The Allahabad High Court recently expressed concern over the rising religious fanaticism among the youth in the country, calling it a disturbing trend. The High Court’s remarks came during the hearing of writ petitions filed by two Muslim school girls, Aleena alias Aleena Parveen and Shabiya, seeking the quashing of the FIR against them. The FIR was lodged against the Muslim girls, studying in class 12th, under the Uttar Pradesh Prohibition of Unlawful Conversion of Religion Act, 2021, for forcing their religious beliefs on their Hindu friend.
A Division Bench of Justice JJ Munir and Justice Tarun Saxena dismissed the writ petition filed by the Muslim girls. It refused to intervene in the investigation by stating that a prima facie case was made out against them. “If this kind of trend comes to be seen amongst young people, it is all the more disturbing. This is the time in their lives when they should be thinking more towards developing their skills in different fields of education and dedicate themselves to the service of society and the nation,” the Court said, declining the petitions.
The High Court, in its order dated April 16, 2026, went on to explain the significance of the Uttar Pradesh Prohibition of Unlawful Conversion of Religion Act, 2021, amid the growing trends of people imposing their religious beliefs on others. “We must be alive to the situation that the Act of 2021 was enacted to curtail an emergent situation in society, where certain persons go about not professing or propagating their religion, but thrusting it upon others in the belief which somehow makes it to their mind the religion they believe in must be followed by others,” the High Court stated.
The High Court highlighted how the legislation was the need of the hour to address the problem of religious coercion and forced religious conversion. “The Act of 2021 was brought to curtail this emergent mischief, which is heard from different quarters in the country these days, and of which we must take judicial notice. A statute that is enacted to curtail an emergent mischief, if stopped in its tracks at the very early stages of its enforcement, would bog down the statute and frustrate its purpose,” the court added.
Background of the case
The FIR was filed by the victim’s brother on January 22, 2026, at the Police Station Bilari, Moradabad, under Sections 3 and 5(1) of the 2021 Act. In the FIR, the victim’s brother stated that the Muslim girls study along with her sister, Kumari Mahima, at a coaching centre located in Shahukunj Colony, located in Town Bilai, Moradabad. He accused the Muslim girls of forcefully making his sister, Kumari Mahima, wear a burqa and pressuring her to accept Islam. He expressed the suspicion that there could be a larger conspiracy behind the act of the accused and urged the police to investigate it.
Denying the allegations against her, Aleena said that the FIR against her was filed out of vengeance as she allegedly turned down a romantic proposal from the victim’s brother. She alleged that the victim’s brother used to stalk her and, on one occasion, proposed to her.
The victim, in her statement given to the Judicial Magistrate under Section 183 BNSS, narrated the entire incident that happened on January 20, 2026. According to the victim, after the coaching classes, her friend Aleena and four of Aleena’s Muslim friends, namely, Malishka, Shabiya, Rimsha and Zehra, invited her to a restaurant for some snacks. Before leaving for the restaurant, Aleena forced her to wear a veil (burqa), which she had carried with her. When the victim refused to wear it, all the Muslim girls forcefully made her wear the burqa, and they proceeded towards the restaurant. The victim did not disclose anything to her mother, as Aleena had forbidden her.
The victim said that Aleena tried to brainwash her into accepting Islam. Aleena and the four other girls kept saying that their religion was good. They told the victim that there was freedom in their religion and that they could go anywhere after wearing the burqa. They also told her things about the Quran and said that the entire Quran could be read in 40 days. The victim also told the Judicial Magistrate that Aleena and the four girls often brought non-vegetarian food and forced her to eat it. When she refused to consume it, they told her to at least eat the gravy. The accused girls also repeatedly asked the victim to accept Islam.
The High Court examined the footage of a CCTV camera which was located close to the place where the victim was made to wear the burqa by the Muslim girls. The court noted that no FIR was filed by Aleena against the victim’s brother, even though she alleged that he stalked and proposed to her.
“Quite apart, the stand of the victim before the learned Judicial Magistrate cannot be trashed. It carries all the necessary facts, which would prima facie attract the provisions of Sections 3 and 5(1) of the Act of 2021,” the High Court stated in its order, adding that, “In the totality of circumstances, we do not find it to be a fit case where we ought interdict investigation and quash the impugned FIR”.
The multiple allegations of sexual misconduct, religious conversion attempts and workplace harassment involving a Nashik-based BPO office of Tata Consultancy Services (TCS) have served as a sobering reminder that even the upscale offices of the corporate sector are not immune to the malicious intentions of Islamists.
9 First Information Reports (FIRs) had been filed in the case and the accused, including Danish Shaikh, Tausif Attar, Raza Memon, Shahrukh Qureshi, Asif Ansari and Shafi Sheikh were nabbed while authorities probe how repeated complaints of harassment were ignored by the corporate office.
The Indian mainstream media, captured by Islamo-leftists and their liberal cheerleaders, have rushed to support the perpetrators, dismissing the severity of the crime and conveniently downplaying the fact that the issue came to light only after female police personnel went undercover at the facility.
‘A single workplace dispute’: The process of whitewashing by dismissing the victim’s complaint
On 16th April (Thursday), “Offbeat Concerns” published an article, explicitly rejecting the pain and agony endured by the victims to claim that the accusations arise from a “single workplace dispute.” This ecosystem, which usually supports the notion of trusting women, especially in matters concerning sexual violations, is reluctant to apply the same principle in this situation due to the fact that the offenders are Muslims.
The hypocrisy is only set to intensify in the increasingly inconceivable arguments presented by the author in a bizarre defence of the Islamists.
“Manufacturing Corporate Jihad: How a Rumour Consumed Nashik,” by Sukumar Muralidharan alleged, “A single workplace dispute spirals into a full-blown jihad narrative, fueled by media frenzy, political interests, and digital misinformation. Inside the anatomy of a story that was built, amplified, and believed.”
Former member of the Rajya Sabha, Priyanka Chaturvedi, also lambasted the propaganda piece, highlighting the extensive probe and the participation of undercover policewomen in the matter. “3 more of those affected have recorded their statements and we already have people dismissing the women’s lived experiences by calling it bogus. Sexual harassment at the workplace cannot be so casually dismissed as this gentleman is doing in his column,” she conveyed.
There are 9 FIRs and an intense investigation that had women police officers go undercover to check what’s happening there. 3 more of those affected have recorded their statements and we already have people dismissing the women’s lived experiences by calling it bogus. Sexual… pic.twitter.com/dd8pTxcN9y
According to Sukumar, the scandal is intricately constructed to advance an anti-Muslim narrative by the “evil nexus” of media, politics and similar forces, whereas the individuals who have abused and coerced women are “innocents” facing prosecution. He then proceeds to depict that jihad is used to “impart deeply sinister connotations” referencing “Love Jihad” and complaining that the latest incident is being labelled as “Corporate Jihad.”
The author is aiming to trivialise the concerns as serious as consistent workplace sexual harassment faced by women and their complaints being ignored by the management, by portraying terms like ‘corporate Jihad’ and ‘love Jihad’ as mere fantasies with no substance in reality, while the truth is drastically opposite. However, the alarming frequency of Hindu females, including minors, exploited from Amravati to Ajmer and Beawar to Bhopal through coordinated schemes that also offer substantial financial rewards to the perpetrators, is a validation of the appalling reality that the Leftist media fervently seeks to deny or gloss over.
OpIndia, and others who highlighted the issues and reported the victims’ complaints, have been labelled as ‘BJP-associated’
After the whitewashing of jihad, Sukumar attacked “BJP-associated OpIndia” and other media organisations for their factual reporting on the case, outlining the jarring conduct of the perpetrators, which included “manipulation, sexual harassment, molestation, forced beef consumption and insults directed at the Hindu religion.” He expressed, “It had been uncovered following the strange conduct of a woman employee who had taken to wearing a burqa and observing the Ramzan fast in March,” stressing that the blame was assigned to “seven professionals, all with names readily identified with the Muslim faith,” and they were arrested.
Sukumar intentionally omitted that Ashwini Chainani, the HR head and operations manager of the company, was also apprehended for supporting the accused, as this would have contradicted his disinformation project. However, he seemed to imply that the authorities targeted these men because of their identity, illustrating how this faction evaluates everything only through a religious perspective rather than with objectivity.
He mentioned, “The whole matter began to be investigated after a female employee in March complained of physical intimacy with one of the accused men, followed by broken promises of matrimony and blackmail threats. She also spoke of a pattern of harassment based on faith and belief, stretching back to July 2022,” while pointing out Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) owned Organiser’s reporting on the occurrence.
The allusion to the BJP and RSS with OpIndia and Organiser is written in a manner that insinuates an association with Right-wing ideology is a bigger crime than workplace sexual harassment and vulgar sexual innuendos on women co-workers. Sukumar Muralidharan’s article lacks any factual counter or evidence to support his contentions; instead, it is saturated with word salads and juvenile attempts to ridicule the media coverage of the case.
Facts are ignored and coverage is painted as a rat race for TRP
“All TV channels by this time had joined the effort at finding more salacious and sordid depths, including the possibility of funding from abroad and a sinister link with a recent bomb blast in Delhi’s Red Fort area. The ratings game left them no alternative,” Sukumar declared.
On one hand, he condemned the TV channels for using the incident to improve their ratings, while he himself negated not only the existence of a broader network but also the accusations. The authorities are scrutinising the matter from every angle, including foreign funding and the likelihood of linked terror plots, to ascertain the complete truth. However, the court of Sukumar has made a decision before the inquiry has reached its conclusion.
To reinforce his propaganda he stressed, “Local police had evidently been alerted to the strange behaviour of a female employee who had begun observing the Ramzan fast and living in an Islamic manner (whatever that may mean). Once the local police contacted the family of the woman in question, her family had stopped her from going to work. This had, in turn, led to the creation of an undercover team to infiltrate the TCS establishment in Nashik.”
IE report misused to announce the success of propaganda narrative
Sukumar pointed to an IE article, which has also been brought up by the Leftist ecosystem as a conclusive rebuttal of every accusation in the case. It presented an interview with the wife of an accused, who reduced the matter to an office affair between Danish Shaikh and a 23-year-old Dalit woman that went awry.
This story was exploited by the cabal, including Rajdeep Sardesai, to either undermine the inquiry or to escalate the narrative of Muslim victimhood and invent conspiracy theories about a focused agenda against “the educated and employed men of the Muslim community,” while sidelining all the information. He also followed suit by terming the police operation as just a “sting guided by political motives.”
“By implication, the rest of the story was manufactured by the local police with the obvious intent of pleasing the political masters in Mumbai. The TCS Nashik episode holds several warnings for the Indian media as it descends collectively into a state of abject servitude to power,” Sukumar likewise remarks, absolving the accused while criticising the media, the BJP government and all other factors responsible for revealing the truth.
This illustrates that the sensitive matters of sexual assault and forced conversions are of little concern to left liberals when the culprits are Muslims, who are always displayed as either victims or innocent parties, with a total disregard of the victims.
It is not unexpected for a family member or relative of an accused to portray them as clean. However, for media persons to dismiss the victims’ story completely, trivialise workplace sexual harassment as ‘love affair gone wrong’ and give a clean chit to the accused just to suit the political narrative is shocking. Interestingly, the whitewashing is rather quick and ‘automatic’ when the perpetrators are Muslims.
The violent ‘protests’ by factory workers in Noida were a “planned and multi-layered conspiracy” orchestrated with the aid of two Pakistani social media handles. The Uttar Police has made a startling revelation that two Pakistani X handles misused VPN and circulated false claims of deaths in police firing to incite protestors and trigger violence in Noida.
The two X handles, operated from Pakistan for nearly three months under the names Mir Ilyas and Anushi Tiwari.
Addressing a press conference on 16th April, Police Commissioner Lakshmi Singh said that the unrest, which began as a demand for higher wages, was hijacked by external elements. The officer confirmed that the situation has now returned to normal, with workers satisfied by the Uttar Pradesh government’s decisions and are back at their jobs.
“The situation was under control, but two X handles then began circulating disinformation claiming multiple deaths in police firing. “We got it verified and found that the two X handles are being operated from Pakistan. VPN is being misused,” she said.
So far, thirteen FIRs have been registered in connection with the violence, and 62 people have been arrested. Most of those booked were outsiders rather than local workers. Central agencies, including the Intelligence Bureau and Anti-Terrorism Squad, are assisting with the probe into the Pakistan link.
While the Pakistani handles with names fake names, Mir Ilyas and Anushi Tiwari, have gained widespread attention over their role in inciting Noida violence, these two have consistently been pushing anti-India and pro-Pakistan narrative ever since their debut on X. A cursory glance at the X feed of these two Pakistani propaganda accounts shows how they have been operating with the mission of stirring violence and anarchy in India, while also sowing distrust among Indians against the Modi government.
Their X feeds perfectly exemplify how countries like Pakistan weaponise social media to pick issues, exploit faultlines, influence opinions and instigate violence in India. An interesting point about both the fake Pakistani propaganda accounts is that they both are supporters of the Congress party, particularly, Rahul Gandhi. In many of their posts, they subtly push the idea that somehow Rahul Gandhi would be a better Prime Minister than Narendra Modi and that Gandhi alone can “save India”.
In one such post published on 24th March, Anushi Tiwari, who goes by the username @ProudIndianNavi, wrote, “JD Vance and possibly #Iranian President are arriving in #Islamabad, where ceasefire talks will be held in the presence of Asim Munir. BJP aimed to isolate Pakistan, but it has instead become a focal point on the global stage. As an #Indian, I feel a sense of disappointment.”
Besides pushing pro-Pakistan propaganda, the Pakistani X account has also been involved in pushing alarmist disinformation about India’s energy supplies amidst the West Asia crisis.
“Breaking News. India’s Petroleum Ministry has officially announced that only 2 days’ worth of petrol is left in the #India, while oil shipments may take up to 8 days to arrive. The failed govt of Modi has put the lives of 1.5 billion people into difficulty,” Tiwari wrote.
The fake Pakistani account has also peddled blatant fake news, 28 Indian soldiers were killed, along with 12 police personnel, in Manipur after the Indian forces opened fire on civilians.
“Today in Manipur, clashes between the Indian Army & civilians, 28 Indian soldiers were killed, along with 12 police personnel. More than 122 civilians in Manipur have also been killed due to firing by Indian forces. Rahul Gandhi, save my India remove Modi,” Tiwari wrote.
Notably, X posts by this Pakistani account, which incited violence during factory workers’ protests in Noida, are still visible in its timeline. The post claimed that the Uttar Pradesh Police was “killing Indians” in Noida and that the firing left “6 people dead and 67 injured”. The claim was absolutely baseless and peddled with the intention to fuel violence in the BJP-ruled state.
Since the anti-India propagandist is located in Pakistan and only hiding behind the veneer of the ‘South Asia’ location feature on X, it audaciously even tagged the UP Police, apparently to give an impression to the viewers that since the account has confidently tagged UP Police, the claims of protestors being killed in police firing must be true.
“POLICE STOP KILLING INDIANS Today Thousands of people are out on the streets #Noid UttarPradesh.@Uppolice firing has reportedly left 6 people dead and 67 injured Today. Seeing the oppression by the police, people in other states are also taking to the streets,” Tiwari wrote.
The Pakistani propaganda account’s fake news was debunked by the Gautam Buddh Nagar Police on 14th April. “Regarding the demonstration carried out by workers in Noida, certain social media accounts are disseminating completely false and fabricated information claiming that 06 people were killed and 67 others were injured in police firing. This is entirely false. No firing was carried out by the police anywhere. Due to the dissemination of completely false and fabricated information and incitement of individuals, a case has been registered against the concerned parties! Legal proceedings are underway,” the police said.
On 13th April, Tiwari claimed that thousands of “Gen X protestors” had taken to streets in Noida and UP Police opened fire, killing 14 people and leaving 32 injured. It also asserted that only “Congress can save INDIA”.
The Pakistan-based anti-India handle coupled fake news with ‘Congress is a saviour’ narrative, indicating how systematically local Indian issues with potential to snowball into a big crisis are being picked, disinformation is being peddled to incite violence, project it has BJP government’s failure, and push Congress as the natural political alternative. It is almost an unpaid PR exercise for the Congress party by Pakistan.
In another post in furtherance of ‘Modi failed, bring Rahul Gandhi’ and Pakistan faring better than India bogey, the Pakistani account wrote, “MODI FAILURE The entire 12-year Govt of Narendra Modi ended last night. Modi isolated India, while Asim Munir made #Pakistan the leader of Muslim countries and a decision-maker in the Middle East. Rahul Gandhi Gee @RahulGandhi, please save my #India from Modi.”
Tiwari’s timeline is replete with fake news, pro-Pakistan, anti-India propaganda, in addition to reposts of Rahul Gandhi’s posts and pro-Congress trolls.
Similar has been the track record of the second Pakistani X ‘Mir Ilyas’ account named by Uttar Pradesh for inciting violence in Noida. Ilyas is also an open supporter of the Congress party and has the username @Mir_Ilyas_INC. He even claims to be a “Nominated Social Media Coordinator” of the Congress party.
Ilyas’s X feed is also filled with misinformation, anti-India and anti-BJP propaganda, in addition to reposts peddling anti-Hindu narratives.
He was found amplifying alarmist propaganda about the proposed Delimitation exercise. “Same country. Same vote. Unequal value. 14 lakh vs 26 lakh per seat—how is this fair democracy? This isn’t delimitation, it’s manipulation of representation. What BJP tested in Assam & J&K, they’re scaling up nationwide. Raise your voice. Demand equal voting power,” Ilyas posted.
Mir Ilyas had also made similar claims as Anushi Tiwari about the death of protestors during the Noida wage workers protests. The Pakistani X account, using VPN to fake his location as the United Kingdom, wrote, “Noida, UP Reports Gen Z protests allegedly turned violent, with clashes reported and police firing claims emerging.Casualty figures circulating (unverified): 14 dead, 32 injured. The situation remains tense. What’s your take on the ground reality. Where is the BJP? Where is the top leadership ?? #BharataVarsha”
This post was factchecked by Gautam Buddh Nagar Police Commissionerate, which stated that the police did not open fire at any of the protest sites. “Inspired by workers from other states, demonstrations have been held at several places in Noida, and in the case of just one violent demonstration, the police have controlled the situation by using minimum force. The police have not resorted to firing anywhere. No person has died in the said demonstrations. Do not spread rumours or misleading information,” the police said.
350 taken into custody, Pakistan and Naxal angle under investigation: What the authorities said about Noida violence
Protests by factory workers over wage-related demands turned violent in Noida on 13th April, and workers in areas like Phase 2 and Sector 60 were involved in stone pelting, arson, and vandalism. Several vehicles were set on fire, and industrial units were damaged. Most of the violence occurred in Sector 62 and Phase-2, where the accused, armed with clubs, sticks, and belts, ran wild, shattering glass facades of manufacturing units, damaging businesses and setting cars on fire. Witnesses reported that four to five automobiles were burnt outside a service centre in Sector 63, and at least a dozen vehicles, including police cars, were set ablaze.
By evening, over 300 protesters were arrested under preventive provisions for arson and vandalism, while more than 100 were detained for questioning.
The investigation into the matter pointed fingers towards suspected ties ranging from organised disinformation to attempts at unrest supported by Pakistan and even a likely Naxal threat.
Over 350 persons were taken into custody by police in connection with arson and vandalism, and more than 100 more have been held for interrogation. To identify people responsible for the disruption, authorities are also looking through CCTV footage from factories. Multiple WhatsApp groups also came under investigation. The incident resulted in injuries to at least 10 cops and 30 other individuals.
“The incident appears to have been carried out with the intention of disrupting the development and law and order of the state. In recent days, four suspected terrorists have been arrested from Meerut and Noida, whose links were connected to handlers based in Pakistan. In such a situation, the possibility of a conspiracy to create instability in the state gains strength. Agencies are seriously investigating the entire matter,” stated Anil Rajbhar, the labour minister for Uttar Pradesh.
The Minister added that “anti-national forces” wanted to instigate instability in the state and suspected that the chaos might have been planned to interfere with Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath’s program in Muzaffarnagar earlier in the day.
The role of Pakistani propaganda accounts in inciting violence in Noida should raise alarms. Pakistani ISPR bots have been masters of social media disinformation campaigns and regularly circulate AI-generated content, often adding anti-India and defeatist commentary on unrelated videos of Indian Army officials, ministers and other key officials in the context of Pakistan and Operation Sindoor. Besides the wartime disinformation, Pakistani accounts are now monitoring major issues in India that can be used to instigate Indians against the Modi government and incite riots.
OpIndia discussed earlier how the Congress party, the main opposition party in India, has long been itching for a Bangladesh/Nepal-like violent Gen-Z revolution. There is a dangerous game at play. On one side, a pro-Congress Pakistani online propaganda nexus is active, on the other, a political party expresses joy over Noida violence and says that the “country has at least started to stir”. Somehow, their shared disdain for the Modi government is becoming dangerous for India’s national security and stability.
The Indian National Congress, after tirelessly advocating for “jitni abadi utna haq (rights proportionate to population),” has started its propaganda against the demarcation process, which is critical for ensuring fair representation in the Lok Sabha and State Legislative Assemblies in light of the demographic transitions and to prevent the possibility for underrepresentation or overrepresentation of particular areas.
However, the opposition has sought to cast aspersions on the move, wary of its potential impact on long-cultivated vote banks. Leading the charge, Rahul Gandhi has accused the Bharatiya Janata Party of attempting to “gerrymander Lok Sabha seats to secure an advantage in the 2029 elections.”
On 15th April (Wednesday), he tweeted that the “proposed bills remove all Constitutional safeguards on delimitation, giving full power to the Delimitation Commission which the govt itself will appoint and direct” in his usual fact-free diatribe, which he is known for delivering after every progressive decision taken by the Centre.
Notably, the commission is appointed by the President of India, but the grand old party has never concerned itself with the truth and is unlikely to alter its ways, particularly when its underhanded plans to favour the second-largest majority and its long cultivated vote bank — Muslims — at the expense of Hindus to secure its electoral future are on the brink of being washed over.
One of the BJP's dangerous plans is to “gerrymander” all Lok Sabha seats to its advantage for the 2029 elections
The proposed Bills remove all Constitutional safeguards on delimitation, giving full power to the Delimitation Commission which the govt itself will appoint and… pic.twitter.com/7iFz4GmcAH
The Gandhi scion then invoked the delimitation that took place in Assam and Jammu and Kashmir and alleged that it was “hijacked” and “anti-BJP regions and communities were split-up for electoral advantage.” He then switched to the superfluous and unfounded rhetoric about how the Election Commission has been taken over by the saffron party and PM Modi “is confident that he can capture the Delimitation Commission too.” Gandhi added that the “Congress will not allow this to happen.”
“Delimitation should be based on a transparent policy framework, developed after wide consultations with a consensus. Indians of all communities and States should feel confident that they will be represented and their voices will be heard. This is the only way forward to protect and strengthen our democracy,” he declared.
The underlying reason for distress is not “concern for democracy” but the dread of losing the long-nurtured electoral advantage
Rahul Gandhi’s lofty assertions about democracy and the constitution might appear impressive and even sincere to an unsuspecting or naive mind, however, the politics practised by his party over the years reveal the true motivations of his fears. Telangana Chief Minister Revanth Reddy correctly articulated this when he stated, “Congress signifies Muslims, and Muslims signify Congress.”
The fundamental issue revolves around the party’s appeasement of Muslims, which has only grown stronger over time, accompanied by special awards bestowed upon on the community for their loyalty, while Hindus have consistently faced the fallout of these actions, as their appeals for justice have been purposefully disregarded.
The delineation is vital to escape this perilous monopoly of the second-largest community over specific neighbourhoods, termed as “Muslim areas,” which essentially devolve into no-go zones, each with its own regulations where even a perceived infraction can provoke a deadly reaction for Hindus and even for authorities merely fulfilling their responsibilities, as has been observed time and again.
The onslaught on Hindus during their sacred occasions for daring to hold a procession have already become a norm in the country. The attack on the Durga procession that culminated in the brutal killing of Ram Gopal Mishra in Bahraich in 2024 stands as yet another stark testament. Devotees are refrained from conducting the religious event at specified sites to avoid “triggering” Muslims and avert communal incidents.
The Congress-led opposition and their ecosystem, which react like popcorn in a hot pan at the mention of a “Hindu Rashtra,” in the name of secularism, had a crucial part in establishing these exclusive sectors and the sentiment of unchallenged authority among Muslims based on numerical strength. The anti-majoritarian principle of Congress unsurprisingly flips on its head in relation to the Muslim community.
As a result, the phenomenon of ghettoisation persisted relentlessly, bolstered by political support in lieu of votes, enabling Muslims to treat these localities as sovereign territories within the country. This is used to rationalise assaults on Hindus, their religious processions, administration, officials, security forces, cops and any individuals who ventured there in defiance of the “consent” of the locals, in a complete travesty of law and order.
These places are proudly designated as “mini-Pakistan” by both the residents and politicians such as Bobby Firhad Hakim, as well as employed not only to normalise religious extremism but also to intimidate Hindus and non-Muslims via horrific acts.
The house is for sale: Hindus forced to migrate; authorities also not spared
Hindus are always at the receiving end from Kashmir to Kerala and Maharashtra to West Bengal as Islamists need no excuse to incite unrest and target them. This trend remained unchanged over the years from the valley to Murshidabad, where the Hindus had to abandon their homes to protect their lives and dignity in the face of terrorism and violence.
These scenes have regularly played out where aggressive Muslim mobs chanting “Allah Hu Akbar” have caused Hindus to flee for their safety and the protection of their women. A similar incident took place in Delhi’s Hauz Qazi over a parking dispute, which escalated into the desecration of a Durga Mandir in 2019, eventually forcing another wave of Hindu exodus.
Hindu families in the national capital put up “houses for sale” posters in 2025. The matter began with an argument over the expansion of a mosque in Brahmpuri. Stones were thrown by radicals, prompting the Hindus to resort to this action out of fear of communal clashes. The Dalit Hindus of Daudpur Kota village in the Aligarh district encountered a similar fate that year due to harassment from Muslims.
40 Hindu families also decided to abandon their properties after suffering continuous attacks from a Muslim neighbour and his aides in Bhagwan Nagar Block A, under the Kamala Nagar area of Agra, in February. Times progressed, but the situation for Hindus has continually remained dire.
On the other hand, those in uniform or personnel trying to carry out their legal obligations are also not exempt. Stone pelting and attacking the administration and authorities when acting against illegal Islamic structures is a frequent occurrence, but the risk to their lives is plausibly heightened when they operate in Muslim-majority regions, as illustrated in the Banbhoolpura area of Haldwani, Uttarakhand.
This is the reason for the protests preceding the anti-Hindu Delhi riots, most notably articulated by the likes of Sharjeel Imam, leveraging the strength of his community to cut off the “Siliguri Corridor” or “Chicken’s Neck”.
Only Muslim candidates can represent “Muslim areas”
Jammu and Kashmir has witnessed all of it, from Pakistan-sponsored jihad to the exodus of Kashmiri Pandits, except a Hindu chief minister. The position has been continuously filled by Muslim persons and suggesting otherwise is met with firm rejection and controversy. People from different belief systems can sit in the highest offices in a Hindu-majority India, but to even consider the same in a region dominated by Muslims is viewed as blasphemy.
This is visible in other such constituencies as well, for instance, Baharampur which removed Congress leader Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury after All India Trinamool Congress (AITC or TMC) put forward the candidacy of former cricketer Yusuf Pathan from Gujarat. A Hindu candidate has no place in the presence of one who shares the faith of the majority population in these constituencies.
This is electoral exclusion and an affront to the democratic rights of the non-Muslim communities. They are not afforded the opportunity to contest from these areas, and if they try, the likelihood of victory is negligible as faith supersedes every single issue, including development and progress, for the Muslim voters. The minorities in these regions are politically and otherwise marginalised, with a low probability of improving their circumstances.
How Congress fostered and appeased Muslims for its political goals
The street power of Muslims transforms into a veto power during elections, as the community is known for voting as a unified block and parties comply with their unreasonable demands and shower them with extravagant privileges for electoral success. This is the rationale behind the tendency to segment Hindus by caste while considering Muslims as a single unit during elections.
Furthermore, the disdain they openly voice for the saffron party and their willingness to collaborate with anyone they believe can defeat it is also apparent. Congress is well aware of this and has left no stone unturned in its efforts to appease the community, enacting controversial policies to solidify their support against the BJP.
Sonia Gandhi, who was leading the United Progressive Alliance (UPA), won against Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s National Democratic Alliance (NDA) in the 2024 general elections. A few months later, the central government passed a resolution to explore measures aimed at benefiting the “socially and economically backward sections among religious and linguistic minorities.” The BJP had vehemently opposed the implementation of the report and resisted reservations for Dalit Christians, accusing the Congress of engaging in vote bank politics.
However, this was not the first time Sonia Gandhi, the super prime minister and real centre of authority in the government, tried to curry favour with her cherished community disguised as “welfare schemes for the underprivileged” for defeating the BJP. The government established the Minority Affairs Ministry in January 2006 by splitting the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment. Abdul Rahman Antulay served as the first minister in 2006, and Salman Khurshid took over in 2009.
It’s interesting to note that the United States Ambassador to India, David Mulford, mentioned Antulay in a private memo that WikiLeaks made public. The cable unveiled that the latter had expressed scepticism concerning the 26/11 terror attack, claiming that “Hindutva forces” might have been involved in it. Congress notoriously refrained from taking any decisive action against the Islamic Republic following the deadly attack, in order to avoid upsetting its Muslim voter base in India.
Meanwhile, the government headed by Congress even attempted to adopt volatile measures to pass legislation consisting of the Communal Violence Bill, in addition to the countless programs put up for minorities, particularly Muslims. The bill was tabled by UPA1 in 2005. A revised draft of the same was presented by UPA2 in 2011 under the direction of the National Advisory Council (NAC).
It basically declared that only minorities and Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) could be considered “victims” and the majority Hindus would always be projected as the perpetrators of communal violence. Its definition of “offences” was so broad that it might apply to any kind of crime. The accused were presumed guilty with the burden of proof resting with them. There were several other provisions that expressly targeted Hindus, perhaps as a gesture of gratitude to the Muslim community for returning Congress to power.
Delimitation threatens to disrupt Congress’ appeasement politics
The aforementioned clearly highlights the perverse politics employed by the Congress party to maintain its grip on power in the country. However, the delimitation is a major obstacle in their corrupt strategy to pander to the Muslim community for electoral gains. The “Muslim areas” that the Congress facilitated for its use as a voting bloc against the BJP might lose their influence.
They could now lose the unfair status and become regular voters, similar to Hindus, who have had to grapple with the consequences of the political ploys executed by Congress. Hence, Rahul Gandhi is irked not due to a supposed “threat” to democracy, or the Constitution but rather because the “vote bank” politics of his party is at stake.
YouTuber Ravish Kumar claims to be an impartial journalist, but his so-called ‘journalism’ does not have an iota of impartiality. His recent statement, loaded with baseless claims, once again demonstrated that his arguments are based less on facts and more on prejudice. Ravish’s comment regarding the allegations levelled by Congress leader Pawan Khera against Riniki Bhuyan Sarma, wife of Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, was a failed attempt at pushing his self-claimed ‘impartial journalist’ image.
In his comment, Ravish Kumar questioned the FIR filed against Congress leader Pawan Khera in this connection with his statements about Riniki Bhuyan Sarma. He said, “The appropriate course of action would have been to refute the allegations or order an investigation. How can the police be sent after the accuser? This may sound like a matter of principles, but the reality is that they either ignored or deliberately suppressed the basic facts of the entire case.”
बिहार चुनाव के दौरान प्रशांत किशोर ने सम्राट चौधरी से लेकर अनेक नेताओं के ख़िलाफ़ आरोप लगाए। उनके ख़िलाफ़ तो FIR नहीं हुई है लेकिन पवन खेड़ा के मामले में तुरंत FIR हो गई। कायदे से आरोप का खंडन करना चाहिए या जाँच के आदेश देने चाहिए। आरोप लगाने वाले के पीछे पुलिस कैसे भेज सकते हैं? https://t.co/ULy00YMK1x
Congress leader Pawan Khera had levelled some serious allegations against Riniki Bhuiyan Sarma, alleging that she possessed three foreign passports and owned properties in Dubai. He made these allegations without offering any evidence. Khera did present some documents, but they were full of discrepancies. When questioned over the discrepancies in the documents presented by him, Khera evaded the question by promising to provide concrete evidence, which he did not provide.
Ravish Kumar harping on about ‘refutation of allegations’ and his ignorance of facts
Notably, the ‘refutation’ of Khera’s allegations that Ravish Kumar is demanding has already been done. Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma himself came forward and detailed the discrepancies in the documents. The surname was misspelt, the photo did not match biometric standards, and numerous other discrepancies raised suspicions about the authenticity of these documents.
Riniki Bhuyan Sarma also refuted the allegations, saying that the images in the documents were AI-generated. Ravish Kumar’s assertion that the Assam government didn’t refute the allegation despite a clear and public clarification by the Assam CM and his wife suggests he either ignored the facts or presented selective information to support his narrative.
Why did Pawan Khera not take the legal course?
So far as Ravish Kumar’s grievance about the FIR against Khera is concerned, his argument appears to be unfounded. An FIR is not an arbitrary action; it is a legal process that is a vital part of any democratic system. If serious allegations are publicly levelled against someone, a legal action naturally follows.
Pawan Khera also had the choice; if he had solid and credible documents, he could have filed an FIR or directly approached the court against Riniki Bhuyan Sarma. But he did neither, which speaks volumes.
On the contrary, when Riniki Bhuiyan Sarma filed an FIR against Pawan Khera, the entire situation flipped. Pawan Khera immediately approached the Telangana High Court seeking anticipatory bail. The question arises: why was the Telangana court approached when the case concerns Assam? When the matter reached the Supreme Court, it objected and questioned how the Telangana High Court’s jurisdiction could be invoked in a case arising in Assam.
Meanwhile, Ravish Kumar was irritated by the Supreme Court’s order. He began advocating for an investigation into the case. Ravish Kumar should know that ordering an investigation in such cases is not an option, but a necessary step, as it directly affects the reputation and credibility of the person concerned.
Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma has also expressed concern over the issue. He clearly stated that just like fake documents are being presented as evidence to implicate him and his wife amid elections, similarly, fake allegations could be levelled against prominent leaders like Union Minister Amit Shah during elections. Therefore, such cases must be investigated.
Ravish Kumar’s one-sided arguments
A look at the entire controversy reveals a clear picture. Pawan Khera made allegations at his own convenience, fueled them without solid evidence, and when it came to accountability, he backed down. While he directly attacked Riniki Bhuyan Sarma’s reputation, simultaneously, he navigated ways to evade his own legal scrutiny.
In such a situation, expecting the person against whom the allegations have been made to remain silent and not take any legal action is not logic but sheer hypocrisy. If the accuser had genuine evidence, they too would have gone to court or filed an FIR, but that requires presenting evidence, and this is where the entire story seems to fall apart.
Such a move by the Congress Party amid the assembly elections in Assam shows how the party is ready to go to any lengths to gain political advantage. However, the party’s lies and fraud did not last, and it tasted defeat in its attempt to malign the reputation of Riniki Bhuyan Sarma.
Ravish Kumar also seems to be toeing the line of the Congress Party by peddling lies, where he habitually makes biased comments without revealing the full story. If he doesn’t know the full facts, it’s his own fault. Even after clear rebuttals and legal action, raising suspicions about Sarma seems like merely pursuing an agenda. If he wants to speak in favour of the Congress Party, he should do so openly. But by making such statements based on incomplete information and twisted facts, he may become a Congress soldier, but he will lose his ‘journalistic credentials’.
(This article is a translation of the original article published on OpIndia Hindi.)
The Congress party has been out of power in the Centre for over a decade. The people of India have rejected the grand old party in three consecutive Lok Sabha elections. The chagrin of being out of power has taken a toll on Congress’s sanity to such an extent that the party is now itching for a violent ‘revolution’ to topple the Modi government. In this vein, Congress leader Supriya Srinate used the recent violence and arson during protests by industrial workers in Noida over wages to launch an attack on the “Modi model” of governance.
Expressing glee over the Noida violence, the Congress party said that “India has at least started to stir”, as if it’s a dream-come-true moment. The party linked Noida labour violence with the state of the Indian economy to assert that it marks the beginning of a broader public ‘awakening’ against exploitation, inflation, and repression under the Modi government.
“…Is this the fastest-growing economy just for the billionaires? Is this what Narendra Modi’s cruel Amrit Kaal is—where the nation is being looted to enrich some, and those who build the country are being left destitute? The Modi government hastily implemented 4 Labour Codes in November 2025 without any discussion or deliberation, extending work hours to 12 hours. Today, exploitation is happening on that very basis. Every time the Modi government brings any policy, its negative impact falls on employees and labourers. Whereas for the apple of Modi’s eye, people like Adani, it’s all hunky-dory. If the government doesn’t pay attention in time, the situation will become even more dire in the coming days, because speeches don’t fill stomachs, and slogans don’t run families,” Congress spokesperson Supriya Shrinate said.
नरेंद्र मोदी और BJP यह बताते नहीं थकते कि भारत दुनिया की Fastest growing इकॉनमी है, चौथी सबसे बड़ी अर्थव्यवस्था है, हम विश्वगुरु हैं, वगैरह वगैरह…
इसके साथ ही देश का मीडिया – हर टीवी चैनल, रेडियो, अखबार तुरंत सरकार के सुर में सुर मिलाने लग जाते हैं, लेकिन इसी गाने-बजाने और… pic.twitter.com/WSOui7EQmv
The authorities investigating the Noida violence that transpired on 13th April accused outside elements of being involved and pointed to a potential larger conspiracy. A parallel investigation has been launched into suspected links ranging from organised disinformation to attempts at unrest supported by Pakistan and even a likely Naxal threat.
However, the Congress party resorted to handing a clean chit to Pakistan, even as the hostile neighbour has a record of weaponising social media to stir unrest in India.
“But instead of finding solutions and making the right policies for these people, those in power have already declared it an international conspiracy. They’re even making absurd arguments about Pakistan’s hand in it. Meaning, demanding fair wages for one’s hard work, raising a voice against exploitation—demanding one’s rights—is a conspiracy?” Shrinate asked.
Expressing joy and enthusiasm over the violent conspiracy that unfolded in Noida under the pretext of protests over wages, the Congress spokesperson said, “But amid all this, there’s also a ray of hope. People have had enough and, instead of fake ‘good days,’ workers and toilers are demanding their due for their labour. Say what you will, the country has at least started to stir.”
The Congress party’s disgraceful joy over the country ‘stirring’, essentially plunging into violence and chaos perhaps, stems from its desire to watch the country undergo a Nepal or Bangladesh-like violent ‘revolution’ to topple the Modi government, which despite a 2024 general election setback has managed to have its grip on power and popularity.
The defeats in 2014, 2019, and 2024 Lok Sabha elections and multiple state assembly elections have rendered the Congress party desperate to manufacture momentum via street-level anti-government protests rather than introspection and alteration in political approach. “The country has at least started to stir” a remark by the Congress leader is essentially an attempt to glorify, romanticise, and amplify street violence and vandalism as the spark of a nationwide ‘revolution’.
After failed attempts at riling up Gen-Z despite repeated calls and incitements, the Congress party seems to be shifting focus to labour unrest. Congress leadership, including Rahul Gandhi, consistently addressed and incited the Gen-Z, hoping that just the anti-quota protests in Bangladesh snowballed into nationwide ‘movement’, toppling Sheikh Hasina’s elected government amidst deaths, arson, and chaos, Nepal-like agitation wherein the ‘protests’ resulted in ouster of KP Sharma Oli, the Indian youth would topple the Modi government. For multiple reasons, however, the tactic did not work, dashing Rahul Gandhi’s Prime Ministerial dream.
Congress and its supportive ideological ecosystem have long been itching a Bangladesh, Nepal-like violent regime change in India even as it comes at the cost of a democratic collapse, devastation of economy, political instability, national security going for a toss, loss of global stature, deaths, destruction and outright anarchy. Apparently, they are happy to rule the ruins, as long as they get to rule.
The Congress party appears to be testing the waters by portraying the violence in Noida during wage protests as the opening act of an anti-BJP ‘uprising’. Perhaps, they are signalling encouragement and extending political support to violent elements ever-ready to hijack legitimate issues for ideological gains.
While Congress demonstrated its desire to use chaos as a ladder to grab power way back in 2019-2020, when Sonia Gandhi declared an “aar ya paar ki ladaai” inciting a do or die fight against the Citizenship Amendment Bill, calling it ‘discriminatory against Muslims’, even as the bill had nothing to do with Indian Muslims.
It was on the 14th of December 2019, Sonia Gandhi – the interim President of Congress at the time – spoke about an “aar ya paar ki ladai” (do or die) in the context of the Citizenship Amendment Act. Speaking at a “Bharat Bachao Rally”, Sonia Gandhi from the Ramlila Maidan delivered a war cry.
She said that people should come out on the streets to agitate against the Modi government. She also said that the Congress and the people should be ready to make any sacrifice to “protect” India and that this is an ‘aar paar ki ladai’ (the final battle) and people should be willing for any ‘Qurbani’ (sacrifice). The provocative speech was later held responsible for the anti-Hindu Delhi riots by some of the victims themselves.
It was seen how the initial ‘peaceful’ protests soon snowballed into ‘chakka jam’ and violence against Hindus. Islamists like Sharjeel Imam gave calls to cut off the chicken neck and divide India, as well as carry out ‘chakka jam’ to cause disruption. Meanwhile, part-time students, full-time Islamists like Umar Khalid, whom the Congress party wholeheartedly defends, held clandestine meetings with co-conspirators to mobilise rioters and unleash violence.
Although the Modi government managed to brave this massive violent agitation, which was not confined to Delhi alone. This was the first major, though failed, violent attempt at toppling the Modi government.
Another major opportunity came in 2025, when Islamists rose in protests against the Waqf Amendment Bill. Congress, which essentially made Waqf Boards powerful and invincible, joined several Muslim-appeasing opposition parties in attempts at stoking anarchy based on perfunctory criticism, calling the Waqf Amendment Bill ‘unconstitutional’, ‘anti-Muslim’ and somehow even ‘anti-democracy’. Violence erupted in West Bengal’s Murshidabad and in other states
In addition to this, the Congress party has also been pushing the ‘vote chori’ bogey. Congress prince Rahul Gandhi has, in the last few months, been levelling unfounded allegations about the EVMs, VVPATs, electoral roll, fake voters and whatnot to establish a false narrative that the ECI is colluding with the Bhartiya Janata Party to manipulate voter lists and rig elections. Gandhi attempted to drop a ‘hydrogen bomb’, alleging the presence of fake voters in the electoral rolls, casting aspersions on the integrity of the ECI, and whatnot to sow distrust in the minds of people against the government and poll body. However, the tactics so far have not yielded desired results.
Congress has also attempted to exploit caste faultlines to push its divisive agenda and perhaps ‘stir’ things up. In recent years, Rahul Gandhi has been obsessing over “Jitni aabaadi utna haq”, advocating impractical ideas like caste-based wealth, increasing reservations and whatnot.
Now once again, the Congress party has placed its hopes in the workers’ wage issue and the Delimitation proposal that aims to raise the strength of the Lok Sabha from 543 to 850, to see the country not just ‘stir’ but descend into chaos so that their political dreams could turn into reality if not through EVMs, then through street unrest. However, the Indian voters have seen through this sustained pattern and rejected Congress in elections so far.
Lenskart founder and CEO Peyush Bansal has finally broken his silence on the firestorm surrounding a viral company document that discriminated against Hindu religious symbols. The controversy, which has been trending across social media, centres on a ‘style guide’ that prohibited the use of bindis and tilaks while explicitly permitting the hijab.
As the backlash intensified, Peyush Bansal took to X on Wednesday night, 15th April to clear the air. He initially wrote, “Hi, all. I’ve been seeing an inaccurate policy document going viral about Lenskart. I want to speak directly that this document does not reflect our present guidelines. Our policy has no restrictions on any form of religious expression, including bindi and tilak… outdated versions do not represent who we are today.”
Hi, all. I’ve been seeing an inaccurate policy document going viral about Lenskart.
I want to speak directly that this document does not reflect our present guidelines.
Our policy has no restrictions on any form of religious expression, including bindi and tilak, and we…
However, his attempt to dismiss the document as “inaccurate” was quickly challenged with a Community Note on X, which served as a digital reality check. The note clarified that the Lenskart Style Guide (v1.1/11) was dated February 2, 2026, and clearly bore company branding. This directly challenged the claim that the document was “outdated” or “inaccurate,” as it was essentially current.
Recognising the mounting pressure, Bansal issued a follow-up statement, shifting his stance from calling it “inaccurate” to admitting it was a genuine, albeit “incorrect,” training document: “The document currently circulating is an outdated internal training document. It is not an HR policy. That said, it contained an incorrect line about bindi/tilak that should never have been written and does not reflect our values… When we discovered this on February 17, well before this became a public conversation, we immediately removed it.”
I have listened to your concerns and I understand your sentiment around this. I want to add more context to my earlier post.
The document currently circulating is an outdated internal training document. It is not an HR policy.
He concluded by taking personal responsibility: “As Founder and CEO, I take responsibility for such mistakes. Lenskart does not, and never will, prohibit any form of respectful religious expression.”
Nevertheless, Bansal’s attempt to “manage” the situation by labeling the document “inaccurate” only added fuel to the fire, as a community note later showed that the document was not “inaccurate” as Bansal’s subsequent tweets confirmed.
The Lenskart saga is yet another example, after the Nashik TCS ‘corporate jihad’ controversy, of an ecosystem that seems increasingly inclined to accommodate the Muslim community while marginalising traditional expressions of faith in a Hindu-majority country. The disparity in treatment, where one religious garment is labeled a right and another a “grooming violation”, has left a bitter taste in the mouths of consumers.
Inside the leaked “Lenskart Style Guide”
The controversy exploded when a 23-page document titled “Lenskart Staff Uniform and Grooming Guide“ surfaced online. Issued by the Lenskart Academy, the guide was designed to provide “cleanliness and well-groomed” rules for all store employees. However, the details on page 7,10 and 11 triggered immediate outrage.
Page 11 of the Style Guide
Page 7 of the document states that Lenskart employees are prohibited from wearing sacred threads (kalava) and bindis (bindis), while they may wear hijabs.
It states, “If you wear a hijab/turban, it must be black. The hijab should cover moderately up to the chest. Rings with colored stones (such as black, blue, green, red, etc.) are not permitted. Bindis and clutches are also prohibited. Religious threads or wristbands must also be removed.”
This document also specifies what types of things workers should and should not wear, such as shoes, clothing, watches, and other items. Another part of this document is controversial. On page 10, it also comments on the use of vermilion. It states that if someone applies vermilion, they should apply it sparingly and should not spread it across the forehead.
Page 10 of the Style Guide
Unanswered questions and the logic of bias
Despite the apology, the matter remains deeply complicated. If the document was indeed “removed” on February 17th, it begs the question: why was a version dated February 2026 still being circulated to staff?
Furthermore, the issue of transparency remains; if the policy was updated, Lenskart has yet to make the “correct” version public to restore consumer trust.
The core of the frustration lies in the perceived religious asymmetry. Lenskart is a leading Indian brand, founded by a Hindu, operating in a country where the vast majority of its employees and customers are Hindu. While safety regulations in technical areas like labs might necessitate the removal of loose threads (kalava) or jewelry, there is no logical reason why a bindi or a tilak would interfere with selling eyewear at a retail store, especially when Muslim religious attire was acceptable.
The irony is hard to ignore: in an effort to appear “inclusive,” the brand seemingly excluded the very symbols that represent the cultural fabric of its primary consumer base. While Bansal claims they simply “forgot to remove” the offending lines, the existence of such a policy in the first place suggests a deep-seated bias that an apology alone may not fix.
On 15th April, the Special Court for MLAs and MPs in Bengaluru held Congress MLA Vinay Rajashekharappa Kulkarni and others guilty of murdering Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader and Zilla Panchayat member Yogesh Gowda in 2016. The sentencing will be announced on 17th April. Additional Solicitor General SV Raju, appearing for the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), sought the harshest punishment for the convicts.
Notably, since June 2025, a “brand protection” firm representing Kulkarni have been threatening OpIndia with legal consequences over three reports published against him in regard to his involvement in criminal cases. In 12 emails sent to OpIndia in less than three months, Kulkarni’s representatives tried to force OpIndia to take down articles based on court judgments where OpIndia was not even a party.
Court found Kulkarni guilty of conspiracy
The Special Court held Kulkarni and others guilty of criminal conspiracy in the 2016 murder case. Kulkarni, who is currently serving as the Chairman of the Karnataka Urban Water Supply and Drainage Board, was named as accused number 15 in the case. The verdict came after a prolonged trial, as the CBI had taken over the case in 2020.
ASG states abuse of power and system manipulation
While arguing the case, the ASG stated that the accused had hatched a cold blooded conspiracy to eliminate a political rival. He informed the court that Yogesh Gowda, a public figure, was targeted due to political rivalry. He further accused the convicts of misusing police machinery, fabricating documents, and attempting to destroy evidence.
He also described the manner in which Gowda was killed, stating that chilli powder was thrown into Gowda’s eyes before he was brutally murdered. He emphasised Kulkarni’s role in the crime as a legislator and contended that he had violated constitutional principles by orchestrating the crime.
Approver expresses guilt, seeks strength
While speaking to the media, Basavaraj Muttagi, one of the accused who turned approver in the case, said that he was haunted by the guilt of his role in the conspiracy, and said the real struggle would begin now.
Multiple accused convicted in long running case
The CBI had named 21 accused in the case, out of which 17 have been found guilty. Two of the accused turned approvers. The court has ordered the release of the other two. The CBI also moved to re accuse one of the approvers who turned hostile.
How a firm managing Kulkarni’s ‘reputation’ online threatened OpIndia
OpIndia received the first email on 20th June 2025 from a digital marketing and brand protection firm named Aiplex Software Private Limited. In the email, AiPlex shared an authorisation letter from Kulkarni allowing them to engage with media houses and individuals to “protect” his “online reputation”. In the authorisation letter, Kulkarni claimed that, given his political stature, certain individuals and media channels with “vested interests” had been targeting him with an intent to defame him.
Source: OpIndia
According to him, such targeted reports were impacting his career and reputation, which he had built over the years. Thus, he authorised the company to manage his online reputation and take action over the internet to “engage and neutralise” illegal rumours, fake news, misquoted interviews, AI generated images, and more, along with enforcement of restraining orders obtained from the court.
In that email, three links to articles and a drive link to court orders were shared. OpIndia was asked to remove them within 24 hours. Interestingly, when OpIndia checked the court order, it was not a party in the case. Furthermore, the email did not come from a law firm but a “brand protection” firm. Hence, OpIndia decided not to act on it. The articles Kulkarni wanted to get removed can be checked here, here and here.
The first report that Kulkarni’s representatives wanted to get removed was published back in March 2020. It talked about the CBI detaining four accused for questioning. Furthermore, it briefly discussed the case and how the police had concluded under the Siddaramaiah government that the murder was due to personal rivalry motivated by a land dispute.
Source: OpIndia
The second report was published in April 2023. The report talked about how The Hindu newspaper had praised Kulkarni for using technology, Augmented Reality (AR) to be precise, for campaigning during the elections. The publication, while doing so, completely ignored the murder case against Kulkarni.
Source: OpIndia
The third and last report that Kulkarni’s representatives wanted to get removed was published in June 2024. The report talked about the Supreme Court’s judgment rejecting Kulkarni’s plea to quash charges against him in the Yogesh Gowda murder case. Earlier, the Karnataka High Court had refused to quash the charges, after which Kulkarni had approached the apex court. The report also provided brief details about the murder case and how it progressed over time.
Source: OpIndia
In the email, the company stated that if OpIndia did not remove the articles within 24 hours, they would be left with no choice but to take legal action against it.
Source: OpIndia
Two days later, on 25th June, the company sent OpIndia another email seeking removal of the content within 24 hours. More reminders followed on 26th June, 30th June, 4th July, 8th July, 14th July, 22nd July, 24th July, 28th July and 2nd August. Notably, from 22nd July, only one article was linked in the email. For some reason, they seemed to have stopped treating the other two articles as “defamatory” in nature against the Congress leader.
The basis of the demand raised by the “brand reputation” firm was a Karnataka High Court order directing YouTube, Facebook, WhatsApp and X to remove “defamatory” content against Kulkarni. The Ministry of Home Affairs, the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, the Bengaluru Police Commissioner, and the Cyber Crime Police Station, North Division, Bengaluru, were also made parties in the case. OpIndia checked the court orders attached in the email and found that it was not a party in the case. The firm was trying to get standard news reports removed based on an order where OpIndia was not directed to remove any content by the Hon’ble High Court.
Background of the Yogesh Gowda murder case
Yogesh Gowda was a Zilla Panchayat member and BJP leader from the Hebballi constituency. On 15th June 2016, he was brutally murdered at his gym in Saptapur, Dharwad. Six accused were arrested by Dharwad Police and charged with murder. Gurunath Gowda, brother of Yogesh, demanded a CBI probe in the matter. When the BJP led government came to power in the state, the case was transferred to the CBI.
The investigation agency took over the case on 24th September 2019. Eight additional accused were arrested by the CBI. The charge sheet was filed on 20th May 2020. On 5th November, Congress leader Vinay Kulkarni was arrested by the investigation agency. His bail plea was rejected twice, first by a lower court and later by the High Court. During that period, he remained in judicial custody at Hindalga Jail in Belagavi.
During the trial, the CBI informed the court that Kulkarni had travelled to Delhi before and after the murder. Records showed he travelled to Delhi on 12th June 2016 at around 11.30 am and came back the next day at 10.40 am. He again went to Delhi on 16th June evening, a day after the murder, and returned on 18th June. The CBI stated that the tickets were booked on the day of travel and the purpose was to create an alibi.
According to the CBI, the reason behind the murder was political rivalry. Kulkarni had asked Yogesh not to contest the Zilla Panchayat elections, but he refused.
In August 2021, the Supreme Court of India had granted bail to Kulkarni. However, in June 2024, his bail was cancelled by the apex court. A Bench comprising Justice Sanjay Karol and Justice Satish Chandra Sharma said that there was credible material suggesting that the accused made attempts to contact or influence witnesses during the course of the ongoing trial, and accepted the CBI’s plea asking for cancellation of the MLA’s bail.
In June 2024, the Supreme Court had refused to entertain Kulkarni’s plea to quash charges against him. A bench of Justices PV Sanjay Kumar and Augustine Masih rejected the MLA’s Special Leave Petition against the Karnataka High Court order, which sustained the Special Court’s charges against Kulkarni and twenty other accused persons.
The Supreme Court held that Vinay Kulkarni had ‘bought over’ the deceased victim’s widow. Given that the Court was unlikely to consider the plea, Senior Advocate Siddhartha Dave, who represented Kulkarni, moved to withdraw it. This, however, enraged Justice Kumar, who said, “This court has become a gambling court.”
Justice Kumar observed that the case was not fit for quashing. “This is not a case for quashing, 57 phone calls between you and A1 within the ambit of 5 months,” the Judge said.
On April 13, 2026, Arvind Kejriwal entered the Delhi High Court not as a petitioner seeking regular relief, but as a man attempting something unusual and risky, he stood before a judge and informed her, effectively, that he did not trust her. In person before Justice Swarana Kanta Sharma, the former chief minister of Delhi filed a plea requesting her recusal from hearing the CBI’s challenge against the trial court’s ruling in the Delhi liquor policy case, which the CBI was now contesting at the High Court level after the trial court had dismissed Kejriwal and his Aam Aadmi Party coworkers.
The legal plea itself, recusal applications are not unheard of, was not what made the hearing unusual, rather, it was the way it was presented. Kejriwal informed the court that he had observed a pattern in the judge’s directives, stating that every petition has been turned into a judgement and that every argument of the CBI and ED has been supported. Then he explicitly stated that Justice Sharma’s attendance at activities of the Akhil Bharatiya Adhivakta Parishad (ABAP), an organisation of advocates linked with the RSS, made him question whether he would receive justice. Opposing the petition, the CBI went further, characterising the request as based on ‘frivolous and baseless averments,’ calling these accusations an attempt to scandalise the court and lower its authority, and claiming that the behaviour amounted to contempt of court.
The case at the centre of it all
One must first understand the true nature of this situation in order to comprehend why it matters. The Delhi liquor policy saga, also referred to as the excise policy scam, involves claims that the AAP government’s 2021-2022 excise policy was created to favour specific liquor dealers in exchange for payments, with the purported earnings going back into the AAP’s Goa election campaign. Senior AAP leaders were accused of a huge criminal conspiracy by the CBI and the Enforcement Directorate, and Kejriwal was arrested in March 2024.
However, the trial court found insufficient evidence to bring charges against Kejriwal and a number of co-accused in the CBI’s case. The Delhi High Court’s Justice Sharma has heard a challenge from the CBI about this discharge order. As a result, Kejriwal’s recusal plea comes at a crucial moment when the High Court is being asked to rule on whether or not he needs to stand a trial. The timing is not an accident, it is the whole purpose.
The law of contempt: A line he may have crossed
Any act that scandalises or tends to scandalise, or lowers or tends to lower the authority of, any court, or prejudices, or interferes or tends to interfere with, the due course of any judicial proceeding, is considered criminal contempt under the Contempt of Courts Act, 1971. This is not a small or obscure provision, it is the legal safeguard for the judiciary’s institutional dignity. Historically, courts have made a clear line between personal attacks on the character or ideological suitability of a sitting judge, which may be considered contempt, and valid criticism of court orders, which is permitted by the constitution.
The Act’s Section 12 stipulates a maximum sentence of six months in simple imprisonment, a fine of ₹2,000, or both. A protection is added by Section 13, which states that contempt cannot be punished unless it substantially interferes, or tends to substantially interfere, with the due course of justice. In E.M.S. Namboodiripad v. T.N. Nambiar (1970), the Supreme Court ruled that even remarks that undermine public trust in the judiciary’s impartiality might be considered criminal contempt. In this case, the Kerala Chief Minister had publicly claimed that judges served class interests. The statement’s impact on public trust is more important than whether it was said inside or outside of the courtroom.
Although Kejriwal’s remarks were delivered in court during a formal legal application, such protection is not unrestricted. When a plaintiff states, I fear you will not give me justice because of your ideology, in front of everyone in an open courtroom, using language that links the judge to a political organisation, the speech ceases to be only a legal submission. The CBI counsel’s description of the plea as ‘forum shopping‘ is not without merit, courts have consistently ruled that dissatisfaction with a judge’s decisions does not warrant recusal, and that combining adverse orders to claim bias is just that.
The bias question: Real law, reckless use
This is where things become really tricky, and intellectual integrity requires admitting that the concept of judicial prejudice exists, is acknowledged, and is significant in administrative law. The law recognises a number of different forms of bias that might taint legal proceedings.
Pecuniary bias occurs when a judge has a pecuniary interest in the outcome, traditionally, even a minor investment in a company before the court has disqualified judges. When a judge and a party or their legal counsel already have a close or hostile relationship, personal bias is present. When a judge has previously spoken strong, public views on the very legal issue at hand, this is known as Subject matter bias. The most complex and contentious of them all is pre conceived notion bias, which raises the question of whether a judge’s larger worldview might influence their judicial function in a particular case.
The last category is effectively invoked in Kejriwal’s argument. He points to Justice Sharma’s exposure to RSS-affiliated legal circles indicates an ideological bias that would hurt his case by pointing to his attendance at ABAP events. The issue is that practically every Indian judge may be recusable if this reasoning were widely accepted. Judges participate in a wide range of cultural events, religious gatherings, legal seminars, and bar association events.
The glasshouse problems
However, the story revealed an inevitable truth that every judge carries a part of themselves to the bench, including expectations from the society, a family’s ideological weight, their social network, and their political background. Pretending otherwise is dishonesty in and of itself.
Usha Ramanathan, a technology law and privacy rights expert who is well known for her critical work on Aadhaar, state surveillance, and civil liberties, positions often associated with a progressive liberal ideological orientation is Justice Muralidhar’s wife. Because of his wife’s intellectual commitments, no one seriously claimed that his decisions in support of riot victims were unconstitutional. However, those connections were constantly in the forefront of the political controversy.
The situation of former CJI N.V. Ramana is much more spectacular. In a letter to then CJI S.A. Bobde in October 2020, Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister Y.S. Jagan Mohan Reddy alleged that Justice Ramana was swaying the AP High Court’s roster in favour of the Telugu Desam Party. Ramana was reportedly a member of the Telugu Desam Party and was even considered for election to the Nandigama constituency in 1994, prior to his appointment to the bench, so the accusation held biographical weight that is hard to dismiss. After conducting an internal investigation, the Supreme Court rejected the allegations in March 2021, allowing Ramana to become India’s 48th Chief Justice.
Why Kejriwal is still wrong
The fact of previous issues regarding judicial ties does not justify Kejriwal’s approach, rather, it makes it much more necessary to oppose it. The entire history of such episodes demonstrates that the proper remedy for credible judicial bias is institutional. In-house court proceedings within the Supreme Court, collegium oversight, higher court appeals, and, as a last resort, formal proceedings that establish accountability through the law. What it is not, however, is a politician publicly expressing distrust before a sitting judge in the middle of a case, while cameras roll outside.
Every time a party leader stands up and declares, I cannot get justice here, a section of the public internalises that message, not as a legal submission, but as an outcome. The institution becomes the accused. And the accused gets away with something quite valuable, a victimhood narrative that exists fully outside of the courtroom, regardless of what transpires inside.
The law of recusal has a very particular and tough criterion because the alternative is chaos. If any plaintiff could disqualify a judge based on that judge’s attendance at events organised by organisations that the litigant dislikes, the right to a fair hearing would be replaced by the right to choose your own judge. That is not a legal principle, it is forum shopping dressed up as justice. The CBI was forthright about this, noting that a judge’s viewpoint in a judicial decision cannot be used to infer bias, and that Kejriwal’s application did exactly that.
Conclusion
If the court had decided to treat Kejriwal’s actions as criminal contempt, it might have begun Suo motu proceedings under Section 15 of the Contempt of Courts Act or submitted the case to the Attorney General for consent to prosecute. The punishment, up to six months in prison, would have been less severe than the symbolic weight of a contempt ruling against the very person attempting to avoid a criminal prosecution. The court shown restraint. It has not ruled out that option.
Finally, a bigger lesson emerges that goes beyond the facts of this case and this judge. The judiciary’s independence is not only a convenience to be invoked when it rules in your favour and attacked when it does not. A political leader who uses the recusal doctrine today establishes a precedent that can be used against any judge, liberal or conservative, activist or deferential, by anyone with a grievance and a microphone. The institutions Kejriwal promised to improve are only as strong as the culture of respect that surrounds them. What he is destroying, one news conference disguised as a legal plea at a time, is not Justice Sharma’s reputation. It is his own claim to be different.
The Modi government is set to table the Constitution (131st Amendment) Bill, 2026, in a Special Session of Parliament scheduled for 16th and 17th April. The bill aims to raise the strength of the Lok Sabha from 543 to 850. Even before being brought on the floor of the parliament, the Bill’s delimitation proposal has outraged anti-BJP parties and the leftist media cabal. While parties like Congress and DMK have claimed that delimitation in its proposed form would reduce the seats of southern states, the leftist propaganda outlet The Quint has declared it a “3-step vote chori”.
In The Quintarticle headlined, “Delimitation Bill is a 3-Step Vote Chori Against Opposition”, ‘journalist’ Aditya Menon dubbed the proposed delimitation as 3-step vote theft by the Modi government, claiming that the conspiracy involves selective use of population, nationwide gerrymandering, and targeted reduction of seats wherein the BJP has electorally struggled, especially in southern states. The converted Islamist draws on examples from delimitation exercises in Assam and Jammu and Kashmir to claim that somehow the entire delimitation process is going to be conducted to empower BJP strongholds.
Menon cites The Hindu projections, which indicate that Uttar Pradesh’s seats will rise from 80 to 138, Bihar’s seats rise from 40 to 72, Tamil Nadu’s seats from 39 to 50, and Kerala’s from 20 to 23, to argue that the proposed delimitation will cause reduction in the proportion of seats not only in southern states but also “where the BJP performs poorly.”
“Uttar Pradesh, which has 80 seats in the 543-member Lok Sabha at present, should have had 125 seats in the new 850-member Lok Sabha. It will now have 138 seats due to a higher population growth rate. Bihar, which should have had 62 seats, will now have 72. Rajasthan, which should have had 39, will have 47. In contrast, Tamil Nadu, which should have had 61 seats in the increased Lok Sabha, will have 50. Kerala will have 23 instead of 31. Andhra Pradesh will have 34 instead of 39,” The Quint article reads.
The propaganda piece pivots to the Muslim victimhood narrative, arguing that if the ‘one person, one vote’ principle was actually respected, Muslim-majority seats in Assam, like Dhubri, 10 lakh extra voters from Barpeta would not have been added to Dhubri to make it a “Hindu-majority seat overnight” during the 2023 delimitation exercise.
Aditya Menon relies on the tried and tested tactic of Islamo-leftist propagandists of cherry-picking numbers and blending them with a victimhood narrative to villainise the Modi government and create panic.
The entire ‘gerrymandering’ narrative, that too, to disempower Muslim voters, is bogus and only a panic-triggering term that The Quint is throwing. In Assam, the Election Commission used the 2001 Census data as well as population density categories A/B/C districts, with an allowed ±10% deviation from the state average.
Densely populated districts, like a Muslim-majority Dhubri, received adjustments to project smaller, indigenous, tribal communities in low-density areas like Kokrajhar. The ECI’s goal was equitable voter load and to protect indigenous communities. The ’10 lakh extra voters’ in Dhubri was a practical density-based math and not deliberate packing. Population density is a key aspect of the delimitation process, but the delimitation process does not rely on or target religious demographics.
Neither the existing laws nor the proposed delimitation bill makes any mention of religion-based “packing and cracking”.
Source: The Quint article
Similarly, in the 2022 delimitation exercise in Jammu and Kashmir, the Delimitation Commission considered population, border proximity, administrative factors, and geography. Anantnag was merged with Rajouri and Poonch areas across Pir Panjal, creating the Anantnag-Rajouri Lok Sabha constituency that bridges the Pir Panjal range, connecting Anantnag in the Valley with the Rajouri-Poonch border districts in the Jammu division.
Although the delimitation process does not involve religious demography as a deciding factor, the merger did result in creating a new diverse and competitive electoral landscape wherein Muslim Muslim-majority districts of Rajouri-Poonch were combined with South Kashmir. If Aditya Menon’s chagrin is about the process resulting in the dismantling of the Muslim electoral veto, then coping and seething is the only option he has.
In addition to the Muslim victimhood propaganda, Aditya Menon also claimed that the proposed delimitation exercise will “penalise” southern states and even Punjab for better family planning, resulting in the reduction of the proportion of seats.
The Quint did not stop at the Muslim victimhood, and the ‘south will lose seats’ fear mongering. The leftist rag even invoked a ‘linguistic minority’ angle while arguing that the Modi government is supposedly making selective use of the population and census.
“In Assam, the government went for delimitation as per the 2001 census and not the latest figures, citing the need to “protect smaller communities”. These also happen to be communities that have tended to vote for the BJP in the past few elections. This could have be used to preserve the interests of linguistic minority states such as the South or Punjab, which will lose out as per the latest population figures. But the government chose not to do it. Clearly, population as a criterion and choice of census is being done in a way that benefits the BJP and harms the Opposition,” The Quint article reads.
This whole ‘chose not to preserve the interests of linguistic minority states’ is a blatant misrepresentation of not only the constitutional framework but also the explicit provisions of the proposed amendment bill.
The government has stated that seats in every state will increase by 50% on a pro-rata basis, essentially preserving their current proportional strength in the Lok Sabha. Neither any southern state nor Punjab nor West Bengal will lose even a single seat in absolute terms. Contrary to the fear-mongering narrative and a deliberate misrepresentation, the proposed pro-rata expansion is not a simple population-proportional model.
It is factually correct that southern states have fared well with regard to population control measures and economically. This commendable performance is rewarded by granting absolute gains proportional to their current share. The number of seats in absolute terms is only going to increase.
The Indian Constitution demands population-based seats. The 1971 freeze was a temporary measure to ensure population control measures were implemented without the fear of states losing political representation. This freeze, however, cannot become a perpetual southern entitlement.
Article 81 explicitly requires Lok Sabha seats to be allocated to states “as far as practicable” in proportion to population. The 42nd Amendment froze allocation on 1971 figures simply as a short-term incentive for family planning and other population control measures. The 84th Amendment extended this freeze only until the first Census after 2026. Thus, continuing the freeze indefinitely would violate the “one person, one vote” principle.
Gerrymandering requires deliberate partisan manipulation, as it happens in the US. However, in India, the Delimitation Commission is quasi-judicial, independent, and faces judicial review.
While the opposition is portraying the delimitation proposal as ‘punishment’ for the South, in reality, Northern voters are systematically under-represented. The fact is, more than the fear of southern states losing seats, the anti-BJP cabal is opposing delimitation because the most populous states in the country would be getting more representation. They are interpreting the delimitation exercise and its outcome in terms of the division of seats between pro-BJP and anti-BJP voter pockets across the country.
Although the BJP has enjoyed power in Karnataka earlier and is a part of the ruling coalition in Andhra Pradesh, southern states are portrayed as historically against the BJP, while the northern states, many of which are ruled by the BJP at present, are portrayed as pro-BJP states. The entire outrage comes across as an attempt to secure an equal number of seats for southern states as northern states by disregarding the population criteria.
This whole ‘south states are being punished’ for better implementation of population control measures narrative collapses if we look at the population dynamics.
Delimitation is a constitutional process of redrawing electoral boundaries and reallocating seats in the Lok Sabha to ensure roughly equal population per constituency. North Indian states are highly underrepresented, while South Indian states are overrepresented to some extent.
The population of Rajasthan, as per the 2011 Census, is 6 crore 85 lakh, and the number of Lok Sabha seats is 25, while Karnataka’s population, as per the 2011 Census data, is 6 crore 11 lakh. Despite having around 75 lakhs more population, Rajasthan has three seats fewer.
Similarly, Madhya Pradesh’s population as per the 2011 Census is 7 crore 26 lakh. The state has 29 Lok Sabha seats at present. However, Tamil Nadu, with a population of 7 crore 21 lakh, has 39 seats.
If we do the math and calculate per-Member of Parliament population, an MP in Rajasthan represents around 27.42 lakh people, while an MP in Tamil Nadu represents 18.50 lakh people. An MP in Uttar Pradesh represents roughly 24.98 lakh people, and an MP in Kerala represents 16.70 lakh people.
This essentially means that an MP from Kerala, for example, represents nearly half as many people as an MP from Uttar Pradesh. Does that not mean that a Kerala voter’s vote is 1.6 times more valuable than that of an Uttar Pradesh voter? Is this not a mockery of the “one person, one vote” principle?
This disparity can also be traced in the Member of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme. Every MP gets Rs 5 crore allocated for local area development, irrespective of the constituency’s population. Result? Per-capita spending is significantly higher in smaller-population constituencies compared to higher population constituencies. The proposed delimitation exercise is designed to address these disparities.
The Central government has assured that the number of seats will go up, essentially on a pro-rata basis, using the latest published Census. Even if the Delimitation exercise happens after the 2026 census, the population difference in Southern vs Northern states will be in expected lines of the 2011 census.
To fulfil its repeated assurance that southern states will not lose a single seat, the Modi government’s amendment bill proposes altering the definition of population from the “last preceding census” to “population as ascertained at such census, as Parliament may by law determine”. This essentially hands the Parliament broader options while allotting seats. There is also a possibility that the Centre would come up with a one-cycle hybrid formula. However, The Quint, Aditya Menon and the extended anti-BJP ecosystem are deliberately peddling alarmist narratives to cause panic and stir unrest in the country.
Aditya Menon: The master of fake news and anti-BJP propaganda
This, however, is not the first time that The Quint’s Aditya Menon has peddled anti-BJP propaganda and fake news. Back in January 2022, when a breach in Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s security occurred in Punjab, Menon wrote an article for The Quint, in which he blatantly downplayed the seemingly deliberate security lapse that led to PM Modi being stuck for 20 minutes not too far away from the Pakistan border. Menon claimed that earlier, PM Modi was stuck for 2 hours in traffic in BJP-ruled Uttar Pradesh, yet no one was outraged, whereas when a similar situation happened in Congress-ruled Punjab, people were outraged since they somehow harboured some sort of hatred for Punjabis. The fact, however, was that PM Modi’s convoy was stuck in traffic in Uttar Pradesh only for 2 minutes, not 2 hours as claimed by The Quint.
In 2020, Aditya Menon, a Hindu who converted to Islam, attempted to rationalise Shaheen Bagh mastermind Sharjeel Imam’s secessionist and violent remarks by equating them with the ISI propaganda of blockades imposed in Kashmir by Hindu organisations in 2008.
Downplaying 2020 anti-Hindu Delhi Riots violence-accused Sharjeel Imam’s anti-India remarks, Menon contended that the former JNU student had simply asked for a “chakka jam or a blockade of the highways and railways leading to Assam”. However, in his pursuit to defend Imam, Menon cunningly drew a parallel with the Amarnath agitation in 2008 when Hindu organisations had allegedly blocked the Jammu-Srinagar highway. Menon had argued that if that wasn’t considered sedition, then the Imam’s call to block the roads and railways leading to Assam should not be considered separatist either.
Aditya Menon’s fear-mongering narrative that the delimitation exercise will somehow benefit the BJP electorally is rooted in his hatred for the BJP and its voter base. A significant section of India’s middle class, despite its own complaints with the Modi government, has remained a loyal BJP voter, is nationalist, and thus is also hated by the likes of Aditya Menon.
Back in December 2020, Menon had published an X post villainising the Delhi’s middle class, for their non-support to the anti-CAA and farmers’ protest. He received support from propagandist Rohini Singh, who called the Indian middle class “most immoral”.
In 2019, when Hindu activist Kamlesh Tiwari was brutally murdered by jihadis for his remarks against the Muslim prophet, Aditya Menon had joined fellow Islamists to deflect attention from the brutality of the Hindu activist’s murder. While a Hindu man was murdered, Menon accused the ‘Hindutva Brigade’ of spreading ‘hatred’ against Muslims, making the social outrage in reaction to Tiwari’s murder and the imaginary ‘compassionate’ Muslim response to the same, a bigger and more concerning issue than the murder itself.
In 2017, Aditya Menon had supported a murderous social media troll “Comrade Nambiar” who celebrated the death of 26 CRPF men who were killed by Maoists.
“Bhakt handles continue to threaten, abuse & spread hatred but @TwitterIndia suspended @DasBolshevik who took them on #IStandWithDasBolshevik,” Menon posted in May 2017.
In 2016, Menon, who then worked as a Catch News journalist, posted with the caption that said a picture of a young girl closing the eyes of a dead man with the claim that said the picture was taken from Kashmir. The picture, however, was from 2012 and not from Kashmir but Syria.
