AAP leader and former Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal “did not take action, delayed or resorted to compromise” over complaints about “illegal things happening” while Sahara Group founder Subrata Roy was imprisoned in Tihar Jail, a former jail official has alleged and said that air hostesses of Sahara Airlines “used to come to Roy and remain with him for hours”.
Sunil Kumar Gupta, a former Tihar Jail PRO, also said that there were whiskey bottles in the place where the late Sahara Group chief was lodged and he had apprised Kejriwal of all the happenings. He said action could have been taken against the Jail Administration.
Gupta told ANI in an interview that he had first complained to the then DG (Prisons) about the illegal things, but he paid no heed. Gupta said he later went to Kejriwal, who was then the Chief Minister, with the complaint that facilities were being provided “in cahoots with” the Jail Administration.
He said “ultimately, nothing concrete was done” and Subrata Roy “continued enjoying the facilities”.
Gupta recounted his tenure and alleged that late Subrata Roy Sahara was provided special favours by the jail administration when he was an inmate, that Kejriwal didn’t take any action when he approached him.
“He (Subrata Roy Sahara) was provided with a video conferencing facility (as allowed by the Supreme Court). But besides that, air hostesses of Sahara Airlines used to come to him and remain with him for hours. I had seen whiskey bottles there…I had told Arvind Kejriwal everything. But I think he might have thought that he wouldn’t be able to do anything against an IPS officer, or maybe he compromised,” Gupta said.
Gupta alleged that the Tihar Jail Administration buckled before the Sahara chief, who passed away in November 2023, and that the facilities were provided to him on the suggestion of Jail Administration to the court.
“Subrata Roy Sahara (late Sahara Group chief) owed thousands of crores of rupees to several people. So, Supreme Court had sentenced him to jail. He was first kept in regular jail. He then said that he has to sell off hotels and with the money that would be generated, he can pay back lenders. He had sought permission from the court for video conferencing with several buyers of his hotels, who belonged to western countries and that the sale can’t go through unless this happens. Supreme Court asked the jail administration for a solution,” Gupta said.
“Jail administration said that it is not possible to happen while being in jail…It could be done from outside the jail. He was then shifted to the court complex that had video conferencing facility, he had also brought in his own facility…He used to sleep at night in the same complex…The Supreme Court’s direction said that everything has to be done legally. But I saw that a lot of illegal things were happening…Before this, the Delhi High Court had called me and it said that there are several complaints of bribery and extortion at the jail,” Gupta added.
Gupta said he raised this issue in meetings that were chaired by DG Prisons.
“DG Prison felt I was complaining against him. So, he did not take it well…The then DG paid no heed and did not take any action. I was left with no choice. So, I approached (the then) CM Arvind Kejriwal…In the presence of Jail Minister, I told him (the then CM Kejriwal) everything about the facilities of Subrata Roy Sahara and that these facilities are being provided in cahoots with jail administration,” he said.
“Arvind Kejriwal asked me if I could shoot a video of it. I told him it wouldn’t be right for me and he could come here and check it for himself. He then said that DG Prison is an IPS officer who comes under Central government and we do not know if we can do anything about him…He also said that if everything is found in the raid, action would need to be taken against the Superintendent. I told him that when you take action against the Superintendent, he would say that he was doing everything at the behest of Director General. He was fine with it…I was happy…But two days later, DG told me that it was not good of me to approach (the then CM), and I implicated a ‘gareeb aadmi’…But nothing was done about it,” he added.
Gupta said the Jail Minister visited the headquarters and told the concerned DG and “other officers to not do anything wrong hereon”.
“Ultimately nothing concrete was done. He (Subrata Roy Sahara) continued enjoying the facilities. Jail administration buckled before him…Then they started harassing me…I met (the then) Lt Governor. He told me to speak with his Secretary, I did that and explained everything to him…but nobody paid any heed to whatever I said…When I was retiring, I was served a 15-page chargesheet regarding irregularities in a 10-year-old course…This was just to harass…I was exonerated after four-five years and the Government withdrew the chargesheet. But I was so troubled for those 5 years…I knew this would happen,” he said.
Subrata Roy had faced controversies and fought legal battles over accusations of his firms circumventing regulations in schemes floated by these companies.
(This news report is published from a syndicated feed. Except for the headline, the content has not been written or edited by OpIndia staff)
On Monday (24th January), National Security Adviser (NSA) Ajit Doval visited an exhibition, depicting the violence and discrimination perpetrated against minorities (particularly Hindus) in Bangladesh.
Ajit Doval also participated in a panel discussion on ‘The never-ending persecution of minorities in Bangladesh.’ Both events were organised by his think-tank Vivekananda International Foundation (VIF).
In a tweet, the think-tank stated, “The exhibition was inaugurated by the speakers, after which the focus shifted to the panel discussion. Each speaker provided critical insights into the historical and ongoing persecution of minorities in a highly Islamized Bangladesh, examining the socio-political and international dimensions of the crisis.”
Press Release Vivekananda International Foundation Exhibition & Panel Discussion on "The Never Ending Persecution of Minorities in Bangladesh"
New Delhi, India– The Vivekananda International Foundation (VIF) hosted an exhibition and panel discussion titled "The Never Ending… pic.twitter.com/HmKfdYCknq
“A key highlight of the event was the attendance of India’s National Security Advisor (NSA), Shri Ajit Doval, KC. The NSA visited the exhibition and attended the panel discussion, underscoring India’s deep concern over the plight of minorities in Bangladesh,” VIF India pointed out.
A few days earlier, External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar questioned Bangladesh over ‘ridiculous’ statements made by the leaders belonging to the Muhammad Yunus-led interim government.
“If every day someone in the interim government stands up and blames India for everything – some of those things if you look at the reports, are absolutely ridiculous…You cannot, on the one hand, say that ‘I would now like to have good relations with you’, but I wake up every morning and blame you for everything that goes wrong. It is a decision that they must make,” he called out the doublespeak.
?????Bangladesh has to MAKE UP ITS MIND on relations with India: Jaishankar
“They must make up their minds on what kind of relationship they want to have with New Delhi, going forward. We have a long history with Bangladesh. We have a very special history with Bangladesh – one that goes back to 1971,” S Jaishankar added.
He pointed out, “There are two aspects to the problem that our bilateral ties are facing – the first being communal attacks on minorities. What is very troubling for India is the spate of attacks on minorities. It obviously is something that impacts our thinking. It is something we have to speak up about, which we have done.”
“The second aspect is that they have their domestic politics – which you can agree with or disagree with, but at the end of the day, we are their neighbour, and they have to make up their mind on their outlook towards us,” S Jaishankar concluded.
Interim govt of Bangladesh threatens India
The interim-government in Bangladesh had been maintaining a hostile attitude after it took the reigns following the undemocratic ouster of Sheikh Hasina.
In October 2024, a top adviser in Bangladesh’s interim government issued a “threat” to the government of India, stating that if India tried to refuse the extradition of ousted former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, the country would launch a “strong protest.” Law adviser Asif Nazrul cited provisions of the extradition treaty and claimed that India is bound to follow it.
A Bangladeshi Islamist identified as Sarjis Alam, who rose to prominence during the ‘student protests’ and the undemocratic ouster of Sheikh Hasina, issued veiled threats to PM Modi on Vijay Diwas (16th December 2024).
During his speech, Alam was heard saying, “I want to let Mr Modi know that is not Gujarat. This is Bangladesh.” He was jeered on by his radical supporters.
“Aggressive communalism does not thrive here… You cannot come to power here by spreading rumours and killing people,” he claimed.
According to media reports, the Islamist had additionally threatened to ‘gouge the eyes out’ of anyone who raises his eyebrows at Bangladesh.
Earlier, Sarjis Alam had repeatedly threatened India and demanded the handover of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. Owing to his anti-Indian rhetoric, the Islamist was made the chief organiser of the Jatiyo Nagorik Committee.
Around the same time, Mahfuz Alam, who serves as an ‘adviser’ to the Muhammad Yunus-led interim government of Bangladesh, threatened to capture India.
Mahfuj Alam, special aide to Dr. #Yunus and Advisor of Interim Govt made a Facebook post this morning in which he talked of annexing some of India's eastern and northeastern territories (see the map shared by him).
The Islamist posted a map of Bangladesh, which spread deep into the Indian States of West Bengal, Assam and Tripura. Mahfuz Alam later realised that his open admission of sinister territorial expansion of Bangladesh could lead to diplomatic issues.
Within 2 hours of sharing his fantasy of annexing India, he quietly deleted his tweet. Mahfuz Alam had previously served as a ‘special assistant’ to Muhammad Yunus.
In January this year, Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) commander Lt. Col Golam Kibria issued threats to India’s Border Security Force (BSF).
I am enough to teach the BSF a lesson. You don’t need to come now. When I need help, I will call for the villagers to join.” pic.twitter.com/ltFd3Amn1W
“I am standing here with all the forces. You (villagers) do not need to come here. I am alone enough to cut down BSF to size. Was I able to make you understand?” he was heard saying in a viral video.
The BGB commander declared that he would call upon the villagers to ambush the BSF when the need arose. “When it becomes necessary, I will give a call to villagers to come with me and cut down BSF to size,” he threatened.
Attack on Hindus in Bangladesh since the ouster of Sheikh Hasina
OpIndia has been vetting and reporting cases of atrocities on Hindus since the ouster of Sheikh Hasina on 5th August 2024.
There have been at least 205 attacks on Hindu temples, shops and businesses within 3 days of the fall of Dhaka.
We previously exposed how Muslim students have forced as many as 60 Hindu teachers, professors and government officials to resign from their positions.
Human rights activist and exiled Bangladeshi blogger, Asad Noor, has recently revealed that the minority community is now being coerced into joining ‘Jamaat-e-Islami’.
On 6th September, a procession of Hindu devotees carrying the idol of Lord Ganesha came under attack in the Kadam Mubarak area in Chittagong city of Bangladesh.
Ahead of the Durga Puja celebrations, a radical Muslim man named Yasin Mia vandalised the idols of Goddess Durga and other Hindu deities in Gouripur town in the Mymensingh district of Bangladesh on 25th September.
In the latest series of attacks, idols of Goddess Durga and other Hindu deities were vandalised at the Rishipara Barwari Puja Mandap and the Manikadi Palpara Barwari Pujamandap on 28th September and 1st October respectively.
The attacks were carried out in Sujanagar upazila in Pabna district in Rajshahi Division of Bangladesh. While a total of 4 idols were defaced at the Rishipara Barwari Puja Mandap, another 5 Hindu idols were destroyed at the Manikadi Palpara Barwari Pujamandap.
On 3rd October, 7 idols of Hindu deities were destroyed at the Gopinath Jiur Akhara Durga Puja mandap in Kishoreganj, Dhaka Division, Bangladesh.
On 5th November, the Hindu community came under attack from police and law enforcement authorities in Hazari Goli in Chittagong city of Bangladesh.
On 29th November, a violent Muslim mob attacked Hindu minorities and vandalised 3 temples in Patharghata in Chittagong district of Bangladesh.
The Hindu religious sites that the Muslims targeted included the Shantaneshwari Matri Temple, the Shoni Temple, and Shantaneshwari Kalibari Temple. The attack took place immediately after the conclusion of Jumma Namaz.
On 30th November, a prominent Hindu journalist named Munni Saha was arrested by the police from Karwan Bazar in Dhaka city of Bangladesh.
A group of extremists attacked the Mahashmashan Kali Mata Mandir, vandalised 7 idols of deities and stole gold ornaments on 13th December 2024.
On 19th December, a Muslim man identified as Alal Uddin vandalised an idol at the Polashkanda Kali Temple and then attempted to create a fake alibi. The incident occurred in Haluaghat upazila in the Mymensingh district of Bangladesh.
Another 37-year-old Muslim man identified as Azharul vandalised several idols of deities in Haluaghat Upazila in the Mymensingh district of Bangladesh.
The recent arrest of Chinmoy Krishna Das Prabhu and his aides, attempts at banning Hindu organisation ISKCON and stiffling Hindu protests with cases of ‘sedition’ highlight systematic persecution under the interim government of Muhammad Yunus.
The saga of the valour and sacrifice of Chhatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj is reaching the masses through the blockbuster film Chhaava. The film starring actor Vicky Kaushal as the great Maratha warrior is leaving people teary-eyed after learning about the brutalities “Chhaava” endured under the captivity of Mughal tyrant Aurangzeb but refused to accept Islam. After the movie’s release, social media is replete with posts honouring Chhatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj, however, the bravery of how Marathas avenged their beloved king’s brutal killing remains lesser known.
After the passing of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, the visionary behind ‘Hindavi Swarajya,’ the fanatic Mughal ruler Aurangzeb and his army rejoiced, believing their long-cherished goal of conquering the Deccan was finally within reach. However, their plans were thwarted by the emergence of Dharmaveer Chhatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj. His fierce resistance stunned and terrified the Mughals, ensuring their ambition of dominating South India remained unfulfilled. Even after his brutal execution, the Mughals remained confident and set out to seize the Deccan, but this time, they faced a united and determined Maratha force.
Marathas united after Chhatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj’s sacrifice
Chhatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj was tortured terribly by Aurangzeb for 40 days and forced to accept Islam. But a proud Hindu Chhatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj chose death instead of renouncing his religion. After the brutal murder of Chhatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj, the Marathas were enraged and started uniting. Women also came out on the battlefield with weapons. All the differences in the Maratha Empire were removed and only one goal remained – the destruction of the cruel Islamic ruler Aurangzeb.
There were many brave warriors in the Maratha Empire, one of them was Malhoji Dhorpade. In the fort of Sangameshwar, when the brave Chhatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj was fighting against the huge Mughal army of Aurangzeb’s Sipahsalar Mukarram Khan with his handful of Maratha warriors, at the same time another Maratha warrior was also showing his bravery along with the Chhatrapati. His name was Malhoji Dhorpade. While killing the Mughals in this war, this brave Maratha also became a hero. But, he left a living and proud legacy for the Maratha Empire. That living legacy was Malhoji’s son Santaji Dhorpade.
Coronation of Chhatrapati Rajaram and the valour of Santaji
After the killing of Chhatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj, Aurangzeb’s general Zulfikar Khan captured Raigad, the capital of the Maratha Empire. During this time, he imprisoned Chhatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj’s wife Yeshubai and her son. After that, in 1689, Chhatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj’s younger brother Rajaram Maharaj became the Chhatrapati. After his coronation, an exercise was undertaken to break the back of the Mughals. During the reign of Chhatrapati Rajaram Maharaj, Santaji was declared the commander-in-chief of the Maratha Empire.
Santaji was accompanied by another Maratha warrior. His name was Dhanaji Jadhav. Aurangzeb and the Mughal army were convinced that the morale of the Marathas would be broken after the death of Chhatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj, but instead of being broken in spirit, the Marathas were now thirsty for Aurangzeb’s blood. The Mughal army trembled with the chants of ‘Har Har Mahadev’ and ‘Jai Bhavani’ by Maratha warriors.
Along with Dhanaji Jadhav, Santaji had kept the Mughals in suspense for about 17 years. Their only goal was to eliminate Aurangzeb. But during this period, Aurangzeb was simply running away.
Maratha Empire bolstered its position with Hindavi Swarajya
After the death of Chhatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj, chaos prevailed in the Hindavi Swarajya established by Shivaji Maharaj and the entire empire fell into disarray. After that, Chhatrapati Rajaram Maharaj ordered Sarasenapati Santaji to restore Hindavi Swarajya. At that time, neither the Maratha Empire had an army as large as the Mughals, nor did it have any wealth or a large kingdom. At that time, Senapati Santaji revived Hindavi Swarajya and achieved a great feat in the history of the Maratha Empire.
When Marathas made Aurangzeb run for his life
In his book ‘Bhangale Swapna Maharashtraache’, Maharashtrian author Bashir Kamruddin Momin mentioned that on August 1689, during the month of Shravan, Santaji suddenly attacked Tulapur. Aurangzeb camped in Tulapur with a large army. This was the same place where Chhatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj was brutally murdered. Along with Santaji, Dhanaji also participated in this war. Both the warriors attacked Aurangzeb’s camp with a handful of Marathas.
Mughal historian Kafi Khan (Mohammed Hashim) describes the battle of Tulapur, stating that Santaji’s very name instilled fear among the Mughal soldiers. Any Mughal warrior who faced Santaji either perished or was captured. The panic was so intense that the mere mention of his name would send the Mughal army into chaos. As the Marathas launched a sudden assault in Tulapur, terrified Mughal soldiers began shouting, “Huzur, the Marathas are coming!” While Santaji relentlessly crushed the Mughal forces on one side, the rest of the army desperately scrambled to protect Aurangzeb
The Marathas had penetrated deep into the Mughal camp. They had massacred the Mughals to the extent that Aurangzeb had to flee for his life. Islamic fanatic ruler had survived but not without earning disgrace for the Mughal Sultanate. Many historians also say that during the Maratha attack, Aurangzeb had fled to his daughter’s tent. After that, the Marathas cut off the two golden urns placed in Aurangzeb’s tent and left for Sinhagad.
After this incident, the Marathas also attacked Raigad. After defeating Itiyad Khan, the Marathas were continuously advancing. It is said that the Mughal chieftain Zulfikar was also staying in Raigad. This was the same chieftain who had imprisoned Chhatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj’s wife Yeshubai. The Marathas defeated Zulfikar’s army and reached Panhala, taking valuable treasures and five elephants with them. In this way, the Marathas, by adopting the Gorilla warfare strategy, broke the morale of the Mughals.
Now it was the turn of Mukarram Khan, who had captured Chhatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj through deceit. Mukarram Khan was appointed by Aurangzeb as the subedar of Kolhapur and Konkan provinces of Maharashtra. In December 1689, the Marathas surrounded Mukarram Khan’s army and piled up the dead bodies of the Mughals. In a fierce battle, Santaji chased Mukarram Khan and killed him. Seeing Mukarram’s plight, the Mughal army took him and fled to the forest, where Mukarram Khan died in agony. By killing Mukarram Khan, the Marathas avenged the murder of Chhatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj.
While Aurangzeb perished, the Maratha Empire became powerful
After all these incidents, Aurangzeb was also running away in fear. He hid in the Sahyadri mountains. For 27 consecutive years, the Marathas made Aurangzeb gasp. Finally, Aurangzeb, suffering from the continuous defeat of the Mughals at the hands of the Marathas, died in Maharashtra. It is said that he died in Aurangabad, Maharashtra. It is worth noting that recently, the Maharashtra government has changed the name of Aurangabad to ‘Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar’.
Aurangzeb’s end was not just that of one person but of the entire Mughal Empire. The brave warriors of the Maratha Empire had created so much fear among the Mughals that Aurangzeb kept running away from the Marathas till the end and saving his life. On the other hand, the Marathas were becoming more powerful day by day.
On Tuesday, 25th February, Rouse Avenue Court in Delhi awarded life imprisonment to former Congress leader Sajjan Kumar in the murder case of a Sikh father-son duo during the anti-Sikh riots of 1984. Sajjan Kumar received punishment for the crime 40 years after the riots broke out following the assassination of then-Prime Minister Indira Gandhi by her two Sikh bodyguards.
Sajjan Kumar was convicted of the murder on 12th February. Though the prosecution had demanded the death penalty, citing the Nirbhaya case and a similar ruling, Justice Kaveri Baweja awarded him life imprisonment. Kumar is currently lodged in Tihar Jail, serving a life term for another riots-related murder case.
Sikh leader Gurlad Singh said in a statement, “We will not accept anything less than the death penalty. We are not happy with the verdict of the court. We will appeal to the government to go to a higher court and announce the death penalty for Sajjan Kumar.”
In the 139-page verdict, Justice Baweja criticised police inaction despite witnessing the victims’ plight during the riots. The court stated that Sajjan Kumar participated in the unlawful gathering that was responsible for the murders of Jaswant Singh and Tarundeep Singh. As per the court documents, the mob led by Kumar attacked the house of the complainant, Jaswant’s wife, in the matter and killed the men. They also looted the house and set it on fire.
The murder of Jaswant Singh and Tarundeep Singh
OpIndia accessed the judgment in the case. According to the court document, an FIR was registered in the matter at Saraswati Vihar Police Station under Sections 147, 148, 149, 395, 397, 302, 436, and 440 of the Indian Penal Code on 9th September 1985, based on an affidavit submitted before the Ranganathan Mishra Commission of Inquiry. The complaint was also recorded before a committee consisting of Justice JD Jain and Justice DK Agarwal in August 1991.
According to the affidavit submitted by the complainant, the wife of Jaswant Singh, their house was attacked by a violent mob on the evening of 1st November 1984, leading to the murder of Jaswant Singh and Tarundeep Singh. She noted that the complaint in the matter had already been submitted to the Police Post in Punjabi Bagh. She pointed out that she did not know the leader who led the mob. However, when she later saw a photograph of the accused, it resembled the face of the man who led the mob.
Notably, though the FIR was registered in the case and a statement was recorded under Section 161 of the CrPC, the incident was never fully investigated by the police. Furthermore, it was not included in the chargesheet filed before the court in the case. The judgment stated, “The judicial record pertaining to the said case is stated to have been destroyed in the weeding out process,” and the accused, Sajjan Kumar, was never tried in that case. Thus, in 1994, when the final report in the FIR was filed in the MM court, it was mentioned that the case was “untraced” as there was insufficient evidence to initiate prosecution against anyone.
Interestingly, despite the complainant stating that she recognised Sajjan Kumar as the man who instigated the mob during the riot, no notice was issued to her before submitting the “untraced” report in court. Only a supplementary statement submitted by the complainant in 1992 was attached, in which she said that she could not say with any degree of certainty that the bearded man leading the mob was the accused.
The investigation, however, was reopened alongside other cases related to the riots by the order of the Ministry of Home Affairs in February 2015. The SIT reviewed the case and decided that it needed further investigation. The intimation about this was given to Rohini Court in 2016.
In November 2016, the complainant recorded her statement during the course of further investigation and narrated the incident of looting, arson, and the murder of her husband and son by the mob armed with deadly weapons. The complainant, her daughter, and her niece also recorded their statements, confirming that they saw the photograph of the accused 1.5 months after the incident in India Today magazine. The photograph of the accused was published on page 20 of the 15th December 1984 edition. Though the PDF of the magazine was not readily available, OpIndia found Sajjan Kumar’s photograph published in the cover story of the 15th December edition.
Source: India Today
What happened on the day of the incident
On 1st November 1984, around 4 to 4:30 pm, a violent mob armed with iron rods and lathis attacked a house in the Raj Nagar area of Delhi, where the victims, including the complainant and her family, were staying. The mob, consisting of thousands, broke doors and windows, looted valuables, and set the house on fire. As the victims were forced to run outside, two of them were brutally killed by being burned alive in a nearby vacant plot. The others were badly beaten but somehow managed to survive. At the time, the victims could not recognise anyone from the mob as they had moved to the area only a month and a half earlier.
However, later, the complainant saw a photograph in the 15th December 1984 edition of India Today and identified the man leading the mob as the accused, a local MP from the Congress party. Two other survivors also confirmed this identification. The chargesheet accused him of leading an unlawful group armed with deadly weapons and committing crimes like rioting, dacoity, murder, attempted murder, and destruction of property by arson.
The complainant mentioned that a police official was present at the scene. When she approached him and pleaded for help to save her husband and son, he expressed his helplessness and told her that while the women should go to the roof to save themselves, her husband and son were going to be killed by the mob.
One of the public witnesses, Sarabjit Singh Bedi, who was posted in Delhi Customs at the time, played a key role in assisting the injured complainant. In his statement to the court, Bedi said he received a call on 2nd November informing him about the complainant and other women from the house who had survived. He arranged for their transportation to his house with the help of Col Sodhi, a relative posted as Commandant of the President’s Bodyguard. When he found them, they were severely injured. The complainant, who was Bedi’s wife’s sister, had a head injury and fractured ribs, while the other three women were also wounded. The complainant described how the two men had been killed by the mob, pouring petrol over them in an adjacent vacant plot and burning them alive.
The next day, when they returned to the house, they found it looted and burned. They also discovered the remains of the two murdered men, which were gathered, and the last rites were performed as per Sikh customs.
According to the complainant’s daughter, on the day of the incident, around 4:00-4:30 pm, the house was attacked from both sides, and valuables were looted and destroyed. She told the court that the mob warned the women to save themselves if they could but made it clear they would not spare her father and brother. The complainant and her cousin attempted to protect them by shielding them with their bodies, resulting in severe beatings by the mob. All the women in the house were badly injured.
In her statement, the daughter, who was only 14 years old at the time, said, “My father and brother almost became unconscious from the beatings by the mob, and we were not in a position to help them. A police official was present, but he made no attempt to assist us. Some people from the crowd came and dragged my mother and cousin away from my father and brother. Then, my father and brother were set on fire and burned alive by the mob.”
They were then pulled away by someone in the crowd and took shelter in the house of a man named Ohri. However, after 15 minutes, Ohri asked them to leave, fearing that the mob would attack his house. They then sought refuge in a nearby Gurdwara.
The court noted in its judgment that the complainant neither had the opportunity nor the trust to confide in the police, even though she participated in the investigation of case FIR No. 511/84 at Punjabi Bagh police station. The judgment stated, “This can certainly be said to be a natural reaction, keeping in view her prior experience of complete inaction and the lack of any sympathy towards the victims by the police during the horrific incident of 01.11.1984.”
The reason behind the delay
The delay in justice stemmed from police inaction, lack of proper investigation, and destruction of key judicial records. Though an FIR was registered in 1985, the case was not thoroughly investigated, and crucial evidence was lost during the “weeding out” process. Despite the complainant identifying Sajjan Kumar as the mob leader, her statement was overlooked, and no notice was issued to her before the case was marked “untraced” in 1994. It was only after the Ministry of Home Affairs ordered a fresh investigation in 2015 that the case was reopened, eventually leading to Kumar’s conviction decades later.
Sajjan Kumar’s conviction, though delayed by nearly four decades, is one of the few instances where justice was served for the 1984 anti-Sikh riots. The case exposes serious flaws in the legal system, where political influence and police inaction allowed perpetrators to escape accountability for years. While the verdict offers some closure to the victims’ families, the demand for harsher punishment remains. It also underscores the urgent need for systemic reforms in both the judiciary and law enforcement. Meanwhile, the plight of Kashmiri Hindus, who lost their loved ones and were displaced in the 1990s, continues to be ignored by the justice system.
An old remark of All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) leader Syed Moin’s has gone viral on social media. The divisive statement is from his speech during the party’s election campaign for the Maharashtra assembly elections last November. He can be heard repeating the infamous “remove police for 15 minutes” comment of Akbaruddin Owaisi in front of a cheering audience at Urdu Ghar of Nanded.
“15 minutes are remaining. I am also a slave of Akbaruddin Owaisi. I also endorse his statement. Think whatever you want. I am the one who hits the last ball for six,” he gleefully announced in front of his radical admirers.
“In India, we (Muslims) are 25 crores and you (Hindus) are 100 crores. If you remove the police from the country for 15 minutes, then you will know who is powerful,” Akbaruddin Owaisi challenged during an address in 2012. AIMIM chief and his older brother Asaduddin Owaisi also alluded to the provocative statement during his election campaign in Maharashtra last year which triggered a fresh controversy. The words have been repeatedly used by the party leaders including Akbaruddin and other Islamists over the years to intimidate Hindus.
Syed Moin led a rally against Ram Giri Maharaj and BJP leader Nitesh Rane
A demonstration called “Chalo Mumbai Tiranga” was held in Maharashtra before the state assembly elections by the All India Majlis-e-Ittehad-ul-Muslimeen (AIMIM). It was held in response to the alleged anti-Islamic statements made by Nitesh Rane, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) MLA and Hindu sage Ram Giri Maharaj. Notably, Syed Moin, the vice president of the state unit headed the agitation along with another AIMIM leader Imtiaz Jaleel.
Syed Moin organized one rally on 22nd September and Imtiaz Jaleel arranged another on 23rd September. Both marches travelled to Maharashtra’s capital from Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar amid “Sar Tan Se Juda” slogans. Syed Moin and Imtiaz Jaleel spearheaded gatherings, where they called for the execution of anyone who made disparaging remarks about Prophet Muhammad.
As the AIMIM demonstration, led by the two leaders caused chaos while they entered the city and clogged the streets, the Mumbai Police reportedly resorted to lathi-charge. Furthermore, they also submitted an FIR (First Information Report) against the AIMIM workers for holding a “rasta roko” protest at Kopri Highway. The commotion occurred as the party workers asserted that Imtiaz Jaleel was no longer available and had become unreachable. Following hours of disorder created by them waiting on the roadway, the Mumbai Police swiftly intervened and Lathi charged the perpetrators.
BJP leader NR Ramesh has filed a case against controversial Congress leader Sam Pitroda accusing him of illegally encroaching on 12.35 acres of reserve forest land since 1991 in Yelahanka, Bengaluru.
The Karnataka BJP leader submitted a complaint to the Enforcement Directorate (ED) and Lokayukta, saying that the head of the Congress party’s overseas unit misused the forest land leased for medicinal research. In his complaint, NR Ramesh said that Sam Pitroda failed to renew the lease after 2011. The BJP leader said that Pitroda benefited from the illegally occupied land.
NR Ramesh said that Sam Pitroda got the lease of the forest land in question on the pretext of medicinal research, however, he did not renew the lease after 2011, but continued using the land for pharmaceutical activities, allegedly earning illegal profits to the tune of Rs 5 to 6 crores annually.
I have filed a complaint against Satyanarayan Gangaram Pitrod, AKA @sampitroda , President of the Overseas Congress, and senior officials of the Karnataka Forest Department for the illegal occupation of 12.35 acres of Reserve Forest land in Jarakabande Kaval, Yelahanka,… pic.twitter.com/mpqJrSHfe6
Alongside Sam Pitroda, the complaint names five others including former and current IAS and IFS officers: Javed Akhtar, R K Singh, Sanjay Mohan, N Ravindran Kumar, and S S Ravishankar. The BJP leader accused them of facilitating the illegal encroachment.
In his complaint, NR Ramesh said that Sam Pitroda registered the Foundation for Revitalization of Local Health Traditions (FRLHT) in Mumbai in 1991. Later, the Overseas Congress leader secured the lease of 12.35 acres of forest land in Jarakabande Kaval near Yelahanka, Bengaluru. This came after he requested the Karnataka State Forest Department to lease the land for five years for “Conservation of Medicinal Herbal Plants & Research.”
This lease was approved by both, the Karnataka State Forest Department as well as the Union Ministry of Forest, Ecology, and Environment. In 2001, the lease was extended for ten years. However, the lease was not renewed after that but the occupation of the land and its alleged use in pharmaceutical activities continued making FRLHT’s continued occupation of the land illegal and profits earned unauthorised.
The BJP leader said that when the State Forest Department tried to reclaim their land now following alleged illegal occupation of Sam Pitroda, the Congress leader used his political influence to avert any action. The land was allegedly being used for private pharmaceutical profiteering rather than its intended purpose of conservation and research.
While Karnataka Deputy CM DK Shivakumar refused to comment on the matter without knowing complete details, BJP’s NR Ramesh told Indian Express that the land in question was not only illegally occupied by Pitroda despite the lease’s expiry, but also being used to generate revenues instead of the intended purpose of conservation and research.
The BJP leader further stated that the government guidance value of the land in question is Rs 150 crore while its market value is Rs 600 crore. He added that Pitroda also constructed a lavish house and a private research centre at the alleged illegally encroached forest land.
“In 2001, the lease was extended for 10 more years, expiring in December 2011. However, no further renewal was granted, rendering FRLHT’s continued possession of the land illegal. The complaint alleges that despite the expiry, the land was used for commercial pharmaceutical activities rather than conservation and research, leading to significant financial gains without legal authorisation. Besides the renewal of the land, he has constructed a lavish residence and a private research centre. The government has not benefited in any way,” Ramesh said.
In Beawar, Rajasthan, a horrific case of trapping of young girls by an Islamist gang has come to light recently. Now, a victim from Beawar disclosed that the ‘Muslim gang’ used to pressurise her to go to the local cleric and mosque. The police has arrested former councilor Hakim Qureshi in Bijaynagar on 23rd February in the case, demonstrating the involvement of several Muslim groups in this gang. Qureshi was presented in the court and was then sent to custody.
According to the police, Hakim Qureshi was an accomplice in this ring of trapping minor girls and his further interrogation is underway. Meanwhile, the administration has asked for the papers of the houses of the accused and preparations are underway to initiate bulldozer action.
Rajasthan police have now arrested former councillor Haqim Qureshi in the case of rape-blackmail-conversion case of school-going minor Hindu girls that is under investigation in Rajasthan’s Beawar
This is the 9th arrest in the case, after Mohd Luqman (20), Mohd Sohail (19), Mohd… pic.twitter.com/GRBR8pY4gR
The case came to light when an underage girl complained to Bijaynagar police station on 15th February. Afterwards, the families of four more girls also sought help from the authorities. The victims stated that the teenage girls from a private school were sexually abused. They were blackmailed and their obscene pictures and videos were recorded. They were also forced to read Kalma and keep fast. The police started investigation by registering a case under several sections including the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act. 9 people have been apprehended till now while 3 juveniles are also in custody.
Karim, Aashiq and Shravan have been placed under seven days of remand among the individuals who were detained. Lukman, Sohail, Rihan and Afraz have been taken on remand for five days. The police have asked five offenders to submit the documents of their house following the registration of the case. Bijaynagar Municipality also gave notice to them to submit the documents in three days, otherwise the property would be demolished. The local cemetery and Jama Masjid have also received notice from the administration.
This incident has caused anger within the community in Beawar. People are calling for the perpetrators to be executed. Masuda market remained closed after the case came to light and police from four police stations were deployed. Police assured that once the probe is over, stringent measures will be implemented.
Nahid Islam, the information adviser to the interim government of Bangladesh, resigned on Tuesday from the cabinet led by Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus, to join politics.
He is one of the key student leaders who led the movement to oust former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in August of last year. He is a student leader who took charge of Bangladesh’s Ministry of Posts, Telecommunications and Information Technology.
“I have decided to resign from the cabinet to join the new political party, which is to be launched on February 28”, Nahid Islam told reporters after submitting his resignation to the Chief Adviser.
The students and others who led the movement to oust Sheikh Hasina are preparing a grand rally on February 28 at Manik Mia Avenue in Dhaka to launch the party.
Nahid Islam is expected to lead a party; however, the name has not been disclosed yet.
In August 2024, a student-led movement ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina after weeks of protest and violence that resulted in over 600 deaths. Hasina, 76, fled to India, and an interim government led by Nobel Laureate Muhammad Yunus was subsequently formed.
Since then, the India-Bangladesh border has seen multiple attempts of people trying to cross the border over to India, and both countries are also discussing border security. High-level officials from India and Bangladesh have discussed multiple issues.
Nahid Islam was one of the leaders who participated in the widespread protests against Sheikh Hasina.
Since the appointment of Yunus, the opposition has also protested against violence against minorities and demanded that he step down and label him as a “Minority killer, or “Hindu killer Yunus.”
Earlier on February 13, a group of protesters under the Awami League and its sister organisations raised slogans against the Bangladesh Chief Advisor.
The protestors chanted, “Step down, Yunus, we want justice, we want Sheikh Hasina”.
One of the protestors said, “Dr Younus is an illegal and illegitimate person to take over power with the help of terrorists. According to our Constitution, Sheikh Hasina is still the PM of Bangladesh. They removed her (from her post) with the help of terrorists. But next time, we want elections. People will elect Sheikh Hasina again”.
(This report is published from a syndicated feed. Except the headline, the content has not been written or edited by OpIndia Staff)
The Congress party has lashed out at its INDI Alliance partner, the Communist Party of India (Marxist), for not being hostile enough towards its rival BJP. The grand old party has begun to show definitive signs that it is becoming more leftist than the Left.
On Monday (24th February), Congress leader Ramesh Chennithala attacked the CPIM for not labelling the BJP and the RSS ‘fascist.’ He brazened out, “The claim that the BJP and RSS are not fascist is shocking.”
He claimed, “The CPI-M retained power in Kerala in the last assembly polls by securing BJP votes. Given that the party has no political influence elsewhere in India, it is now attempting to ensure BJP support for the next election through this draft resolution.”
BIG: Congress Ecosystem is having a meltdown because the CPI-M’s draft resolution for its 24th Party Congress refuses to characterise that BJP and RSS as "fascist organisations." What will the workers of several disinformation factories do now? pic.twitter.com/lKW1lgyPLe
He alleged that CPIM leader Prakash Karat conceded an internal ‘understanding’ between the CPIM and the BJP and it was reflected in the draft political resolution of the CPIM, which was adopted at the central committee meeting held between 17th and 19th January this year.
“The CPI-M in Kerala has always made peace with fascism and the Sangh Parivar. Now, to hold on to power, they have presented a new document stating that the Modi government is not fascist. This is part of the CPI-M’s strategy to align with Modi, make peace with the Sangh Parivar, and ultimately surrender to them,” Ramesh Chennithala alleged.
OpIndia reviewed the 64-page draft resolution [pdf] of the CPIM, which is subject to amendment till 5th March 2025. We found that the Communist Party made several unsubstantiated claims against the BJP and also engaged in anti-Hindu propaganda.
Despite this, the Congress party is not content with the activities of its alliance partner CPIM and wants it to do more.
CPIM targets BJP, peddles lies
At the very outset, CPIM had characterised BJP as a ‘Hindutva-corporate regime’ with ‘neo-fascist characteristics’ and involved in ‘communal-corporate policies’ (Page 1 of the draft resolution)
The Communist Party claimed that the Modi government was aligned with the US and supportive of the alleged ‘Israel’s genocide on Gaza’ (Page 2 of the draft resolution).
CPIM targeted the BJP for implementing secular Uniform Civil Code (UCC) in Uttarakhand and preventing large-scale land encroachment by Muslim bodies by proposing amendments to the Waqf Act. (Page 22 of the draft resolution)
It also objected to the BJP government’s strict action against terror accused under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act and crackdown on corruption under the Prevention of Money Laundering (PMLA) Act.
“The 2024 Lok Sabha election result was a setback for the BJP. It failed to get a majority in the Lok Sabha and has to depend on its NDA partners in the coalition government. However, the BJP seeks to overcome this weakness by pushing ahead with its Hindutva-corporate and authoritarian agenda,” CPIM brazened out. (Page 24 of the draft resolution)
The Communist party also made unsubstantiated claims about the BJP ‘manipulating’ official GDP numbers, benefitting corporate companies, weakening Parliament, EC and the Judiciary albeit without evidence. (Pages 28 and 33 of the draft resolution)
It targeted the BJP for abrogation of Article 370, which led to full-fledged integration of Jammu and Kashmir with the Union of India.
“The Supreme Court, by dismissing the challenge to the abrogation of Article 370 and the dismantling of the state of J&K, struck a blow against federalism and the rights of elected state legislatures,” CPIM lamented. (Page 37 of the draft resolution)
It objected to a crackdown on CCP-funded NewsClick (Page 42 of the draft resolution), opposed monetary benefit and financial support to women (Page 43 of the draft resolution) and made false claims about BJP criminalising ‘consensual sexual relationships’ (Page 44 of the draft resolution).
CPIM continued its diatribe against the BJP on Page 51 if the draft resolution. It stated,
“The BJP, which is the political front of the fascistic RSS, has emerged as the dominant political party in the past one decade. It has become the main representative of the big bourgeois-landlord classes and it has consolidated its support, particularly of the big corporates. The BJP has brought about a right consolidation using the influence of Hindutva ideology, an alliance with big business and the use of unprecedented money and media power.“
Anti-Hindu propaganda on CPIM
On Page 18 of the political draft resolution of the CPIM, the party went on a hysterical rant against the rise of Hindu forces in the erstwhile ‘Hindu rastra’ of Nepal.
As part of its nefarious anti-Hindu agenda, CPIM claimed, “The pro-monarchy forces are trying to utilise the popular discontent to once again gain acceptance among the people and emerge as an alternative political force. Pro-Hindutva, RSS elements are actively supporting these forces and are campaigning against the newly adopted secular constitution and the communist parties.“
The Communist party further labelled the inauguration of the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya as an ‘aggressive continuation of Hindutva drive.’
It also tried to negate demands for the restoration of Hindu religious sites, which are subdued by disputed structures built by Islamic tyrants. (Page 22 of the draft resolution).
“The inauguration of the Ram temple at Ayodhya in January 2024 became a State-sponsored event, with the Prime Minister himself conducting the religious rituals. The next step has been to target the Gyanvapi mosque in Varanasi and the Eidgah in Mathura to establish legal disputes on these two sites by claiming that there were Hindu temples existing there. This was the original VHP slogan that the three sites in Ayodhya, Kashi and Mathura should be handed over to Hindus to build temples,” the CPIM made its anti-Hindu mindset crystal clear. (Page 32 of the draft resolution).
The Communist Party also resorted to reinforcing the idea of Muslim street veto, which makes roads and areas inaccessible to the rest of the population and Hindus in particular. It sought to blame the Hindu community to take puja processiosn through ‘minority areas’ and causing provocations.
“Taking out religious processions during festivals like Ram Navami, Hanuman Jayanti and Ganesh Puja, entering minority areas and causing provocations leading to clashes, have become a regular feature…In all these incidents, it is the members of the minority community who face police repression,” it claimed. (Page 32 of the draft resolution)
CPIM also objected to the enactment of legislations such as those against grooming jihad, which protect Hindu women from being lured by Muslim men into conversions under the pretext of marriages. (Page 33 of the draft resolution). It also objected to the crackdown on predatory religious conversions of Adivasis by evangelist groups.
CPIM further revealed its anti-Hindu antecedents when it claimed, “The new Parliament building was inaugurated by the Prime Minister with Hindu religious rituals and a ‘Sengol’ placed behind the Speaker’s Chair.” (Page 34 of the draft resolution)
The Communist party continued to mock Hindu sentiments and tried to pass off our ithihasa as ‘mythology’. It also objected to the presentation of Hindus in a positive light on TV, media etc.
On Page 41 of the draft resolution, it claimed, “The RSS has increased its hold on cultural and research institutions by infiltrating them with its elements. They seek to rewrite Indian history from a communal standpoint, and to project mythology as real history.”
“The Hindutva communal agenda cannot succeed until it becomes part of the ‘common sense’ of the people at large. For this, propagation via popular culture is crucial. Thus their unrelenting efforts to infiltrate and control the film industry, television channels and OTT platforms, popular music, and even, of late, high art,” CPIM made their anti-Hindu agenda clear. (Page 42 of the draft resolution).
On Page 45, CPIM tried to pit ‘Sanatan Dharma’ against ‘Manuvad’, although its party leaders had supported calls for the eradication of both.
The Communist Party put out ‘token condemnation’ of radical Islamic outfits like Jamaat-e-Islami and SDPI but was quick to suggest that their radicalisation was somehow due to rise of Hindutva.
“Muslim fundamentalist and extremist organisations like the Jamaat-e-Islami and the SDPI (political wing of the Popular Front of India) are working to expand their influence among the Muslim masses. They seek to utilise the alienation and fears among the minority community, who are subject to constant attacks by the Hindutva forces...Though minority communalism cannot be equated with the Hindutva communal forces who are in power, it must be understood that extremist minority activities only strengthen the forces of majority communalism,” CPIM claimed (Page 54 of the draft resolution).
The party also vowed to mobilise forces to counter Hindutva. The Congress was perhaps expecting more propaganda from the CPIM against the BJP and the Hindus. In the process of antagonising the BJP, the grand old party is becoming more left than its ally CPIM.
According to a famous Chinese proverb, “To learn a language is to have one more window from which to look at the world.” However, DMK (Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam) members and their ecosystem are unreasonably fixated on the notion that Tamils shouldn’t learn Hindi or Sanskrit and they have repeatedly voiced the same.
M K Stalin, the chief minister of Tamil Nadu, hence has been adamantly against the adoption of the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020, claiming that it will cause a “2,000-year regression” in the state. Speaking at a public event in Cuddalore on 22nd February, he reaffirmed that the state would reject the proposal even if the union government provided Rs 10,000 crore in financial incentives. Stalin further attacked the centre for trying to force Hindi on Tamil Nadu and criticized the NEP’s three-language policy.
Meanwhile, some DMK cadres, emboldened by their leadership’s unbridled hatred towards Hindi and fabricated allegations, painted the Hindi letters on the name boards of the St. Thomas Mount Post Office in Alandur and the nearby BSNL office on Chennai’s GST Road in black. They also covered the Hindi letters on the name boards of the railway stations at Palakkad, Palaiyamkottai, Sankarankovil, Kadayanallur and Pavoorchatramhere in black.
Stop disregarding the sentiments of our HINDI-speaking brothers and sisters.
Sh @RahulGandhi, it's clear that the INDI alliance is opposed to Hindi.
The DMK Morons need to stop this ugly activiy. The governor must take decisive action, @rajbhavan_tn.
However, Tamil Nadu Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) president K Annamalai soon criticized the shallow political rhetoric, exposing the party’s hypocrisy and doublespeak on the alleged imposition of Hindi. He reacted to these vandalism incidents and asked why DMK leaders are against the three-language policy while their own kids attend schools that offer multiple languages.
He remarked, “Had seen a few misguided individuals roaming around with a can of black paint, striking Hindi Letters in opposition to the three-language formula in the New National Education Policy.” Annamalai advised them to bring a similar can of black paint to the Enforcement Directorate and Income Tax Office and told them to ask corrupt DMK Ministers for the addresses as they often visit these places.
He referred to the partys as “bunch of confused nincompoops who have different standards for their families and others.” According to Annamalai, they either run CBSE/Matriculation schools that have three language option or make sure their kids or grandkids are enrolled in them. He further charged them of first securing their children’s future and then disseminate disinformation against the same three-language program which he termed as “irony of things.”
Had seen a few misguided individuals roaming around with a can of black paint, striking Hindi Letters in opposition to the three-language formula in the New National Education Policy. We would humbly suggest that they visit the Enforcement Directorate and Income Tax Office with…
Stalin was challenged to respond to some pointed questions by Annamalai, who admonished him not to hide behind the outcry about the bogus Hindi imposition allegation. “While the DMK ministers to councillors enrol their children in private schools where 3 languages or more are taught, why is it deprived of students studying in government schools,” he inquired and questioned the party about the same choice available in the institutions run by its politicians.
He added, “Why is the right to learn a third language refused only for students studying in government schools? Is the right to learn an additional language a privilege only for those who can afford it?” Annamalai even pointed out that union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan had frequently explained that Hindi is merely an optional third language among many others and is not mandatory. “The same is proposed in the National Education Policy 2020. Why is the DMK deliberately confusing people,” he slammed the misinformation campaign by the party.
He stated that there are more than twenty-five languages classified as Dravidian languages. “Having named your party the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, why is the State Government opposed to Government school students learning a third language such as Kannada, Telugu and Malayalam,” Annamalai asked pertinently. He further brought out DMK’s hypocrisy and reminded, “Did your party founder, Thiru Annadurai, not say that Tamil Nadu is willing to adopt the three language formula if other states also adopt it?”
He maintained that transparency and not hypocrisy, is what the people of Tamil Nadu deserve. “Will Stalin dare to answer these questions, or will he continue to hide behind false narratives,” he demanded and sarcastically mocked, “Stalin should also bring his I.N.D.I. Alliance partners to Tamil Nadu and give them also a box of black paint.”
What does the fresh NEP policy says
The three-language formula was implemented as a consequence of an agreement reached by the chief ministers of numerous Indian states at their 1961 meeting. Rather than being a goal or limitation on language learning, it was designed to serve as a convenient starting point for the analysis of the nation’s evolving body of knowledge and emotional integration. NEP 2020 has promoted the same as a means of fostering multilingualism and bolstering national unity.
The primary objective is to encourage multilingualism in India and provide students with the resources they need to communicate successfully throughout the country. Additionally, it seeks to promote acceptance for linguistic diversity and expose kids to a variety of cultures and languages in order to build national integration. However, NEP clearly mentioned, “The three languages learned by children will be the choices of states, regions, and of course the students themselves, so long as at least two of the three languages are native to India. In particular, students who wish to change one or more of the three languages they are studying may do so in grade 6 or 7, as long as they are able to demonstrate basic proficiency in three languages (including one language of India at the literature level) by the end of secondary school.”
The policy does not require students to take up any one language or languages and instead allows the choice to the states and the learners. The formula underlines that each Indian student must study three languages: a foreign language and two native including one regional. English is automatically selected as a foreign language since it has become popular in India as a result of its colonial past and its subsequent prominence as a global language. Any of the three languages could be used as the medium of instruction and it is for both public and private institutions.
Every effort is going to be made to use the mother tongue, home language, local language or regional language as the primary language of instruction until at least grade 5, but ideally until grade 8 and beyond. According to NEP, this system will be more flexible and no state will be compelled to use a particular language. Of course, the students themselves will pick the three languages that can be taught to them, provided that at least two of the three are native to India, its states or its regions.
Dharmendra Pradhan writes to MK Stalin
Importantly, the same was conveyed to Stalin by Dharmendra Pradhan in a letter in which he urged the southern state to “rise above political differences” for the benefit of students. “There is no question of imposing any language on any state or community. National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 upholds the principle of linguistic freedom and ensures that students continue to learn in the language of their choice,” he asserted in the letter.
According to Pradhan, the NEP 2020 is a “transformative vision that seeks to elevate India’s education system to global standards” with the aim of modernizing the educational system in the nation. NEP will achieve this, he added, by “preserving and strengthening our linguistic and cultural diversity.” Interestingly, the union responded after Stalin wrote to Prime Minister Narendra Modi demanding the release of Rs 2,152 crore under the Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA) in the midst of the intense dispute.
He stated, “This brings me to a crucial point – the three-language policy, which has been the backbone of India’s education framework since 1968. Unfortunately, despite being part of successive education policies, it was never implemented in letter and spirit, leading to a decline in the systematic teaching of Indian languages in schools. Over time, this has resulted in an over-reliance on foreign languages, limiting exposure of students to their linguistic roots. NEP 2020 seeks to correct this historical oversight by ensuring that every Indian language, including Tamil, receives its rightful place in education.”
Highly inappropriate for a State to view NEP 2020 with a myopic vision and use threats to sustain political narratives.
Hon’ble PM @narendramodi ji’s govt. is fully committed to promote and popularise the eternal Tamil culture and language globally. I humbly appeal to not… pic.twitter.com/aw06cVCyAP
The Education Minister accused the state of having a “myopic vision” and converting “progressive reforms into threats for politics.” Notably, the conflict between Tamil Nadu’s ruling DMK and the BJP-led central administration escalated when Pradhan highlighted that the state would lose Rs 5,000 crore if the PM Shree initiative, which is a component of NEP 2020, wasn’t implemented in the state.
“One point I want to re-emphasize is that the NEP is not recommending imposition of any language on the respective students of a state. That means, in no way the NEP is recommending imposition of Hindi in Tamil Nadu,” he affirmed in a press conference. “Through social media, I came to know that Tamil Nadu CM MK Stalin has written a letter to PM Narendra Modi. He has not written the letter in good spirit. He has mentioned few imaginary concerns through that letter and his letter is full of political motivation and looking into his own political convenience, he has written that letter,” Pradhan stated.
Infographic on NEP shared by Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan
Pradhan stressed that the main goal of the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 is to raise educational standards to international norms while also ensuring that it has Indian roots. “It has to promote linguistic and cultural heritage from states like Tamil Nadu. The Government of India is conducting all the entrance examinations in all major 13 languages and one among them is Tamil also,” he declared.
Stalin, however, retaliated against the center by making unfounded charges. “Is the blackmail that fund release only if the trilingual policy was accepted, not politics? Is imposing Hindi in the name of NEP, not politics? Is converting a multi-lingual and plural country into a single-language country and one nation, not politics? Is not converting the funds meant for a scheme as a ‘condition’ for implementing another scheme, not politics,” he asked and added, “I warn the centre, don’t throw stones at beehive. Don’t aspire to see the unique fighting spirit of the Tamils. As long as I and the DMK exist, no activities against Tamil, Tamil Nadu, and its people will be allowed to set foot in the state.”
It is noteworthy that schools across India are already teaching three languages and some even offer four languages in their curriculum. However, Tamil Nadu has refused to align with the rest of the nation and wants to follow two-language policy, teaching only Tamil and English in its schools.
Stalin has doubled down on the two-language policy, making it a political ego battle for the DMK. The CM of Tamil Nadu even boasted that central government-run Navodaya Vidyalayas have not been established in the state because of the state’s emphasis on two language policy (only in government schools).
MK Stalin’s statement on Two language policy of TN
However, it is interesting to note that private run institutions in Tamil Nadu, private CBSE schools do teach three languages in Tamil Nadu. As Annamalai pointed out, many of these institutions are run by DMK leaders and their family members and DMK leaders send their own children to private schools where they learn multiple languages, including Hindi.
As per a report in Commune, MK Stalin’s own daughter is associated with an organisation called Sunshine Group, which runs CBSE schools with a three language system, including Hindi.
Aversion to Hindi and acceptance of Arabic
The DMK, which is petrified by Hindi, keeps quiet about the widespread Arabic invasion in Tamil Nadu. Schools, madrassas and colleges can be found all over Tamil Nadu that only offer instruction in Arabic, reported News18. The state is home to Arabic-language name boards for various institutions, but the DMK is unable protest against them. The deliberate plan to maintain a firm grip on the Tamil-speaking populace, guaranteeing that they have access to only Tamil, is the root of the hostility to the three-language formula.
This tactic, along with loud rhetoric about Tamil culture being ‘threatened’ by North Indians, is fanned to peddle the political idea that only the DMK can protect the state and its culture. It is rooted in vote-bank politics that the DMK family has played for decades. The DMK leadership has recognized the close connection between language and culture since the party’s inception.
The phrase “Tamil and its culture are in danger” is one they continue to use to incite an uproar among their party members, particularly during election season, and to hide government failures and inefficiency. The same is used by vested interests, who dub themselves as “Dravidian stock,” to promote enmity between the north and the south, divide the nation on linguistic basis and even envision South India as a sovereign entity in the future.
On the other hand, the DMK has consistently presented itself as viciously anti-Hindi. Stalin announced last month that the student arm of his party would protest the University Grants Commission (UGC) draft proposals in New Delhi. “The introduction of the three-language policy and the National Education Policy (NEP) are blatant attempts to impose Hindi and Sanskrit on non-Hindi-speaking states,” he alleged and vowed to carry on the purported linguistic war and stop Hindi being “imposed” in his state.
“To save the education and language of our state, I have come here to protest against the union government. I have not come to participate in this protest as a DyCM. I have come here to participate in a DMK youth wing cadre. In the union budget 2025, the funds that must be shared with all states were majorly given to Uttra Pradesh and Gujarat states and Tamilnadu was neglected completely,” Stalin’s son and deputy chief minsiter Udhayanidhi claimed during a protest in February 2025 which was also attended by its alliance partners including the Congress party.
In 2024, Udhayanidhi’s comments on Ayodhya Ram Janmabhoomi Mandir in which he declared that the DMK was opposed to constructing the temple after demolishing the mosque were criticized by the BJP on its official social media account. However, he replied by by posting a picture of himself sporting the “Hindi Theriyathu Poda (I don’t know Hindi, Get lost)” T-shirt along with a smiley. The T-shirt campaign with “Hindi Theriyathu Poda” was launched by the party in 2020 in the name of fighting “Hindi imposition.”
Conclusion
Tamil politics have been plagued by anti-Hindi sentiments since before independence. The British planted the seeds of this widespread disdain when they introduced the Aryan Invasion Theory, which is now categorically refuted by contemporary science. It was fueled by ambitious politicians who were hungry for support and afterwards mainstreamed into the public discourse by the DMK.
The DMK has consistently opposed Hindus, Hindi speakers and people from northern India. It has become routine for the party to label persons from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar as inferior and insulting Hinduism to appease its deranged audience. Udhayanidhi who boasted of being a ‘proud Christian’ called Sanatan Dharma as “dengue and malaria,” a statement which was endorsed by DMK’s other prominent leaders like A Raja and even Congress leaders including Priyank Kharge who is a minister in Karnataka government and son of party president Mallikarjun Kharge.
“When the Nagaland residents, who eat dogs, displayed such dignity in their actions, driving Ravi out of their state, we must not lose sight of the self-respect of the Tamil people who season their meals with salt,” DMK’s organisation secretary RS Bharathi expressed during an event in November of 2023. “I had earlier stated that those who sell Soan papdi and Panipuri don’t know the pride of Tamil Nadu. I said this in a meeting. I came to know that many have come from Bihar and I think the Governor (RN Ravi) has similarly come by train,” he stated in January of the same year.
“Hindi-speaking people are cleaning toilets and roads for us,” DMK Lok Sabha MP Dayanidhi Maran announced in December 2023 a few weeks after the Hindi heartland was denigrated by another party leader Senthil Kumar as “gaumutra states.” The same petty political objective is evident in the current opposition to NEP 2020 and the three language formula.
Meanwhile, the head of I.N.D.I. Alliance, the Congress party which the DMK initially accused of forcing Hindi on the state, has also been following its lead in an attempt to win over some support following its disastrous political campaign across India under the failed leadership of Rahul Gandhi. The erroneous narrative propagated by Dravidian politics, spearheaded by the DMK and other vested interests has only been reinforced by this.
