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Alchemy of superalloys and single-crystal blades: How India is mastering the metallurgical hellscape of aero engines

Raju Das
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Alchemy of superalloys and single-crystal blades: How India is mastering the metallurgical hellscape of aero engines

The third instalment in the series on aero engines sheds light on one of the most formidable bottlenecks in aviation technology: the physical science of jet engine survival. It highlights India’s remarkable journey towards self-reliance in mastering the “metallurgical hellscape” of aero engine manufacturing. For decades, this domain was an impenetrable barrier, fiercely guarded by a handful of Western and Russian manufacturers.

Building a modern jet engine is widely considered the apex of human engineering. The core challenge lies inside the combustion chamber and the subsequent high-pressure turbine. Here, gases explode at temperatures soaring beyond 1,700°C—heat ferocious enough to liquefy the metals designed to contain it. Coupled with extreme centrifugal forces from components spinning at tens of thousands of revolutions per minute, the operating conditions are incredibly hostile. Standard aviation steel or titanium simply wilt under such immense stress.

To counter this inferno, engineers rely on complex nickel-based superalloys containing exotic elements like chromium, cobalt, titanium, and rhenium. These alloys retain immense structural strength near their melting points. However, even the best polycrystalline superalloys eventually fail because standard metallurgy creates microscopic grain boundaries as liquid metal cools. These boundaries act as critical weak points under high-temperature stress and high-G combat manoeuvres.

The ultimate solution, described as an engineering feat bordering on alchemy, is the single-crystal turbine blade. Through a painstakingly classified vacuum investment casting process, molten superalloys are cooled meticulously to solidify into one continuous, perfect metallic crystal. Lacking any weak grain boundaries, these single-crystal blades can withstand unimaginable centrifugal forces.

Furthermore, because exhaust gases still exceed the melting point of these crystalline structures, the blades must be manufactured hollow. They feature a complex labyrinth of internal cooling channels. Cooler air bypassed from the compressor weeps out through laser-drilled pores on the surface, creating a microscopic protective film of cold air so the metal never touches the roaring flames.

India’s foray into mastering this intricate dance of vacuum casting, exotic metallurgy, and laser drilling is a monumental engineering triumph. It marks a crucial milestone in the country’s pursuit of self-reliance, ensuring its future aerospace platforms are powered by indigenous technological prowess.

You can read the full article in Chapter 1 Magazine.

Private thrust: How Indian start-ups are building aero-engines from scratch

Raju Das
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Private thrust: How Indian start-ups are building aero-engines from scratch

India’s aerospace propulsion sector is currently experiencing a major transformation that is reshaping the country’s defence manufacturing landscape. If the state-owned behemoths represent the heavy industry of this revolution, India’s private sector is its agile, disruptive vanguard. Historically, the development of aero-engines was exclusively the domain of state-owned entities and government laboratories.

However, a quiet but powerful revolution is underway as private conglomerates and deep-tech startups bypass bureaucratic inertia to aggressively enter the field. No longer functioning merely as component vendors, these private companies have evolved into primary designers, innovators, and prime contractors. They are now actively designing, testing, and manufacturing complete jet engines from scratch. Their primary focus lies in dominating the micro and small-thrust engine categories, a strategic move essential for powering India’s rapidly expanding fleets of unmanned aerial vehicles and advanced missile systems.

A leading example of this private-sector vanguard is Paninian, a defence technology firm developing the Yantur family of indigenous aero-engines. Their portfolio includes compact turbojets specifically engineered to power autonomous aerial targets and decoy systems used for realistic air defence training. More significantly, the company is advancing a privately developed turbofan engine program intended for long-range, autonomous land-attack cruise missiles.

Another landmark achievement highlights the successful synergy between state research and private manufacturing. Azad Engineering recently collaborated with the government’s Gas Turbine Research Establishment to produce the country’s first fully indigenous, expendable turbojet engine. While the state agency provided the foundational laboratory design, Azad Engineering managed the comprehensive manufacturing, assembly, and integration.

Similarly, several private sector companies, both established platers and startups, are successfully developing engines for missiles, jet-powered loitering munitions, drones and UAVs, small aircrafts, etc. Ultimately, these private-sector advancements are rapidly accelerating national self-reliance in critical aerospace propulsion technologies.

The tale of India’s aero-engine sector is no longer one of delays and dependencies; it is a tale of an aerospace superpower finally taking flight on its own terms. India’s private sector has proven it can design, iterate, and assemble complex propulsion systems. 

You can read the full article in Chapter 1 Magazine.

Global trade choke points and the need for new routes: India, Central Asia and the INSTC

Rukma Rathore
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Global trade choke points and the need for new routes: India, Central Asia and the INSTC

Global trade increasingly depends on a small number of maritime chokepoints that can be disrupted by war, sanctions or regional tensions. The Strait of Hormuz, Bosporus, Suez Canal, Bab-el-Mandeb and other passages illustrate how quickly instability can affect energy supplies, freight costs and shipping schedules. This has pushed major economies to search for alternative routes that reduce dependence on vulnerable sea lanes.

Russia recently proposed exploring a rail link towards the Indian Ocean through Central Asia, potentially involving Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Iran, Afghanistan and Pakistan. The idea remains a proposal rather than an approved direct railway, but reflects Moscow’s effort to create more dependable links with India as bilateral trade reached $68.7 billion in 2024-25.

For India, the broader opportunity lies in the International North-South Transport Corridor, or INSTC. Launched through an agreement between India, Iran and Russia in 2000, the 7,200-kilometre multimodal network combines sea, road and rail routes connecting India with Iran, the Caspian region, Russia, Central Asia and Europe. Its Central, Western and Eastern corridors provide different pathways into Eurasia, with the Eastern Corridor particularly relevant for India’s engagement with Central Asia.

The corridor could address a long-standing geographical constraint. Partition severed India’s direct land access to Afghanistan and Central Asia, while Pakistan has repeatedly denied overland transit. INSTC provides an alternative through Iranian ports and Eurasian rail networks. Compared with the traditional Suez route, the corridor is projected to reduce distance by around 40%, cut transit time from 40-45 days to roughly 18-25 days and lower freight and operational costs by about 30-40%.

Its strategic importance extends beyond Russia. India’s trade with the five Central Asian republics remained only around $1.7-2 billion in 2023, compared with more than $100 billion between Central Asia and China. Better connectivity could expand Indian access to these resource-rich markets while complementing Chabahar Port, the Ashgabat Agreement and India’s wider Central Asia policy.

India and Russia are simultaneously developing other options, including the Chennai-Vladivostok Eastern Maritime Corridor and cooperation around the Northern Sea Route. Together, these initiatives reflect a broader shift in global trade strategy: traditional routes will remain important, but countries increasingly want multiple corridors so that a crisis at one chokepoint cannot disrupt entire supply chains.

Read the full article on Chapter One Magazine.

Ram Mandir donations external audit confirms Rs 3,300 crore fully accounted for

Shraddha Pandey
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Ram Mandir donations external audit confirms Rs 3,300 crore fully accounted for

The Ram Mandir’s donation management system in Ayodhya has been under scrutiny ever since allegations of donation theft surfaced in June 2026. Amidst the criticism, speculation, and politics surrounding the alleged ‘Chanda Chori’, an external audit has found that Rs 3,300 crore of the donations made by devotees for Ram Mandir construction are fully accounted for.

Amidst allegations of embezzlement of Ram Mandir donations by counting staff, independent third-party auditors, M/S V Sankar Aiyer & Co., audited and confirmed that the entire Rs 3,300 crore collected via public contributions for Ram Mandir is accounted for and these funds have not been embezzled or stolen.

The audited Rs 3,300 crore donations include Rs 1,800 crore for temple construction and Rs 400 crore for land acquisition. There were zero cash transactions relating to these funds and required transfers were conducted under strict financial and banking protocols.

Reports say contrary to allegations peddled by the Opposition and a section of media regarding Ram Mandir land acquisition, 100% of payments for contiguous temple land were completed through direct bank-to-bank transfers from authorised accounts. The land acquisition procedure did not involve any cash transactions. Sources suggest that the higher acquisition costs reflected prevailing post-verdict market rates and the settlement of commercial structures.

The Vishwa Hindu Parishad has confirmed that the Rs 3,300 crore donations collected for the construction of the Ayodhya Ram Mandir were deposited in a separate account in the State Bank of India (SBI).

From Rs 200 crore, Rs 2000 crore to Rs 20,000 crore, the Opposition kept conveniently raising the Ram Mandir donation theft amount as they sharpened attacks on the Yogi government

The external audit confirming that there was no large-scale theft of donations or a massive ‘scam’ is nothing short of a blow to Opposition parties using the embezzlement of funds by some counting staff members to attack the BJP government in Uttar Pradesh.

The allegations of ‘chadhava chori’ or the ‘chadhava scam’ at the Ayodhya Ram Mandir were first highlighted by local media.

The matter gained political traction on 7th June 2026 after Samajwadi Party supremo and former Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav cited media reports of crores in unaccounted donations and called for judicial intervention. Alarming claims emerged about alleged discrepancies in donation collections, sudden wealth accumulation by several low-paid counting staff, and possible missing funds.

In no time, Samajwadi Party and other Opposition parties floated a Rs 200 crore figure to magnify the donation theft issue. A few days later, claims were floated that the donation scam is worth Rs 2,000.

In July this year, Samajwadi Party leader Ramgopal Yadav claimed that a huge scam about donations and valuables worth around Rs 20,000 crore has taken place in the Ram Mandir project. Yadav had also claimed that funds and precious items donated by devotees to the temple went unaccounted for. The Samajwadi Party leader further alleged that some “big names” were involved in the alleged irregularities.

“It is a Rs 20,000 crore scam with big names involved in it. People donated crores of Rupees, gold and diamonds, but today no one knows what happened,” Yadav said on 1st July.

However, the recently conducted independent audit confirms that not Rs 20,000 crore but the donations collected for Ram Mandir construction were Rs 3,300, and this figure stands fully accounted for.

Even the outrageous Ram Mandir donation theft that has actually occurred is not as big as the Opposition has claimed. The theft occurred only in cash sorting and was carried out by counting staff hired from an external agency; the Opposition’s politics targeted temple priests, the BJP government, Hindus, and their intellect for placing trust in the temple Trust.

A preliminary report submitted before the court by the Uttar Pradesh Police Special Investigation Team (SIT) formed at the request of the Shri Ram Janmabhoomi Teerth Kshetra Trust indicated systemic failures and the role of the counting staff in donation theft.

The report revealed that approximately 70 suspicious incidents of alleged pilferage were captured on CCTV between around 27th April and 5th June 2026. 

Some of the counting staff members were also seen repeatedly concealing wads of cash in pockets, socks, underclothing, and even in the attached bathroom. 

The SIT report hinted at serious lapses in the security protocol. It found absence of proper frisking at entry and exit of the counting area, substandard control over personal belongings, combined counting of cash from multiple donation boxes (Daan Patra, Hundi), exploitation of CCTV blind spots, and inadequate monitoring. 

The CCTV video footage showed that some of the key employees counting the money were secretly hiding the bundles of notes and loose notes inside their clothes, pockets and shoes, while some other employees were helping them in this work by providing cover. 

Six external employees working for Sainik Security Services (SSS) were identified through CCTV footage and were arrested by the police.

The SIT report emphasised that the continuous embezzlement of donated cash was not a mere oversight, but rather the result of deliberate and gross negligence of security regulations.   

The report also mentions that the theft of donations took place under the watch of Subhash Srivastava, the in-charge of the counting room. 

The SIT probe has found six employees directly involved in this theft, which include Avinash Shukla, Anukalp Mishra, Lavkush Mishra, Manish Kumar Yadav, Karunesh Pandey and Ramshankar Mishra. 

These individuals were appointed by the SBI through a private agency; however, their appointments were made on the recommendations of some temple Trust officials.

In mid-July, around 30 more employees involved in counting cash offerings came under the scanner. The probe in the donation theft case remains on.

Ever since the alleged donation theft was reported, the Opposition parties have not only attacked the Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath-led government in Uttar Pradesh, but also resorted to blatant Hinduphobia.

In late July, anti-BJP MP Pappu Yadav cosplayed a greedy priest and staged a nukkad Natak-style skit in the Parliament premises, enacting the Ayodhya Ram Mandir donation theft. Pappu Yadav dressed up as a Hindu priest in saffron robes, Rudraksh mala, Tripund, and saffron headgear, collected ‘donations’ from Congress MPs Rahul Gandhi, Mallikarjun Kharge, and Priyanka Gandhi Vadra and ran away. Gandhi and other opposition leaders then symbolically mob lynched him.

Awadhesh Prasad, the Samajwadi Party MP from Faizabad, the constituency that includes Ayodhya, was also a part of this blatant mockery of Hindu priests. The whole idea of the skit was to convey it to the public that it is the BJP-backed Hindu priests of the Ayodhya Ram Mandir who stole the temple donations. Such blatant Hinduphobic lies were peddled even as the SIT report nor any subsequent investigation findings indicated any role of temple priests.

While the Ram Mandir donations became a subject of politics and Hinduphobia, it now emerges that the core donation of Rs 3,300 crore remains safe and fully accounted for. In fact, the ongoing probe into the donation theft indicates the ‘Chanda Chori’ was a petty but preventable theft. It was not a scam as massive as Rs 20,000 crore.

Apparently, the public separated the facts from the Opposition’s politically beneficial fiction, as evident from there being no dip in donations to the Ayodhya Ram Mandir, with Hundi collections remaining steady with a Rs 5 crore monthly average for the first quarter of FY 2026-27.

Air India pilot fails second drug test: What happened onboard the Phuket-Delhi flight and what it means

Jinit Jain
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Air India pilot fails second drug test: What happened onboard the Phuket-Delhi flight and what it means

The investigation into the serious mid-air incident involving an Air India flight from Phuket to Delhi has taken a major turn, with the Pilot-in-Command reportedly failing a second, confirmatory drug test. The development comes days after the aircraft experienced a sudden loss of altitude during the flight, leaving several passengers and crew members injured and prompting a wider investigation by India’s aviation authorities.

The captain had initially returned a non-negative result during post-flight screening for psychoactive substances. Since preliminary screening tests can require further laboratory confirmation, the pilot’s sample was subsequently subjected to confirmatory analysis. That second test has now reportedly returned positive. The latest development significantly raises the regulatory and safety concerns surrounding the incident.

Confirmatory test raises fresh questions

The initial drug screening had prompted the Directorate General of Civil Aviation (DGCA) to take both pilots off the flying roster while the matter was investigated. At that stage, authorities had stressed that the preliminary result required confirmatory testing before any definitive conclusion could be drawn.

The second test is significant because it is intended to establish whether the initial screening result can be corroborated through further laboratory analysis. According to a report published on Tuesday, the confirmatory test of the Pilot-in-Command has now returned positive, with the substance identified as marijuana. However, the precise details of the test and the regulatory findings are yet to be fully disclosed by the authorities.

The development does not, by itself, establish that the pilot was intoxicated or impaired while operating the aircraft. A positive toxicology result can establish the presence of a substance or its metabolites, while determining whether a pilot was actually impaired at a particular point in time requires a broader assessment. Nevertheless, the result represents a serious regulatory issue because flight crew are subject to strict rules governing psychoactive substances and fitness to operate an aircraft.

The incident has therefore raised questions about whether the pilot complied with the applicable aviation safety requirements and whether any substance detected in the sample could have had a bearing on his fitness to fly.

Pilot faces removal from flying duties

Following the initial non-negative test, the DGCA had already taken both pilots off the roster pending the outcome of the investigation. The confirmatory positive result is expected to further strengthen the regulatory action against the Pilot-in-Command.

Under aviation safety protocols, pilots who test positive for prohibited psychoactive substances can face suspension of their flying privileges and further medical and regulatory evaluation. Depending on the circumstances and the applicable findings, rehabilitation or de-addiction measures can also form part of the process before a pilot is considered for a return to flying duties.

The captain is therefore unlikely to resume operational flying while the regulatory process is underway. The final consequences for his licence and employment will, however, depend on the findings of the DGCA investigation and the applicable rules.

Air India and aviation authorities under scrutiny

The development has considerably heightened scrutiny of Air India’s safety protocols. The incident is already being treated as a serious aviation occurrence, with the Aircraft Accident Investigation Bureau (AAIB) tasked with examining what happened aboard the aircraft.

The Ministry of Civil Aviation and the DGCA have maintained that passenger safety remains their highest priority. The ministry has also indicated that there will be no compromise on safety standards as the investigation proceeds.

Air India, meanwhile, has been drawn into a high-level review of the incident. The airline’s CEO has been summoned for meetings with senior officials from the Ministry of Civil Aviation and the DGCA amid the continuing investigation. The airline had earlier said that it was aware that the post-flight screening had been conducted but that the test results had not initially been shared with it. (NDTV)

The scrutiny is particularly significant because the drug-test issue is only one component of a broader investigation into the flight.

Technical failure also being investigated

While the pilot’s confirmatory test has added a new dimension to the case, investigators are also examining whether technical problems contributed to the aircraft’s sudden loss of altitude.

Reports have pointed to possible multiple hydraulic-system failures on the Airbus aircraft, with the investigation looking into whether technical malfunctions played a role in the incident. This is important because the drug-test findings should not automatically be treated as an explanation for the aircraft’s behaviour. Investigators will have to establish the precise sequence of events using aircraft data, cockpit information, maintenance records and other evidence. (Outlook India)

French aviation investigators and Airbus representatives are also expected to assist with the probe. Their involvement could help investigators determine whether any aircraft-system malfunction, including possible hydraulic problems, contributed to the incident.

The AAIB’s investigation will therefore have to establish whether the event was primarily caused by technical failures, crew-related factors, environmental conditions, or a combination of circumstances.

Incident involved sudden altitude loss

The Air India flight, operating from Phuket to Delhi, encountered a severe mid-air event during its journey and reportedly lost around 300 feet of altitude. Several passengers and crew members were injured in the incident, triggering immediate regulatory scrutiny.

The aircraft subsequently landed safely in Delhi. The DGCA classified the occurrence as a serious incident and initiated regulatory action, while the AAIB was tasked with conducting the detailed investigation.

The investigation is now taking place on two parallel tracks: one examining the conduct and fitness of the flight crew, and the other examining the aircraft and operational circumstances surrounding the sudden altitude change.

What happens next?

The DGCA is expected to provide further clarity on the confirmatory test, including the substance detected and the regulatory action that will follow. Authorities will also have to determine whether the test result has any connection with the events that occurred during the flight.

At the same time, investigators will continue examining the aircraft’s technical systems, flight-data records and other evidence to determine what caused the sudden loss of altitude. Airbus and French aviation experts are expected to assist in this aspect of the investigation.

For now, the positive confirmatory test places the Pilot-in-Command under serious regulatory scrutiny. However, the final findings on the Phuket-Delhi incident will depend on the outcome of the complete investigation, including the technical evidence and the assessment of the pilot’s medical and regulatory status.

The case has consequently emerged as a significant aviation-safety test for both Air India and India’s aviation regulator, with the authorities under pressure to establish exactly what happened aboard the aircraft and ensure that appropriate accountability follows.

Beyond Kaveri: The tale of India’s aero-engine renaissance

Raju Das
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Beyond Kaveri: The tale of India’s aero-engine renaissance

The narrative surrounding India’s aero-engine development is frequently overshadowed by the challenges faced during the Kaveri engine program. Often cited as a symbol of the nation’s struggles in high-performance aerospace propulsion, the Kaveri project’s delays and thrust deficiencies led to its removal from the Light Combat Aircraft program, specifically the Tejas fighter jet. However, this narrow focus masks a broader and more successful reality: India is undergoing a significant renaissance in propulsion technology, steadily expanding its capabilities across a diverse range of aerospace platforms, including helicopters, unmanned systems, cruise missiles, and advanced fighter jets.

Initially conceived to provide self-reliance for India’s indigenous fighter jet, the Kaveri project encountered substantial hurdles. Development was hampered by international sanctions that restricted access to critical materials and testing facilities. Additionally, the project struggled with complex engineering issues, such as high-temperature metallurgy, turbine blade durability, and suboptimal thrust-to-weight ratios. Consequently, the engine failed to meet the demanding performance targets required for modern fighter aircraft, forcing planners to opt for a proven foreign alternative.

Despite this setback, the Kaveri endeavour was far from a wasted effort. Extensive research, rigorous testing, and successive prototype iterations cultivated invaluable design expertise, advanced manufacturing knowledge, and a highly skilled workforce. This hard-won foundation is now driving an entirely new era of indigenous engine development.

A prominent development is the creation of the Dry Kaveri, a derivative engine designed without an afterburner. By resolving the legacy core issues of its predecessor, this engine has achieved stable performance. It is now specifically optimised for uncrewed warfare and has been selected to power India’s stealth unmanned combat aerial vehicles. For these stealth drones, which prioritise internal payload capacity, low radar cross-sections, and extended range over supersonic speed, the Dry Kaveri is an ideal fit, and series production has already commenced.

Simultaneously, engineers are developing modernised afterburning variants. These upgraded engines feature redesigned afterburner modules and enhanced core capabilities aimed at significantly boosting wet thrust. To improve the overall thrust-to-weight ratio, these newer models incorporate lightweighting measures, such as titanium alloy components and specialised crystal turbine blades. Looking ahead, flight trials on modified aircraft frames are planned, positioning these advanced engines as viable indigenous options for future fighter jet variants. Ultimately, the lessons learned from early struggles have catalysed a robust, diversified aerospace propulsion ecosystem in India.

You can read the full article in Chapter 1 Magazine.

Mini truck driver Mohd Azeem dies due to injuries during assault after accident with Mohd Farman’s auto rickshaw ferrying Kanwariyas; The Wire pins sole blame on Kanwariyas

Shraddha Pandey
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Mini truck driver Mohd Azeem dies due to injuries during assault after accident with Mohd Farman’s auto rickshaw ferrying Kanwariyas; The Wire pins sole blame on Kanwariyas

Islamo-leftist propaganda rag The Wire has a penchant for villainising Hindus and giving communal spin to almost every incident wherein the victim happens to be a Muslim. The left-liberal cabal vilifying Kanwariyas has become an annual ritual. On 10th August, The Wire published a report with a carefully crafted headline, “24-Year-Old Muslim Man Dies After Alleged Assault by Kanwariyas in UP, Booked For Attempted Murder of Auto Driver.” It claimed that a Muslim mini-truck driver Mohammad Azeem (24) died at a hospital due to injuries caused during an attack on 31st July by Kanwariyas in Uttar Pradesh’s Hapur.

Road accident, assault, counter-complaints and The Wire’s selective emphasis on Kanwariyas

The Wire played the shrewd game of selective emphasis on Kanwariyas in the headline even as the dispute began after a road accident in which Mohammad Azeem’s mini-truck collided with a parked autorickshaw belonging to one Mohammad Farhan (19). Farhan’s auto rickshaw was booked by four Kanwariyas, Ankit, Lokesh, Manish, and Shivam.

The collision occurred near the Shiva Dhaba under the Garhmukteshwar Police Station precinct. The Wire report claimed that after the accident, Kanwariyas dragged Azeem and brutally assaulted him, leaving him severely injured.

The Wire report says that Mohammad Azeem was rushed to a hospital in Meerut and later transferred to Delhi. Azeem, who went into a coma, succumbed to his injuries at a Delhi hospital on 4th August without ever regaining consciousness.

The Islamo-leftist rag’s reporter Omar Rashid deliberately did not lay equal emphasis on the alleged involvement of Mohammad Farhan in thrashing Mohammad Azeem.

Notably, the police have reportedly made no arrests but have confirmed that deceased Mohammad Azeem’s father, Intezar, has filed a complaint against Mohammad Farhan and the four Kanwariyas. In his complaint, the deceased person’s father named Farhan, the four Kanwariyas, and two unknowns. All residents of Bajheda Khurd village.

Intezar alleged that after the collision of Azeem’s mini-truck and Farhan’s parked auto rickshaw occupied by the Kanwariyas, Farman and the passengers dragged Azeem out and assaulted him.

Mohammad Farman was also critically injured and under treatment at AIIMS Trauma. In a counter-complaint, Farman’s father Imran accused Mohammad Azeem of deliberately running over his mini-truck with the intention to kill him. Azeem was not alone in his Tata mini-truck.

“Mohammad Azeem deliberately rammed Farman, who was standing roadside, knocked him down, and then intentionally drove over him a second time with wheels over abdomen and chest, with intent to kill, and fled. Farman suffered severe injuries, including those on the head, ribs, spine, and abdomen. His spleen and intestines ruptured and were surgically removed, causing permanent disability,” Imran’s complaint reads.

The FIR says that Farman is in a coma at AIIMS Trauma Centre / JPNA Trauma, New Delhi, after initial treatment at Saraswati Hospital, Pilkhuwa. Local police noted details and prioritised treatment.

The Garhmukteshwar Police Station SHO has said that because Mohammad Azeem is dead, the police are processing closure of the FIR against him.

In both the Hindi report and its English equivalent, The Wire placed selective emphasis on Kanwariyas, portraying them as the main assailants, even as the FIR names Farman as the primary accused alongside the four Kanwariyas in the complaint lodged by Azeem’s father, Intezar.

While in its report copy, The Wire subordinated Farman and placed Kanwariyas in the spotlight as the actors who killed the ‘sole breadwinner of a poor Muslim family’, they withheld any mention of Farman in the headline.

Despite it being a case of a road collision that turned into a serious assault between two vehicle parties, and not a one-sided ‘Kanwariyas killed Muslim man’ incident. With its sinister headline, The Wire not only made Azeem’s death about Muslim victimhood but also furthered the lies that Hindu Kanwariyas are by default violent and out to target Muslims.

Even if it is assumed that Kanwariyas joined Farman in assaulting Azeem, it would be a crime. However, The Wire effortlessly and without any factual basis communalised the incident despite there being no reported religious motivations demonstrated by either party in attacking each other.

The Wire, however, was not the only Hinduphobic portal to push this communal ‘Kanwariyas killed Muslim man’ bogey. The Hindu also reported the matter with a similar “Driver dies days after assault by group of kanwariyas in Uttar Pradesh; FIRs give conflicting accounts” headline.

Similarly, Muslim Mirror, another Islamist rag notorious for peddling fake Muslim victimhood and spreading hatred against Hindus, reported the incident in question with a headline, “UP: Muslim driver Azeem dies days after Kanwariyas attack him in Hapur.”

Another Islamist propaganda outlet, Maktoob Media, also blamed Kanwariyas alone for Azeem’s death and published the headline, “Muslim driver dies after coma following Kanwariya assault in UP’s Hapur; 7 booked for attempt to murder.”

The Wire and other Islamo-leftist portals are selectively giving a communal colour to the incident and downplaying Mohammad Farman’s alleged role in the incident even as the police are still investigating the matter. Apparently, for the Islamo-leftist media, a Muslim deceased and mention of Hindu Kanwariyas alone is enough to concoct a ‘Kanwariyas killing Muslims’ bogey.

The same Islamo-leftist cabal either downplays the religious identity of Muslims when Muslim mobs pelt stones at Kanwar Yatra processions out of sheer hatred towards Hindus, somehow blames Hindus only for their misery, or skips reporting such incidents altogether.

The Wire’s selective framing villainising Kanwariyas as anti-Muslim appears to be a part of a broader pattern to vilify Kanwariyas and, by extension, Hindus to further the ‘Muslim minorities under threat’ bogey. Recently, an Islamist Maulana Sajid Rashidi had called Kanwariyas ‘terrorists’.

How global tech giants are flagging child abuse material and helping to catch criminals

Anurag
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How global tech giants are flagging child abuse material and helping to catch criminals

A child in Aizawl had never approached the police, nor had the family. Yet digital signals generated by technology platforms eventually became part of a CBI investigation that helped identify and rescue the child. The case illustrates an international detection infrastructure through which material appearing online can be recognised, reported and routed to Indian law-enforcement agencies.

Internationally, such material is commonly called CSAM, or child sexual abuse material. In India, the Supreme Court has endorsed the term CSEAM, child sexual exploitation and abuse material, rejecting “child pornography” as terminology that can trivialise the seriousness of abuse. India has formally received NCMEC CyberTipline reports since an NCRB-NCMEC agreement in 2019. In 2025, NCMEC associated about 1.93 million CyberTipline reports with India. These are reports, not 1.93 million victims, offenders or criminal cases.

Technology companies broadly detect such material in three ways: recognising previously identified content, flagging potentially new material, and analysing suspicious account or network behaviour. Known material can be detected using hashes, effectively mathematical fingerprints. Microsoft’s PhotoDNA, for example, allows participating services to match images against fingerprints of previously identified material without identifying the person depicted or reconstructing the original image.

Previously unseen material requires a different approach. Google says artificial intelligence can flag images displaying characteristics similar to confirmed CSAM, after which trained personnel review them. Meta also uses AI and machine learning alongside matching technologies and behavioural signals. Human review remains important because platform enforcement and criminal proof are not the same. Microsoft reported that 15.08% of accounts it actioned in 2025 were subsequently reinstated following appeals and further review.

The scale of repeat circulation further complicates the numbers. Meta found that more than 90% of child exploitative material in one 2020 sample was identical or visually similar to previously reported material. NCMEC says imagery involving one child victim circulated for around two decades and appeared more than 1.4 million times in submissions. A single victim’s material can therefore generate enormous numbers of detections.

Ultimately, technology can identify a signal, but it cannot establish who created or uploaded material, who controlled an account, where the abuse occurred or whether a child remains at risk. Those questions require investigation, device examination, digital forensics and evidence capable of standing in court.

Read the full article on Chapter One Magazine.

British national booked in Pune under Maharashtra’s anti-conversion law, made misleading claims about Hindu deities while promoting ‘devotion to Jesus’

Shriti Sagar
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British national booked in Pune under Maharashtra’s anti-conversion law, made misleading claims about Hindu deities while promoting ‘devotion to Jesus’

Pune Police have registered an FIR against a UK-based Overseas Citizen of India (OCI) cardholder for attempting to induce people to embrace Christianity during a religious gathering, in one of the first cases registered under Maharashtra’s new Freedom of Religion Act.

The accused, a resident of Manchester, has been booked under relevant provisions of the Immigration and Foreigners Act, 2025, and the newly enacted Maharashtra Freedom of Religion Act, 2026, a Pune Police official said on Monday, 10th August.

The case was registered at Khadak police station after the accused attended a religious programme at a Marathi church in Guruwar Peth and addressed devotees.

According to the preliminary investigation, the accused used terms associated with Hindu religious traditions, including “kirtan”, “Sant” and “Mauli”, while speaking at the gathering. Police alleged that he spoke about following the path of devotion to Jesus and made statements that created misconceptions about Hindu temples and deities.

Police said the statements were made with the intention of misleading people and inducing them to embrace Christianity.

UK national made claims that illnesses could be cured by invoking the name of Jesus

According to the police, the accused made claims that illnesses could be cured and rainfall could occur by invoking the name of Jesus. Investigators have said that such statements were intended to attract Hindus and people belonging to other faiths towards Christianity.

A Khadak police station official said that OCI cardholders are permitted to attend prayer meetings and participate in religious functions. However, they cannot preach, conduct kirtans or deliver religious discourses without obtaining the requisite permission.

“We have booked the person and further probe is on,” the officer said.

First FIR under Maharashtra’s new Freedom of Religion Act

The UK national’s case comes days after Pune Police registered the first FIR under the Maharashtra Freedom of Religion Act, 2026.

The first case was registered on 5th August against a 22-year-old man from Uttar Pradesh who was accused of asking a minor girl, with whom he was in a relationship, to convert from her religion. The case was also registered under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act because the girl is a minor.

According to police, the accused and the girl were from the same village in Uttar Pradesh and had later moved to Karnataka and then Pune. The accused was booked under Sections 3 and 9(2) of the new law and was arrested before being remanded to judicial custody.

Section 3 prohibits conversion, attempted conversion, or aiding and abetting conversion through means including coercion, fraud, allurement, misrepresentation, force, threat or undue influence. Section 9(2) provides for imprisonment of up to seven years and a fine of up to Rs 5 lakh when an offence under Section 3 involves a minor.

What is Maharashtra’s Freedom of Religion Act?

The Maharashtra Freedom of Religion Act, 2026, was notified on 31st July and came into force on 1st August.

The legislation defines unlawful conversion to include conversion through allurement, coercion, deceit, force, misrepresentation, threat, undue influence or other fraudulent means. It also includes certain forms of alleged brainwashing through education among the methods that can constitute unlawful conversion.

“Allurement” has been defined broadly and can include money, gifts, material benefits, employment, free education, promises of marriage, a better lifestyle or claims of divine healing.

The law also provides a procedure for people who voluntarily wish to change their religion. A person intending to convert has to submit a declaration to the District Magistrate or designated authority at least 60 days before the proposed conversion. Religious institutions conducting conversion ceremonies are also required to provide prior notice.

The legislation provides enhanced punishment where alleged unlawful conversion involves minors, women, members of Scheduled Castes or Scheduled Tribes and persons of unsound mind.

It also contains provisions relating to marriages conducted for unlawful conversion and provides for assistance and rehabilitation for victims.

94,000 government schools shut? How Congress weaponised NITI Aayog data to hide the real story

Shriti Sagar
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94,000 government schools shut? How Congress weaponised NITI Aayog data to hide the real story

The Congress on Monday, 3rd August, claimed that around 94,000 government schools have been shut down in India over the past decade, and used the figure to attack the Narendra Modi government’s education record. Sharing the claim on X, the party wrote, “Aise Padhega India”, suggesting that the closure of government schools reflects the government’s failure to provide education.

The figure of 94,000 government schools, however, does come from government data cited in a recent NITI Aayog analysis. But presenting it on its own gives only one part of the story. The NITI Aayog report presents a much more nuanced picture of what has happened to India’s school education system between 2014-15 and 2024-25.

The report shows that while the number of government schools has fallen sharply, India has also witnessed a decline in the school-age population, lower overall enrolment, an increase in private schooling and a rise in the number of teachers. Several states have also merged or consolidated schools with very low enrolment in an effort to pool resources and provide better facilities.

In other words, the fall in the number of government schools cannot simply be presented as evidence that the government has stopped focusing on education. The data points towards a larger structural change in the country’s school education system.

Congress highlights school closures, but leaves out the larger picture

The Congress’s social media post focused on the decline in government schools and the impact it could have on children’s access to education. There are legitimate concerns around school closures, particularly in rural, tribal and economically weaker areas where a government school may be the only accessible educational institution for children.

However, the NITI Aayog analysis itself asks a larger question: should the success of school education be measured simply by the number of schools, or by whether children have access to a properly resourced school that can provide quality education?

This distinction is important because not every school closure means that children have been left without a school. In several states, schools with very few students have been merged with larger institutions so that teachers, classrooms, laboratories, libraries, sports facilities and other resources can be used more effectively.

The data also shows that the total number of schools in India has not fallen by 94,000. The decline in the total number of schools is much smaller. The country had around 15.16 lakh schools in 2014-15, compared with around 14.71 lakh in 2024-25, a fall of roughly 45,000. The sharp decline was mainly in government schools, while the number of private unaided schools increased.

Therefore, using the 94,000 figure without explaining the demographic and structural changes behind it presents only part of the picture.

What does the NITI Aayog report actually say?

According to the NITI Aayog analysis, the number of government schools declined from around 11.07 lakh in 2014-15 to 10.13 lakh in 2024-25, an 8% fall. During the same period, the number of private schools increased from around 2.88 lakh to 3.39 lakh, an increase of about 18%.

The decline in government schools happened alongside a fall in the number of children enrolled in schools. Overall school enrolment fell from 26.95 crore in 2014-15 to 24.69 crore in 2024-25, a decline of around 2.26 crore students or nearly 8%.

Government school enrolment also declined. The share of students enrolled in government schools fell from around 54.3% in 2014-15 to 49.25% in 2024-25. At the same time, the share of students in private schools increased from 31.7% to 38.8%.

The shift towards private education is therefore another important part of the story. Parents’ changing preferences, urbanisation and migration, along with demographic changes, have contributed to the changing school landscape.

The NITI Aayog analysis identifies three broad reasons for the fall in overall enrolment: “demographic shifts, particularly falling fertility rates leading to a smaller school-age population”, “the effects of school consolidations” and challenges in retaining students at higher levels of education.

India has fewer children entering school

One of the biggest factors behind the changing education landscape is India’s demographic transition.

India’s fertility rate has fallen significantly over the past few decades. The total fertility rate, which was above three in the early 1990s, has now fallen to around two, below the replacement level of 2.1.

This means that fewer children are entering the school system every year. Rising female literacy, urbanisation, better healthcare, wider access to family planning, delayed marriages and changing family aspirations have all contributed to smaller families.

As the number of school-age children declines, schools with very low enrolment become increasingly common. Some schools that once had more than 100 students may now have only a few dozen, or even fewer.

Running separate schools with very low enrolment can also create another problem. A school may have only one teacher handling multiple classes and several subjects. Such schools may technically provide access to education but may struggle to offer subject-specific teaching, peer learning, sports and other activities.

Why are schools being merged?

The NITI Aayog report points towards “consolidation and rationalisation measures” as one of the reasons for the decline in government schools.

Several states have merged schools with low enrolment into larger institutions. A NITI Aayog project launched in 2017 also focused on merging and reorganising low-enrolment schools in states including Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh and Odisha.

The National Education Policy, 2020, has also promoted the idea of school complexes and clusters, where schools can share teachers, infrastructure and other resources.

The argument behind consolidation is that a larger, properly equipped school can provide a better educational environment than several extremely small schools with only one or two teachers.

However, this does not mean that every school closure is automatically beneficial. The report also acknowledges the risks involved. If a school is merged with another institution located several kilometres away, children may have to travel longer distances. This can particularly affect young children, girls and students living in remote, tribal or disadvantaged areas.

This is why school consolidation has to balance quality, accessibility and equity.

Teachers increased despite fewer schools

Another important part of the data is the number of teachers.

While the number of schools and students declined, the number of teachers increased from around 90 lakh in 2014-15 to more than one crore in 2024-25. This indicates that the decline in the number of schools has not simply been accompanied by a reduction in the teaching workforce. In fact, teacher availability has improved at the national level.

However, the national average hides significant differences between regions. Some rural schools still have only one teacher and very few students, while some urban schools face overcrowding.

The challenge, therefore, is not simply to increase or decrease the number of schools. It is to ensure that schools have enough qualified teachers and resources while remaining accessible to children.

The bigger problem is keeping children in school

The NITI Aayog analysis also identifies another major challenge: retaining children beyond Class 8.

The secondary level has been described as the “most fragile link” in the schooling cycle. The Gross Enrolment Ratio at the secondary level is 78.7%, compared with more than 90% at the primary and upper-primary levels. At the higher-secondary level, it falls further to 58.4%.

The report points out that nearly four out of every 10 children who enter school do not continue until the higher-secondary stage.

One reason is that the Right to Education (RTE) Act guarantees free and compulsory education only up to the age of 14. After Class 8, families may have to bear more of the cost of education, which can become a major barrier for children from poorer households.

The structure of schools can also create problems. Only around 5% of India’s schools offer continuous education from Classes 1 to 12. Children often have to shift schools after Class 5, Class 8 or Class 10 depending on what is available in their area.

The NITI Aayog report notes that this “fragmentation without any established linkage between schools for transitioning” can make it harder for students to continue their education.

At the same time, there has been progress in some areas. Primary-level dropout has fallen sharply from around 4% in 2014-15 to just 0.3% in 2024-25. At the secondary level, dropout has also declined from 17.86% to 11.5%, although it remains the highest among the major stages of schooling.

So, is the closure of government schools a crisis?

The decline of nearly 94,000 government schools is a real figure and deserves scrutiny, particularly where closures or mergers make it harder for children to reach school. But the data does not show that schools are being shut simply because the government is no longer interested in education.

India is going through a demographic change, with fewer children entering school. At the same time, many families are increasingly choosing private schools. States have also been merging schools with low enrolment to pool teachers and infrastructure.

The bigger question is whether these changes are improving education or creating new barriers.

School consolidation can make sense when it gives children access to better teachers, laboratories, libraries, sports facilities and a stronger peer-learning environment. But it can become harmful if children, particularly girls and those from poor or remote communities, are forced to travel long distances or drop out because the nearest school has been closed.

Ultimately, the success of India’s school education policy cannot be judged only by how many schools exist. It should be measured by whether every child can safely reach a well-equipped school, receive quality teaching and continue education beyond Class 8.

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