees from harm. When there were plans to widen a highway that would have cut down the banyan trees she nurtured for decades, Thimmakka appealed directly to political leaders, and the government took steps to save those trees. Her dedication reminds us all that every action for nature can change our future.

In ​Manipal, Udupi, the Saalumarada Thimmakka tree park was opened in her honour.

Tributes

When Thimmakka passed away, leaders from all walks of life expressed their sorrow. Karnataka’s Chief Minister Siddaramaiah and the Leader of Opposition R Ashoka both said her love for nature had made her “immortal.” They praised her lifelong service and urged everyone to follow her example of planting and caring for trees. Her foster son, Umesh, continues her mission and runs movements to help farmers and communities grow and protect plants.​

Thimmakka’s green legacy, more than 8,000 trees, is a living tribute that will benefit generations to come. Her life shows that you don’t need money or power to make a difference. All it takes is kindness, commitment, and a willingness to nurture something beyond yourself.

The Modi currency is strong as ever: Why Rahul’s screeds of ‘vote chori’ failed to work in Bihar

Raju Das
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The Modi currency is strong as ever: Why Rahul’s screeds of ‘vote chori’ failed to work in Bihar

In a stunning reaffirmation of faith in Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s leadership, the NDA has secured a thumping victory in the Bihar Assembly Elections 2025 with 202 seats in the 243-member house. This result comes after BJP and NDA’s overwhelming wins in Haryana, Maharashtra, and Delhi in the recent past.

This victory is not merely a state-level win, it is a national message, and the voters have spoken clearly: India stands with PM Narendra Modi, Rahul Gandhi’s baseless allegations attacking the country’s election process are not working.

The 2024 Lok Sabha elections saw the BJP reducing to 240 seats, falling short of majority mark but still forming a stable government with NDA allies. Yet, the Congress, which won just 99 seats, considered it as a loss for BJP and win for them, and celebrated the results. Even though Narendra Modi government took oath for the third time, the Congress behaved as if they have won.

From the Parliament floor to TV studios and public rallies, they ridiculed Modi’s governance model that has transformed India since 2014. They bragged about the BJP’s “defeat,” insulted the Prime Minister, demeaned the voters. The reason for this celebration for Congress was the thinking that the 2024 results marked a decline for BJP, and they believed that the time for revival of Congress has arrived.

However, the successive NDA victories in state after state after the Lok Sabha polls show that it was misplaced optimism by the Congress. BJP lost some votes in the general elections, but have since regained many of them after that.

While voters recognised BJP government’s efforts towards development and protection of the country, they also witnessed the growing arrogance of Congress. Bihar result is the latest affirmation, the voters are in no mood to support Congress, and they are fed up with the party scion who does not miss an opportunity to attack the country from foreign soils, and echo Pakistan’s comments on the matters of national security.

Rahul’s Congress: Echoes of the Muslim League and Maoists

The party that ruled the country for 6 decades, the Indian National Congress is now a hollow shell. There is little difference between Jinnah’s Muslim League and the Congress now. Its politics revolves solely around appeasing one community, evident in its push for religion-based reservations and opposition to reforms like triple talaq ban and Waqf amendments, exposing its communal core inside secular cover.

Actually, the party has become a blend of Muslim League and Communists, with Rahul Gandhi continuously attacking India’s corporate sector. The part today blends Maoist economic sabotage with Muslim League-style communalism.

With senior leaders regularly leaving the party, it fights existential battles nationally, as the Gandhi-Nehru family is repeatedly rejected by voters. Election results in Bihar and Maharashtra have shown that Rahul Gandhi and the Congress are liabilities for alliance partners, dragging down coalitions.

Disillusioned leaders are exiting, finding no resonance with the party. Even Muslims, whom Congress claims to champion and used as vote bank for decades, are abandoning it for its empty agenda. Bihar shows that Muslim voters have consolidated behind AIMIM instead of voting for Congress.

Victory for development, defeat for vulture politics

The voters have clearly rejected the Rahul Gandhi’s politics of vile language. The party abused the PM and the party with slogans like “Chowkidar Chor Hai,” “Vote Chor, Gaddi Chhod,” “Khoon ki Dalali,” and stooped to abuse the Prime Minister’s late mother. Indian voters made it clear, they don’t endorse such politics.

After the defeat, Congress invents villains, EVMs, Election Commission, ED, CBI, Army, even Judiciary, and want people to believe that the entire system works to ensure party’s defeat. But then, the party wins some elections, and then the entire election becomes pristine. Indian voters are not fool to see through this hypocrisy.

Despite Congress and Rahul Gandhi’s relentless attack on BJP and PM Modi, the Bihar’s voters have made it clear, they are fully behind NDA. There is no anti-incumbency even after 11 years in office against Modi government, at least not yet.

Similarly, Nitish Kumar is in power for a long time, but despite that there was no sign of anti-incumbency in the elections. This has made it clear, anti-incumbency is not default factor in elections. ‘They have ruled for long time, now give us a chance’ is not a valid vote appeal. To win elections, the opposition have to present much more than that. And in today’s scenario, the opposition parties fail to give a solid reason to bring them to power.

Take RJD, the mere sight of the Lalu’s family in the party’s leadership reminds the people of Bihar of jungle raj. If that was not enough, RJD supporter actually promised to bring back the jungle raj if the party wins the elections, giving the votes a very big reason to not vote for them.

Similarly, Rahul Gandhi’s politics have become more and more strange, he picks up issues that have nothing to do with voters. He attacks the govt accusing of favouring certain corporate, but there is no concrete allegations like taking bribes or manipulating tenders. Congress chooses Hindenburg report to attack the Modi government, a topic majority of people don’t event understand. Similarly, Rahul Gandhi chooses to attack the Election Commission and the election process itself. But his speeches don’t include a good reason explaining why people should vote for Congress.

Therefore, there is no strong opposition to PM Modi at present in the country. It further helps that the Congress has the policy of not allowing any leader to grow taller than Rahul Gandhi.

As a result, in Bihar 2025, Modi’s mandate is reassured. It is clear that Modi currency is strong as ever on ground, despite the hallucinations of some opposition leaders. People like Rahul Gandhi may keep crying ‘vote chori’ and ‘hacked EVM’, Indian voters are not going to fall for that. The voters’ message is clear, India chooses progress over pettiness.

As BJP-JDU-led NDA makes a stunning comeback in Bihar, opposition and Left-Liberal lobby resort to blame EC and CEC Gyanesh Kumar

Rukma Rathore
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As BJP-JDU-led NDA makes a stunning comeback in Bihar, opposition and Left-Liberal lobby resort to blame EC and CEC Gyanesh Kumar

The National Democratic Alliance (NDA) headed by Bharatiya Janata Party and Janata Dal United is on track for a thumping victory with Chief Minister Nitish Kumar prepared to secure a fifth consecutive term, in Bihar. Latest trends indicate that the alliance is leading in over 200 of the 243 seats in the state, surpassing its 2020 performance when it won 122 seats. The results have outperformed results anticipated by the exit polls, that predicted resounding victory for the NDA with around 150 seats, and MGA was expected to win around 100 seats.

Wile the NDA is secure 202 seats, the Indian National Congress and Rashtriya Janata Dal-led Mahagathbandhan is unlikely to reach the 50-seat threshold while Prashant Kishor’s highly anticipated political debut with the Jan Suraaj party did not yield any seats. Congress is reduced to single digit with just 6 seats. Notably, RJD leader Tejashwi Yadav was also trailing throughout the day in Raghopur and eventually managed to defeat BJPs Satish Kumar.

Meanwhile, the opposition and its Left-Liberal lobby have taken out a leaf out of Rahul Gandhi’s playbook and directed blame towards the Election Commission of India for the opposition’s failure to perform effectively in yet another elections. Similar to the antics of the Gandhi scion who rather than reflecting on his own shortcomings, evident in the consistent lackluster electoral performances, they too resorted to disparaging remarks against the Election Commission of India and Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar.

The Lok Sabha MP alleged “vote theft” and conspiracy to “disenfranchise voters” with the much-needed Special Intensive Revision (SIR) initiative in Bihar, amid attributing his party’s repeated failure to win the support of Indian voters to EVM fraud and manipulation. Interestingly, such claims are specifically reserved for occasions of loss and never voiced when the opposition succeeds in electoral politics.

Furthermore, he never offered any evidence and outright refused to provide an affidavit under oath, despite multiple requests from the EC. Additionally, he declined to apologise for his bogus accusations and demanded that his statements be regarded as truth due to his status as an elected representative. The other opposition leaders echoed the same sentiment, which intensified in the lead-up to the Bihar assembly election.

However, the absurdity of these claims can be deduced from the fact that even the Supreme Court dismissed a plea asserting “vote fraud”.

Opposition leaders and Left-Liberals attack EC for Mahagathbandhan’s humiliating loss

Now, the same rhetoric is reiterated by the opposition leaders and their supporters in light of an embarrassing defeat in Bihar for their preferred parties. Samajwadi Party supremo Akhilesh Yadav that the tactics employed by SIR in Bihar will no longer be feasible in West Bengal, Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh, and other regions, as this electoral conspiracy has been unveiled.

“Henceforth, we will not allow them to engage in this practice. Just like CCTV, our PPTV meaning PDA (Pichra, Dalit and Alpashankhak) is going to be on guard and obstruct the BJP’s plans,” he added and accused BJP of deceit.

These parties are unable to see beyond caste politics, even when the truth is staring them in the face and will continuously find someone to hold accountable for their flaws. They cannot lodge an official complaint since they recognise that rhetoric can not be a substitute for evidence. Therefore, they indulge in political statements and whataboutery aimed at misleading as well as pushing the public to protest and then act furious when their lies are not accepted.

Yashwant Sinha, a leader of the All India Trinamool Congress, urged political parties to refrain from participating in elections while Gyanesh Kumar serves as Chief Election Commissioner and the Election Commission remains compromised.

The impartiality of the EC or Gyanesh Kumar will be acknowledged only when the opposition secures victory in every election, otherwise, they will have to deal with such unfounded charges and mudslinging? Do constitutional entities need to secure certificates from the opposition or they will be subjected to attacks and branded as tainted?

Furthermore, Tejashwi Yadav had threatened to abstain from the elections if the SIR was not suspended. The opposition skilled in the tactics of political maneuvering appears to only issue allegations and make statements without providing any evidence or adhering to their threats as they are also aware of the reality of their shenanigans and thus struggle to attract people to their cause.

The controversial German YouTuber Dhruv Rathee known for his strong anti-BJP rhetoric and lack of factual basis also hopped on the bandwagon suggesting that Gyanesh Kumar has been undermining the integrity of the Election Commission by showing favoritism towards the BJP since he was appointed to the role in March of the previous year.

He even referenced Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi to propose that the opposition should have boycotted the elections and questioned what joy there is in celebrating when half the population knows that the victory is founded on fraud.

Rathee seemed to conveniently forget that the BJP’s election machinery has maintained an unprecedented strike rate since 2014, when the party surged to power. A minor setback transpired in the 2024 general elections, yet it emerged as the single largest party and regained power for the third consecutive time. Likewise, the disregard for public mandate is quite evident.

Kunal Karma, a failed comedian known for his Hinduphobic and anti-BJP vitriol, vented his profound distress in a series of tweets, labeling Indian democracy as a “parody.” He also claimed that Gyanesh Kumar could establish a BJP government in Nepal, suggesting that he engages in fraud activities to ensure the party’s electoral victories while referring to the elections as “fixed.”

This group which only advocates for “truth to power” when the BJP is in government and behaves as a coolie of the opposition under the guise of neutrality does not convey the same sentiments when other parties are victorious. However, if the election results do not align with its preferences, then everything is painted as compromised.

While the opposition and its lobby were occupied with their political rhetoric to satisfy their own wounded egos, obscure their failings or stir public sentiment, the Election Commission on 13th November reiterated that no political party launched a complaint against the SIR program in Bihar.

This clearly demonstrates that the issue if ony used as a political tool, despite the complete absence of real concerns or reservations. Otherwise, there should have been several complaints based on the remarks from the opposition leaders but as expected, there are none.

AAP MP Sanjay Singh’s deranged rant

Aam Aadmi Party’s Rajya Sabha MP Sanjay Singh, who was apprehended in the Delhi Liquor scam, shared a video from last month which asserted that Bihar’s SIR drive was a scam and had no connection with removing fraudulent voters or infiltrators from neighboring countries.

“This is my statement of 11th October. Listen carefully. Everyone went through the formality of contesting the election but the certificate of victory was awarded to PM Modi by Agyanesh Kumar in advance,” the AAP leader wrote while sharing the clip.

He even stooped to mocking Gyanesh Kumar by calling him Agyanesh (without knowledge) Kumar and critisised him for not disclosing that only 315 foreign nationals, mostly Hindus, were found in the state. Singh charged that the latter troubled 8 crore voters of the state to find few Muslim intruders and repeatedly described him as cunning. He then declared that there were 5 lakh duplicate votes in Bihar’s final voter list.

Singh subsequently stated that the outcomes in Haryana and Delhi were altered by only a few thousand or 1-2% of the votes, insisting that the results of the Bihar elections had already been skewed in favor of the BJP due to these votes. He cried that the party already executed its strategy and 60 lakh individuals who were genuine voters had been ousted following the SIR.

Singh further remarked that the opposition can never succeed, despite their relentless efforts because the fraud has already occurred with the collaboration of Kumar and Prime Minister Narendra Modi. He then incited the public and even brought the Supreme Court into his outrageous argument.

Disseminating falsehoods, attacking constitutional institutions to conceal glaring failures

The objective of SIR has been to purify the voter list of bogus voters, a task it has successfully accomplished in Bihar and is poised to replicate in other regions of India. Importantly, Booth Level Agents (BLAs) from all parties including AAP, who played a crucial role in this entire process, showed their complete trust in the Election Commission, revealing the political motives behind the statements of their top leadership.

Likewise, no political party filed any complaints within the designated timeframe concerning the campaign, further shedding light on the veracity of such allegations akin to how no submissions were made to the courts after the Lok Sabha elections within the specified period until the recent comments about vote theft.

Moreover, the presence of a growing number of phoney voters in states like Bihar and West Bengal is also emphasised by research papers authored by professors from esteemed institutions such as IIM, which are not tied to any political agenda. The opposition is frustrated because these voters support them and their elimination has hurt their voter base.

The credit for the NDA’s victory lies in their outstanding governance, impressive policies and record voter turnout during the elections, alongside the Mahagathbandhan’s ability to resonate with voters and the RJD’s disturbing “Jungle Raj” track record. The opposition and their online allies could refuse to accept the truth but this will not alter the reality.

As Congress is decimated in Bihar with single digit seats, several party leaders question top leaders and their decisions, demand introspection and accountability

Raju Das
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As Congress is decimated in Bihar with single digit seats, several party leaders question top leaders and their decisions, demand introspection and accountability

The Indian National Congress (INC) has faced a crushing defeat in the Bihar Assembly Elections, and the party is almost deciminated in the state with wins in single digits. As per latest results, the party is set to win only 6 seats, out of the 61 seats the party contested. The Mahagathbandhan alliance struggled trailed far behind the NDA and even ceded ground to parties like AIMIM in key regions. In a landslide victory, NDA has crossed 200 seats, and Chirag Paswan’s Lok Janshakti Party is set to win 19 seats, more than three times the seats led by Congress.

In the wake of this setback, several senior Congress leaders have emerged, publicly questioning the party’s leadership, organizational lapses, and decision-making processes for the Bihar elections.  After the rebel by the group of 23 party leaders a couple of years ago, this is the first time such a large number senior party leaders have spoken against the party’s leadership.

Veteran Congress leader Kripananth Pathak, speaking from Patna, directly blamed state leaders for the disaster. He alleged that responsible leaders failed to relay accurate ground realities to the central leadership, leading to “huge errors” in strategy and candidate choices. Pathak said that ongoing complaints from party workers that were not escalated, warning that inaction could precipitate a “serious crisis” within the organization.

Congress MP Shashi Tharoor, who has emerged as a rebel leader with the party frequently criticising him and distancing itself from his comments, described the results as “seriously disappointing,” and urged “very serious introspection” beyond mere reflection. He pointed to potential “tactical, messaging, or organizational mistakes” during the election campaign.

However, Shashi Tharoor said that he cannot give any first-hand information, because he didn’t campaign in Bihar as he was not invited to campaign in Bihar. He noted that although he didn’t campaign in the state, he realised the issues based on his conversations with people. “Our party leaders must do some very serious analysis of where things went wrong,” he added.

Senior leader Mani Shankar Aiyar lamented that the Congress did not consider him worthy for a role in the elections, as he was not asked to campaign in the polls. He said that although once he was a ‘very senior leader,’ now he has been sidelined in the party. Appearing on News 18, he claimed he was participating in the debate on his personal capacity, not on behalf of the party.

Former Bihar Governor and Congress leader Nikhil Kumar attributed the defeat squarely to “the weakness of our organization,” stressing that electoral success depends on robust grassroots machinery. He criticised the lack of “strategic and intelligent” deployment across constituencies and admitted flaws in candidate selection, which may have contributed to the poor results. Kumar added that principles alone cannot compensate for operational failures.

He said, “There were some differences in our selection of candidates, and perhaps we did not select the best candidates… But yes, it is a possibility. The likelihood was that some of the candidates who were selected may not have been of the best quality. And perhaps that caused the result.”

Nikhil Kumar added, “This reflects the weakness of our organization. In any election, a political party relies on its organizational strength. If the organization is weak and cannot function effectively, the overall outcome suffers. Our candidates are all very capable, but even better candidates could have been chosen. The organization should have worked strategically, intelligently and maintained a strong presence across all constituencies.”

Congress MP Akhilesh Prasad Singh pointed out the “friendly fights” between Congress and RJD in several constituencies as a result of the poor results. He said that such contests should not have taken place. He also pledged introspection into where the party lagged in its election strategy.

In a candid X post, Gujarat-based Congress leader Mumtaz Patel said that there should be no “excuses” and “blame games” over the results, and urged the party to “accept reality.” Her comments are significant as the Congress party in Rahul Gandhi’s leadership had already started to blame the Election Commission.

Mumtaz Patel lambasted the concentration of power in a “few” high-command figures “totally disconnected” from the ground, who have presided over “failure after failure” despite the loyalty of countless workers. Patel warned that these same individuals would likely be “rewarded again,” perpetuating the cycle of decline. She wrote without naming anyone, “And mark my words these same people will be rewarded again and again because they have made themselves indispensable with their control and power.”

Former Bihar Minister Shakeel Ahmad, who left the party after the conclusion of voting in Bihar, talked about allegations of “financial irregularities” in ticket distribution. He noted that several senior Congress leaders held press conference and raised the issues of irregularities in ticket distribution, financial irregularities and other issues.

He said, “We hope that an investigation will be conducted, and if the allegations are true and tickets were given for other reasons, then obviously action should be taken against them.”

Congress MP from Sasaram, Manoj Kumar, targeted the Bihar Pradesh Congress Committee (PCC) President Rajesh Kumar over the poor performance of the party. He demanded Kumar’s immediate resignation, arguing that the state chief “didn’t connect with Dalits” and mishandled candidate selection, which “cost Congress dearly.”

Manoj Kumar said that people in his area wanted the PCC president to visit the villages in the district, and he also requested Manoj Kumar to visit, but he didn’t visit even once. He stressed that these are not allegations, but the truth.

Kumar also dismissed over-reliance on social media as a campaign tool, stating, “Social media can’t win polls,” and emphasized the need for ground-level engagement.

These statements by several senior Congress leaders represents a rare convergence of voices against both state and central leadership in the party. This shows there are some leaders in the party who are not ready to peddle the lies of ‘EVM tampering’ and ‘vote chori’ to hide the party’s electoral failures, and that there are leaders ready to demand answers and actions from the party.

Despite the possibility that they will be sidelined in the party after their public outburst, the Congress leaders have pointed out organizational deficiencies, flawed candidate selection, inadequate communication between state and central levels, and lack of involvement of top leaders in campaigning.

Bihar rejects Congress: Mahagathbandhan set to lose 9 out 10 seats where Rahul Gandhi held rallies, his Voter Adhikar Yatra to peddle ‘Vote Chori’ narrative fails

Shraddha Pandey
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Bihar rejects Congress: Mahagathbandhan set to lose 9 out 10 seats where Rahul Gandhi held rallies, his Voter Adhikar Yatra to peddle ‘Vote Chori’ narrative fails

Rahul Gandhi strikes again! The National Democratic Alliance (NDA) supporters rejoice as the alliance has secured a landslide victory in the Bihar assembly elections, shattering all dreams and expectations of the RJD-led Mahagathbandhan. The BJP-led NDA has crossed the magical mark of 200 and is leading on 202 seats out of the total 243, while the Mahagathbandhan is ahead only on 34 seats.

Congress leader Rahul Gandhi has once again lived up to his reputation as the BJP’s undeclared ‘Star Pracharak’, as the grand alliance is set to lose most of the seats where Gandhi held poll rallies.

In August this year, Rahul Gandhi had taken out the Voter Adhikar Yatra to peddle the malicious ‘Vote Chori’ narrative. While his Yatra, which began from Sasaram and ended in Patna, covered around 110 assembly constituencies, the Mahagathbandhan is trailing in most of these seats.

During his electoral campaign, Rahul Gandhi held rallies in Aurangabad, Banka, Bhagalpur, Darbhanga, Gaya, Muzaffarpur, Nalanda, Purnia and Sheikhpura.

The trends reflecting on the Election Commission of India’s website show that most of the candidates of the RJD-led Mahagathbandhan are set to lose against the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) and Janata Dal (United)-led NDA.

In Aurangabad, BJP’s Trivikram Kumar Singh is leading with a margin of over 826 votes and Congress’s Anand Shankar Singh at the second spot, followed by BSP’s Shakti Kumar Mishra. These numbers are as on the 21st, out of 28 rounds of counting.

In Banka, BJP’s Ram Narayan Mandal is leading with a notable margin of 16671 votes, while the Mahagathbandhan member Communist Party of India’s candidate Sanjay Kumar is trailing. In a distant third spot is Jan Suraaj Party’s Kaushal Kumar Singh. These numbers are as of the 16th round out of 24 rounds of counting.

In Bhagalpur, BJP candidate Rohit Pandey is leading with a margin of 10365 votes against Congress’s Ajeet Sharma as on the 26th of the 27 rounds.

In Darbhanga, BJP’s Sanjay Saraogi has won with a margin of 24593 votes. He secured 97453 votes while Umesh Sahani from Vikassheel Insan Party trailed with 72860 votes. These are the numbers as of the counting round 27 out of 27.

In Gaya, BJP candidate Prem Kumar has retained this seat with a margin of 26,423 votes. In total, Kumar received 90,878 votes. He defeated Congress candidate Akhaury Onkar Nath, while JSP’s Dhirendra Agarwal was a distant third in the final round of counting.

In Kishanganj, however, Congress managed to retain the seat as its candidate Mohammad Qamarul Hoda is leading by a margin of 12794, and the BJP candidate Sweety Singh is trailing.

It is pertinent to note that Kishanganj is a Muslim-dominated constituency, and with or without Rahul Gandhi campaigning, the Congress party was expected to retain this seat since the Muslim votebank traditionally rallies behind Congress. OpIndia has earlier reported how Kishanganj has been in the spotlight for a long time over demographic changes and illegal immigration.

The BJP is set to win the Muzaffarpur constituency seat where Rahul Gandhi held a rally. BJP’s Ranjan Kumar is leading by a margin of 32604 votes in the final round of counting, while Congress candidate Bijendra Chaudhary is trailing.

In Nalanda too, the voters have rejected Rahul Gandhi’s “vote chori’ bogey as NDA alliance partner JDU’s Shrawon Kumar is leading by a margin of 31261votes while Congress’s Kaushalendra Kumar is trailing.

In Purnia, BJP’s Vijay Kumar Khemka is all set to win as the counting is entering its final phase. Khemka has so far received 127229 votes and is leading against Congress candidate Jitendra Kumar with a margin of 32,893 votes.

Similar is the story in Sheikhpura, as JDU candidate Randhir Kumar Soni has won the seat, securing 82922votes to defeat RJD candidate Vijay Kumar. Soni’s winning margin is 22,547 votes. The final round of counting has concluded in this seat.

Rahul Gandhi: The persistent failure

While the overall results of the Bihar assembly elections demonstrate a resounding endorsement of trust in the NDA, continuity of the leadership of Nitish Kumar and the never-fading Modi magic, for Rahul Gandhi, this is yet another setback.

Gandhi’s vote chori narrative and constant appeal to Gen-Z to become the active players of a revolution meant not for their betterment but for improving his political prospects did not resonate with the Bihar youth. It is apparent that Rahul Gandhi’s rallies may attract a crowd, but that crowd hardly ever translates into votes. This is particularly embarrassing for someone who dreams of giving a direct fight to the political mammoth called Narendra Modi and becoming India’s Prime Minister.

For Congress, what could be more embarrassing than being clubbed with “others” on ECI’s result page? This should be an eye-opener for the grand old party that nothing is ‘grand’ about it anymore. It needs to stop concocting false vote theft lies and rather focus on genuine issue-based politics. The people of Bihar could see through Rahul Gandhi’s hollow rhetoric during his rallies and Voter Adhikar Yatra.

The Mahagathbandhan’s situation is such that its few winning candidates would want to dial up to Rahul Gandhi and thank him for not holding any rally or roadshow in their constituencies.

The MGB’s poor showing in 9 out of 10 seats where Gandhi held rallies shows that even caste dynamics management and charged rhetoric can help only when a party presents a compelling alternative vision, rather than focusing solely on attacking the adversary and casting aspersions on the integrity of the Election Commission.

However, going by the arrogance of the Gandhis and Congress’s deliberate and persistent denial of ground realities, the party will continue with Rahul Gandhi as its face. Congress will continue its ‘Vote Chori’ drama. The party will continue crying ‘Hum hare nahi humein haraya gaya hai’.

The grand old party will continue presenting Rahul Gandhi as a self-declared martyr fighting against a compromised ‘system’ and yet not giving up. So far, the Congress ecosystem calls Rahul Gandhi a ‘JanNayak’ (people’s leader) despite several electoral setbacks. Now with yet another drubbing, the ‘Darbaris’ will declare him ‘BrahmandNayak’ (Leader of the Universe). In fact, as an RJD leader had threatened a day before the counting began, that Bihar would be turned into Nepal or Bangladesh if any ‘malpractice’ is found, which essentially means MGB’s defeat, the anti-BJP bloc might double down on its ‘Vote Chori’ propaganda and actually attempt to give it a Nepal or Bangladesh-like violent touch.

Rahul Gandhi has proven his political incompetence on several occasions, yet he will not be held accountable before his party and workers. This is not because he should not, but rather because nobody in the party wants accountability from him. Congress has developed a unique coping mechanism. When the party wins any state election, as seen in Telangana, Himachal Pradesh and Karnataka, it gives the credit of victory to Rahul Gandhi’s leadership, rallies, speeches and even his ‘aura’. But when the party loses, the blame goes, no, not to the flaws in their campaign or local issues, but straight to the Election Commission.

Watch OpIndia analyse Bihar election results LIVE: NDA races ahead for a massive win, leading in 204 seats while Mahagathbandhan leads only in 32

OpIndia Staff
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Watch OpIndia analyse Bihar election results LIVE: NDA races ahead for a massive win, leading in 204 seats while Mahagathbandhan leads only in 32

The counting of votes for the 2025 Bihar Assembly Elections is going on. As of 3 pm, after several rounds of counting, the NDA is leading in 204 seats, indicating the return of Nitish Kumar as CM. The Mahagathbandhan has a lead in just 32 seats now.

Follow our Live Blog HERE

The OpIndia team is analysing the results in real time. WATCH LIVE here:

According to several media reports, voting trends at 3.00 pm showed the NDA leading in 204 seats and the Mahagathbandhan in 32.

All 29 ministers of the incumbent cabinet under Nitish Kumar, 16 from BJP and 13 from JDU, are leading in their respective seats.

Congress Party, which contested in 61 seats, is leading in only 3 of them.

The BJP is emerging as the largest party, with leads in 95 seats, while its partner JDU is leading in 82 seats. From Patna’s 14 seats, NDA is leading in 10. Among 7 seats in Bhagalpur district, NDA is leading in 6. NDA is also leading in 8 out of 10 seats in Chhapra.

The RJD and Congress, major parties of the Mahagathbandhan, are leading in 28 and 4 seats respectively, as per latest reports.

The state registered a historic voter turnout of 67.13% in the two-phase elections to the 243-member assembly that was held on November 6 and 11. Most exit polls have predicted a clean sweep for the NDA, of which the JD(U) is a part.

Red Fort blast: Terrorist Umar Nabi bought ammonium nitrate from Haryana’s Nuh. Read how the area has been a hotbed of crime and radicalisation for years

Shraddha Pandey
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Red Fort blast: Terrorist Umar Nabi bought ammonium nitrate from Haryana’s Nuh. Read how the area has been a hotbed of crime and radicalisation for years

In the Red Fort terror attack case, the investigators have traced the origins of the explosives used in the deadly blast to Haryana’s Nuh. The explosives procurement network has been traced to the Basai Meo village in the Nuh district and neighbouring areas of Faridabad, Gurugram, and Saharanpur. 

The authorities say that Jihadi Dr Umar Un Nabi and his accomplices from the Faridabad module purchased fertilisers and ammonium nitrate from here in the last few months.

Posing as farmhouse owners while approaching fertiliser shops in Nuh, the deceased Umar Un Nabi and other accused persons started buying NPK fertilisers in small quantities over the last three-four months.

As per the investigators, the Jihadi module collectively raised Rs 20 lakh to purchase over 26 quintals of NPK fertilizer and over 1,000kg of ammonium nitrate. These materials are powerful enough to make multiple bombs.

“They spent over Rs 20 lakh, with each member contributing. The group also bought rifles and cartridges from Srinagar with help from their handlers, including one codenamed ‘Ukasha’,” a Delhi Police officer said.

The authorities have identified three fertiliser shops which supplied materials to the terror module members, who had posed as landowners and made payments digitally. The police are conducting further investigation. One of the suppliers has been identified as Dinesh Kumar alias Dabbu Singla, a fertiliser dealer from Pinangwan. He allegedly sold 300 kg of ammonium nitrate to the terror module.

The police have established that Nuh was the primary source for obtaining materials for making explosives. One of the accused Jihadi terrorists and a doctor at the Al Falah University, Muzammil Shakeel Ganaie, frequently visited the fertiliser shops.

“They didn’t buy everything at once. They collected it gradually over three or four months,” an officer said.

The investigation revealed that both terrorists, Dr Umar and Dr Muzammil, relied on local contacts in the rural Faridabad to locate sellers and transport the materials. During the questioning of over two dozen locals in Nuh, it emerged that Umar Un Nabi claimed that he wanted to set up a mining business in Kashmir.

 “He introduced himself as a doctor exploring investment opportunities,” one local trader questioned by the police said.

Meanwhile, Nuh’s mining belt has also come under scanner after the ammonium nitrate supply chain was traced to the area. The mining belt in this district is infamous for illegal quarrying and the routine utilisation of blasting chemicals. Ammonium nitrate is available here since it is used in blasting rocky hills.

Nuh: The ‘Mini-Pakistan’ and crime hub

Nuh district is a Muslim-dominated area in southern Haryana. On 12th November, the Jammu and Kashmir Police arrested one Maulvi Ishtiyaq from Mewat over alleged links to Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) and Ansar Ghazwat-ul-Hind.

The Mewat region is also infamous as a ‘Mini Pakistan’ for rapid radicalisation of Muslim youths and anti-Hindu crimes. In 2023,  Islamists launched a planned attack on thousands of Hindus participating in the ‘Brij Mandal Jalabhishek Yatra. They torched several vehicles, pelted stones, and opened indiscriminate fire on Hindu devotees part of the Shobha Yatra.

In July 2024, the police arrested two men named Irshad and Ejaz for duping people by promising them lakhs for impregnating childless women. The incident took place in the Nuh district (Mewat) region of Haryana. The duo operated more than four Facebook accounts and posted fake advertisements on social media about childless women in search of men to impregnate them.

In April 2024, the Nuh police arrested 42 cyber criminals from various parts of Nuh, Mewat in two days concerning several cyber fraud cases registered nationwide. The arrested accused include Deen Mohammad, Asif, Arif, Sarfaraz, Saqib, Ijaz, and Munajir among others. 

During the operation, a total of 50 cellphones, fake Aadhar cards, over 90 SIM cards procured with forged documents, cash, and several ATM cards were seized from the possession of the arrested accused. This was the biggest crackdown on cyber criminals since April 2023. Back then, the police had arrested 66 cyber criminals from 14 villages in an operation which included around 5,000 cops. 

In June last year, the Nuh Police arrested two Muslim men named Khalid and Akil for impersonating the Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP) and defrauding a former sarpanch to the tune of ₹95,000.

Over the years, Nuh had earned the notoriety as ‘new Jamtara’, a reference to the small Jharkhand town which became the epicentre of online frauds. 

In November 2023, the Nuh Police’s Crime Investigation Agency (CIA) team busted a sextortion racket in Nuh and arrested 6 accused identified as Mastan, Ibram alias Imran, Moin son of Nasubat, Shamshuddin son of Jamil, Irfan son of Sheru, and Shahid son of Khurshid.

Further, Opindia had earlier reported that an Islamist mob broke inside the cyber police station in Nuh on 31st July 2023, using a hijacked bus during the Nuh violence. In a targeted attack, the violent mob ransacked and vandalised everything in sight with the ulterior motive of destroying crucial evidence against cyber criminals.

The Islamists also attempted to burn documents and set the police station on fire. Later, the police informed that the attack on a cyber police station in the Nuh district of Haryana was pre-planned and aimed at destroying evidence of cyber fraud collected by the cops.

Besides cybercrime, anti-Hindu violence and love jihad, Nuh is also infamous for cattle smuggling and attacks on Gaurakshaks (cow protectors). OpIndia has documented many cases wherein local Hindus and even police were attacked by Islamists on multiple occasions.

After 13 people were torn to bits, ‘The Wire’ publishes sob story whitewashing Delhi Red Fort blast jihadis: The obsession with murderous Islamists

Rukma Rathore
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After 13 people were torn to bits, ‘The Wire’ publishes sob story whitewashing Delhi Red Fort blast jihadis: The obsession with murderous Islamists

India has witnessed the shocking disclosure of several terror plots over the past few weeks due to the vigilance of the security agencies. However, a terror incident did occur in the national capital close to the Red Fort after an inter-state Jaish-e-Mohammed module was unveiled, resulting in the recovery of almost 2900 kilograms of explosive materials, assault rifles and various other ammunition.

The authorities apprehended three Kashmiri doctors, Adeel Ahmed Bhat, Muzammil Shakeel (Musaib Ganaie/Ganie) and Mohammad Arif along with multiple other suspects. Moreover, Dr Shaheen Saeed, another part of this group was also arrested. She is from Lal Bagh in Lucknow and had been appointed by Sadia Azhar to oversee the foundation the JeM’s women wing, Jamaat ul-Mominaat, in India as well as find new members. The latter is the sister of Muhammad Masood Azhar Alvi also known as Masood Azhar.

Meanwhile, another Kashmiri doctor, Dr Mohammad Umar un Nabi, who was also a member of this conspiracy exploded his Hyundai i20 at one of the most popular tourist attractions in Delhi, killing at least 13 people and injuring numerous others. He reportedly responded in a state of panic after their terror network was exposed. These accused have been affiliated with Al Falah University in Haryana’s Faridabad.

Now, that the terrorists have been busted how can their supporters or apologists even delay for a second to either whitewash their real identities and appeal to public emotions by depicting them in a humane light. Thus, executing its anticipated propaganda duties with outstanding conviction, The Wire predictably seized its “headmaster’s son” moment and crafted a sentimental narrative around the terrorists for its equally extremist or potentially gullible audience.

On 13th November, it published an article, “We Are Doomed, What More Can Be Said: Families of Kashmiri Doctors Linked to ‘Terror Module’ Case” by Jehangir Ali which nearly presented the terrorists as victims and the state as the antagonist for its actions against them.

Humanising a monster

The article featured an interview with Umar Nabi’s 53-year-old father, Ghulam Nabi Bhat, who reminisced about the time when his son’s aspiration of becoming a doctor was achieved. The family hails from Koil in Pulwama and the deceased terrorist, who had two brothers and a sister, served as an assistant professor of medicine at Al Falah University.

Despite the extensive reports confirming his involvement in the instance including DNA test, the article alleged, “Officials have not confirmed these reports.” It then conveyed how Bhat left his teaching job which forced the family to cope with poor economic conditions.

The piece also included Bhat’s brother to further illustrate their plight who stated that Umar Nabi’s mother “begged for his education” and he was the sole provider for the family. Afterward, the author underscored how Umar Nabi’s brother succeeded in NEET on his second attempt and enrolled in Government Medical College (GMC) Srinagar, even after “studying at government-run schools in the village.”

“He has never participated in private tutoring but has consistently offered prayers,” the article quoted the bomber’s uncle, clearly adding a religious context to the achievement. Ironically, for these elements, religion should always be credited for all accomplishments but never be deemed accountable, even when it is used to carry out dreadful actions.

Now, if the family was in such a critical situation, should Umar Nabi not have concentrated on improving their financial status rather than pursuing jihad and aligning with a terrorist organisation? He evidently had the brains for it as he was among the state’s NEET-PG toppers and even had the opportunity since he was already earning.

However, he opted to channel his intellect and energy into wreaking havoc on the nation that offered him all these opportunities instead of being a decent son. Umar Nabi favored JeM at the expense of his family. Who is to blame for this? It is certainly not the security agencies who were fulfilling their responsibilities.

Should they have remained passive merely because he was an exceptional student from a low-income Muslim family, allowing him to murder hundreds? He already managed to take many innocent lives and ruin several others. How many more deaths are needed to satisfy this savage bloodlust or is it simply never enough?

The terrorist is called a “shining example” characterized as a “hardworking student” and an “intelligent student” who donned nearly tattered clothing and attended college in flip-flops. As if this disgraceful propaganda were insufficient, the article claimed that he was only “missing” rather than the fact that he died due to the explosion he set off.

The article then introduced Umar Naib’s “distraught-looking younger cousin” in a disorganised home, symbolised by a jumbled stack of books left over during raids by security personnel. The deteriorating and substandard condition of the house was brought to light to reiterate the family’s economic struggles as the youngster described him as a “role model.”

The article repeatedly highlighted not only Umar Nabi’s brilliance as a student and his capabilities as a doctor but also discussed his family’s economic hardships. While these points can be accepted, it further underscores that education does not counter Islamist ideology, instead, it reinforces the same which has been glaringly obvious after he was dubbed as the “most radicalised member” of the terror group.

He prioritized killing his fellow countrymen in the name of religion over helping his family. Additionally, his brother-in-law was involved in the atrocious plot. Therefore, the entire family was not oblivious to these developments, contrary to what the article attempted to paint.

Blatant glorification of terrorists, concocting lies to defend them

After the desperate efforts to depict Umar Nabi in a compassionate manner, the article strikes to replicate this with the other Kashmiri terrorists, Dr Adeel Ahmad Bhat and Dr Muzzamil Shakeel Ganie. They were arrested in Saharanpur and Faridabad, respectively. Ganie is also from Koil which is around 300 meters away from Umar Nabi’s home in the village’s Huirpora neighbourhood.

The article mentioned that his affluent apple farmer father purchased a payment seat for him at a cost of several lakhs of rupees for him to study medicine at Acharya Shri Chander College of Medical Sciences and Hospital in Jammu.

Ganie temporarily worked at the Sher-e-Kashmir Institute of Medical Sciences in Srinagar after earning his MBBS degree in 2016-17 and then relocated to Al Falah University in Faridabad to serve as a senior resident as part of his postgraduate Diplomate of National Board degree.

Asmat Shakeel, his sister, portrayed him as “kind and religious” and contended that the media is fabricating stories about Ganie’s participation in the terror module. Interestingly, what the article or she herself conventionally did not unveil is that she completed her MBBS in Bangladesh, a country that has recently been in the spotlight for the surge in Islamist activities and anti-Hindu violence.

The article even lamented over the indefinite postponement of Asmat’s marriage, originally scheduled for 9th-10th November following her brother’s arrest by the police. The event is apparently more important than the lives of innocent Indians or the prevention of another terror attack, for the media outlet. Meanwhile, the wedding functions were not as significant as the jihad mission for Ganie.

It is unrealistic to expect a Kashmiri family to admit to the heinous crimes of their son, considering the history of the valley. However, the article successfully underscored that, irrespective of one’s financial standing, intellect or educational qualifications, the influence of jihad dominates all. Therefore, to assert that education is the antidote of this menace is not only naive but also blatantly misleading and devious, given the overwhelming evidence to the contrary.

When wedding celebrations undermine innocent lives

The article once again declared that Umar Nabi is missing, despite the mounting evidence. It attributed “unconfirmed reports” to argue that he has been evading authorities since the incident.

The piece stated that a DNA test was carried performed to match his mother’s samples with the human remains found in the wrecked car that exploded close to Red Fort. However, it shrewdly omitted to mention that the test confirmed Umar Nabi’s identity and smoothly proceeded to discuss Dr Shaheen Saeed as well as other medical professionals who have been questioned regarding the case.

The Wire engaged in manipulating facts, serving falsehoods, casting aspersions on the facts and more, all in an effort to shift accountability away from the terrorists. Nevertheless, it only restated that there is no remedy for those indoctrinated by jihad and the deceptions of their apologists in the media or otherwise, highlight the utter hypocrisy and vile ideology.

The documentation of Umar Nabi’s jihadi actions is termed as “unconfirmed reports that seek to project him, a promising young doctor as a suicide bomber.” Had he invested as much faith in his medical profession instead of jihad, the tragedy could have been avoided, he would be alive today and the notorious platform would have found another terrorist to sanitise.

The article bemoaned the challenges encountered by the family due to the search operations and interrogations conducted by security agencies. It cannot be emphasised enough that it clearly wanted to weave a narrative of sympathy for the terrorists, endangering lives. The author fundamentally did not wish for the authorities to uncover the roots of this terror network as well as expose additional details, even if it resulted in more terrorist attacks and bloodshed.

Umar Nabi’s father unsurprisingly refused to accept his son’s real face as his uncle announced, “We are doomed. What more can be said,” to conclude the article dramatically.

If their words are taken as valid, then it is solely the consequences of their son’s actions and not those of anyone else. Redirecting anger or frustration towards others or minimizing his role will not change the reality, regardless of one’s wishes.

The Wire’s nauseating rhetoric

Of course, this is not the first instance in which The Wire, kown for harbouring rape accused, has expressed sympathy for jihadis or those accused of terrorism and has blatantly misrepresented facts to support such individuals. They have a long history of acting as their apologists and cheerleaders while simultaneously demonising Hindus.

Its chief propagandist Arfa Khanum Sherwani recently expressed her endorsement of “I Love Muhammad,” the controversy which led to major unrest in the country. The outlet has even disseminated bogus narratives to attack the sacred “Jai Shree Ram” slogan. It went to the extent of labelling the partition of India as “social justice” and similarly attempted to downplay the targeted massacre of Hindu men in the Pahalgam terror attack.

Likewise, it depicted Guflisha Fatima, a key figure in the anti-Hindu Delhi riots as a victim. The list of their wicked actions is excessively extensive and with the latest article, it has added another feather to its blood-soaked cap of whitewashing jihadis, terrorists and anti-Hindu elements.

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